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Interesting to see some mention of American-Native American relations. Mr. Thomas certainly seems to be an interesting character after a quick look at his Wikipedia page. Will he be revisited at all around the time of the Civil War?

Interesting also to see Jacksonian and otherwise inclined members of the Democratic Party beginning to grow tired of each other. I'm wondering if the next primaries will see greater divides than ever before, what with the whole "issue" of industrialisation in full swing. That said, the Whigs look like they're gearing up for a big push. Maybe we'll see them in power soon?
 
Volk, my hat off to you. The AAR exists on a different plane, one that I have some trouble understanding. My American history is not terribly deep, but this helps me semi-understand the US mindset.

Though coming from a more egalitarian nation, I still don't understand the modern US right pushing the rights of the individual under God, however ignoring the bibles teachings on helping others.
 
Volk, my hat off to you. The AAR exists on a different plane, one that I have some trouble understanding. My American history is not terribly deep, but this helps me semi-understand the US mindset.

Though coming from a more egalitarian nation, I still don't understand the modern US right pushing the rights of the individual under God, however ignoring the bibles teachings on helping others.

Thanks for the kind words BBBD316!

The most important thing to understand about religion in America, as I think I have mentioned, is that all the great social reforms in this country, from abolitionism, women's suffrage, anti-child labor laws, the labor movement, to the whole of the progressive era, to civil rights, were accomplished or obtained a certain amount of legitimacy because of the backing from Christian Churches in the country. That in part, explains the staying power of religion and the general view, even among a strong segment of American secularists, that religion can be a force for good in the world, or a general tolerance of religion -- one of the main reasons why polemic Atheists don't really emerge in the USA as say, over in mother England.

As for the Christian Right in this country, the paradox of being ultra conservative, and at times, seemingly mean spirited and very un-Christian with regards to social policies/beliefs is a result of the Fundamentalists subculture created in the Second Great Awakening (the Millenarian Movements that believed the Second Coming was on the verge of happening), their defeat of the civil war, and then their defeat during the Fundamentalist-Modernist Controversy. They were effectively exiled by their liberal Protestant and Catholic peers, and later emerged in the 1970s under the "Moral Majority." They tied their Americanism (unfettered love of the USA, which was condemned as heresy by Pope Leo XIII) with their fundamentalist Calvinism and revisionist beliefs of the "Rapture" (no Christian theologian until John Nelson Darby in the early 1800s started preaching it, and it was picked up by the Schofield Reference Bible, most popular Bible in America in the early 1900s) creating a sort of "us vs. the world" mentality. With that regard, I do maintain that their style of Fundamental Literalism is not only a heresy (actually, virtually all Christian heresies have been the result of Biblical Literalism) and that they have put America ahead of their God. George Marsden's Fundamentalism and American Culture is probably the most well-balanced book looking at American Fundamentalism and William Martin's With God on Our Side is another good book on the subject (if you're interested in this stuff). It's both a pessimistic yet hopeful (for the "true believers") ideology that quite frankly - has no basis or long standing tradition in Christian history, philosophy, and theology.

English philosopher and priest (Anglican) Keith Ward actually gave a very good lecture on American Fundamentalism, its origins, and while the people may be Christian, they are certainly not of the traditional Christian spirit and ethic: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O9EhYVt-dyw (pt. 1) and https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HgDKAcsT6Nc (pt. 2)
 
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Thank you for your thoughtful and informative explanation. I, too, am interested in religion in the United States and its influence therein. I will be adding George Mardsen's book to my list.
 
The British still are furious about having such tough times getting beaten by the Iroquois in the 7 Years War. Some wounds never heal. :p

Yes, some old wounds apparently never heal, even some 200+ years later.

And thus Thomas shows GA Custer how to fight the Indians... :p

I think Custer is going to have the same fate in this AAR as he did in my last one and our own history! :p

James Polk...one of my favorite Presidents. He had a vision for the country, did exactly what he said he was going to do, and left office after he was done.

I live in Florida, volksmarschall, so it's nice to see you in my neck of the woods. :happy:

Funny to see Florida, today, one of the more important swing states -- be nothing but a small state controlled and dominated by one party isn't it? :p

I realized that I haven't been venturing much outside the Crusader Kings II AAR forums of late, despite the fact that I've played at least one game in every one of Paradox's major series. After reading the first few updates of this one, I'm glad I did :) Keep up the good work, volksmarschall!

Thanks for dropping by Specialist290!

Interesting to see some mention of American-Native American relations. Mr. Thomas certainly seems to be an interesting character after a quick look at his Wikipedia page. Will he be revisited at all around the time of the Civil War?

Interesting also to see Jacksonian and otherwise inclined members of the Democratic Party beginning to grow tired of each other. I'm wondering if the next primaries will see greater divides than ever before, what with the whole "issue" of industrialisation in full swing. That said, the Whigs look like they're gearing up for a big push. Maybe we'll see them in power soon?

Wikipedia is not a place to learn about people, mostly since I've written a paper about all the errors I've found on wikipedia on Thomas Jefferson and various other people and articles that are just always wrong... ;)

Volk, my hat off to you. The AAR exists on a different plane, one that I have some trouble understanding. My American history is not terribly deep, but this helps me semi-understand the US mindset.

Though coming from a more egalitarian nation, I still don't understand the modern US right pushing the rights of the individual under God, however ignoring the bibles teachings on helping others.

cf. response #83

Thank you for your thoughtful and informative explanation. I, too, am interested in religion in the United States and its influence therein. I will be adding George Mardsen's book to my list.

Marsden, along with Mark Noll, are simply the authorities on American social and religious history. All of their works, which I have read, are nothing short of scholarly, erudite, and honest. Unlike certain works published by secular or fundamentalist circles claiming things that are down right dishonest or deliberately misleading (like the Founding Fathers being Deists...actually, most were were not. The majority were what one might call, "Naturalistic Christians," cf. David L. Holmes, whereby men like Washington, Adams, Jefferson (the important and remembered ones) remained with their Church tradition, went to Church, but generally were skeptical of the miracles and theological implications, instead -- seeing religion as a pillar of the future American community for purely stability and moral reasons, apart from theology and "truth.")
 
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The Election of 1840

THE ELECTION OF 1840
That is what this election is all about. Do we participate in a politics of cynicism or a politics of hope?
- Barack Obama, 44th President of the United States, 2009-2017

Democratic Troubles
As the 1840 election loomed, there was constant strife within the Democratic Party over the future of the sitting President Richard Mentor Johnson. Following the Panic of 1837, he had simply never fully recovered in spirit. Although his Administration was marked with certain degrees of success – from the acquisition of Texas (and New Mexico) from the Mexicans during the Texas War, to a somewhat healthy economic recovery following the Panic, the admissions of Iowa and Florida to the Union, and the easing of Anglo-American tensions with the Stevenson-Fox Treaty, the most recent publication of his personal life, particularly among his slaves, was such a great liability that many Democrats were willing to promote a strategy to dumb President Johnson at the upcoming convention.

The major power players in the Democratic Party were all jockeying for position. Senator John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, a favorite among the conservatives and southerners in the Democratic Party seemed posed to be among the heavyweight contenders. Even before the convention began, some of his southern colleagues were already sending him congratulatory letters for his prospective nomination. After all, it made sense. Slavery and westward expansion seemed to be the two most important issues facing the young republic in 1840. Although Calhoun himself had been a strong opponent to President Jackson from within the Democratic Party, he held a certain populist appeal to those who were worried about the increasing powers of the Presidency. As a staunch supporter of slavery and free trade (for the purposes of expanding the South’s monopoly on cotton trade), and himself a closet supporter of the free banking system, it appeared as if the strong Jacksonians were willing to look pass his battles with the former President who still loomed over the Democratic Party as their most recognizable face and popular leader.

Vice President van Buren was generally untrusted among southern Democrats. Hailing from New York, there were even rumors that he was a private abolitionist. In addition, outside of the Adams’s, all of the previous presidents had come from the south (more specifically from Virginia: Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, with the exception of Jackson who came from Tennessee)[1]. The southern stranglehold on the Democratic Party was not going to go silently into the night. As Senator William Roane from Virginia wrote in a letter to Calhoun, “Never will there be a Yankee leading the Presidential ticket” (meaning that a northern Democrat would not be slotted as the Presidential nominee). While it may have been possible to have re-nominated President Johnson, his lethargic attitude, spirit, and his spurts of depression and scandalous love life were seen as too great of detriments for the party to contend with. Speaker of the House James K. Polk expressed this concern in a letter to Vice President van Buren, “It is of the opinion of the great majority of Democrats in this House that President Johnson is unfit to continue to hold the privileged office. This discontent is not only among us in this body, but is found throughout the party as a whole. I think it would be very wise to make the necessary friends to not go down with R.M.J.”

The Whig Convention
As the Democrats moved toward their convention with the movement to dumb Johnson from the ticket, the Whigs had spent much of 1837-1840 building a national political infrastructure. Having captured the Panic of 1837 to great political benefits, cutting deeply into the Democratic Party’s majorities in the House of Representatives and the Senate, Whig leaders were confident heading into the election cycle that they could unseat the Democrats in a clean sweep: taking the Senate, House, and Presidency in one fell swoop. However, fractional differences were still paramount within the party. Some expected Henry Clay, the undisputed leader and face of the Whigs to be the likely nominee at their convention being held in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.

Yet, younger and more enthusiastic Whigs, as well as the southern wing of the party objected to the idea of nominating a two-time Presidential loser (having lost in 1832 against Jackson and again in 1836 against Johnson). There was a quiet push to nominate former governor and 1812 war hero William Henry Harrison of Ohio as the lead ticket. For many, he was the perfect compromise candidate. A popular war hero who could connect with the common American like Andrew Jackson did, some Whigs hoped he would erase the stain of the Whig Party being seen as the party of upperclass Yankees, which they most definitely were, despite having modest support from the lower classes too. However, there was contention among the southern Whigs who felt that this could be the election they could expand into the Democratic heartland in the south if a southern Whig was nominated.


Mass produced pamphlets, like the one seen here, spread the word of the great political conventions of the American parties. They were a spectacle to see in of themselves.

At the convention, to everyone’s surprise, Senator Hugh Lawson White emerged as the preferred compromise candidate beating William Henry Harrison, Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and Francis Granger for the Presidential nomination of the party. White’s nomination came as a surprise since he was part of the failed trio of Whig candidates nominated in 1836 and was the candidate with the poorest performance. Although he was known as “Cato of the Republic” for his opposition to President Jackson, that in of itself was not a reason to nominate a man who seemed to be at odds with America’s most beloved hero and politician – the former President himself. In yet an even more surprise move, Senator George Edmund Badger of North Carolina was nominated as the Vice President. When word spread throughout the nation who the Whigs had nominated, Henry Clay seemed genuinely depressed as he wrote to his friend, fellow Whig and Senator from Massachusetts Daniel Webster, “It would appear as if the leaders of the party had felt that I was not deserving of being the preferred nominee of the party. While it is upsetting that, as you have stated yourself, while I am the face of this party – my position has been relegated to the background of the very party I helped to form.”

White was also surprised, surprised that he had emerged from the convention as the party’s lead nominee. Even so, it wasn’t long until congratulatory letters from Whigs throughout the country came pouring in. White spent no time however throwing off the image of the Whigs as a party of the upper class. Being born to a modest family in Tennessee where his father had been a veteran of the American Revolution. He was instilled by his father and mother at a young age a strong and deterministic work ethic, possibly related to his family’s devout Presbyterianism (a branch of Calvinism). White was well-known and generally well-respected by his colleagues in Washington. His fellow Senator from Tennessee, Ephraim Foster once remarked that White was the first Senator to arrive in the Capitol Building, and even joked that he hoped to beat White to the Capitol just once in his life. Unlike William Henry Harrison, who was an aristocrat despite his commoner appeal being a frontier war hero in 1812, White had more of a yeoman background than any of the major Whig candidates who were also vying for the Presidential slot.

The Democratic Convention
Back in Baltimore, the Democrats convention was fully underway when they, to no one’s surprise, refused to re-nominate Johnson for the Presidency. An all-out civil war ensued as competing factions punched and clawed their way to front of the party’s ticket. One newspaperman covering the event even reported of a fist-fight between pro-Van Buren Democrats and pro-Calhoun Democrats (the north-south divide), in which two members had to be taken to a nearby doctor to receive a health examination.


The ecstasy of the Democratic Convention is seen in this contemporary drawing (note, this is not a historical picture of the 1840 convention).

Attempting to restore order, Speaker Polk gave a short speech in which he reiterated the Jacksonian principle and endorsed the convention to nominate Vice President van Buren as the successor to both Johnson and Jackson. Many southerners were outraged that Polk, a southerner himself, would endorse a Yankee over one of their own. However, when Polk was then nominated as Vice President, some of the concern among southern Democrats were cooled as Polk, a pro-slavery southerner, was to be the Vice President – even though some of the more hard right supporters of Calhoun believed Polk to be a sellout, having giving himself over to the traitorous side for the promise of being the Vice Presidential nominee.

Although the sting of southern Democratic nominees had now been broken, something that also installed fear into the Democratic Party for some believed the Yankee Democrats, who could not be trusted on slavery, were about to take control of “their” party, the nomination of van Buren made a lot of political sense. The northern states were hit the hardest in the Financial Panic of 1837, principally the major cities of Philadelphia and New York suffered dramatic losses. Both cities were critical to the Democratic victory in 1836 as there were just enough votes from these urban centers to tilt the states to the Democrats. Since then, the Whigs political base and financial support had been coming from Philadelphia, New York, and Boston (the latter city the Democrats had no dreams of ever competing in). If the Democrats were to continue their electoral success, a northerner, not a southerner, seemed to be the necessary candidate to lead the party forward unless they surrender states like Pennsylvania and New York, together possessing 72 electoral votes, to the Whig Party.

By contrast, the Whigs had taken the opposite approach this election. While their strongest base of support was in New England and among the business professionals and other middle class Americans who tended to side with the Whigs economic and moralistic stances, they had decided to nominate two southerners on the ticket. Yet, to some degree, just like with the Democratic Party, this decision also made sense. The Whigs understood that, even with frontier or a southern nominee, the stronghold of New England (north of New York) was virtually impenetrable for the Democratic Party to crack and would solidly line up behind the Whig nominee. By contrast, the Whigs desperately needed to expand in the south, where the party had found some support in states like Tennessee, and the Carolinas, and break the Democratic Party’s hold on what was quickly developing to be the “Solid South”[2].



Left, a young Martin van Buren, Vice President of the United States and Democratic Party nominee for President. Right, Senator Hugh Lawson White, the Whig Party nominee for the President of the United States.

[1] Andrew Jackson was actually born in the Carolinas, but began his political career in Tennessee. Of the first seven Presidents, only John Adams, John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson did not come from Virginia.

[2] “Solid South” was a political nickname for the states of the former Confederacy after Reconstruction ended. With only a few exceptions, like Missouri in 1904, and the nomination of Catholic Governor Al Smith as the Democratic nominee in 1928 (in which half the south, being fervently Protestant and anti-Catholic, voted Republican), these states almost universally backed the Democratic nominee, earning the name by political historians and writers as “The Solid South of the Democratic Party.” Following Civil Rights legislation in 1964, which was supported by 80% of Republicans and 64% of Democrats in Congress, Nixon implemented the “Southern Strategy” (1968) to try and win disaffected White Southern voters and expand the Republican Party in the south. This strategy proved successful initially, but backfired in the long-run as the traditional Republican strongholds on the Westcoast and Eastcoast (which Barry Goldwater dubbed "The Eastern Establishment" – like Nelson Rockefeller) were eventually replaced with the Republican ascendancy in the south and the liberal exodus to the Democratic Party on both coasts.

This marked the beginning of the Republican Re-alignment and the end of the 5th Party System (1932-1968), in which the liberals that had dominated the Republican Party from its founding were slowly forced out of the party by southern and mountain-west conservatives. At the same time, the Democrats began their political re-alignment and expanded into the former Republican strongholds like California (which had voted Republican/Progressive Republican (1912) from 1892-1988 in 18 of 24 elections), Vermont (along with Maine, the only states not to vote for FDR in any of his elections, Vermont had voted Republican in every election from 1856-1960) and Pennsylvania (which voted Republican every election from 1860-1936, and in 1948-1956). Most honest and non-biased (emotional) historians and political scientists would say that the modern Democratic Party is akin to the old Republican Party and the modern Republican Party is akin to the old Democratic Party, with some minor outliers and revisions. As of today, the former Republican strongholds have become the backbone of the Democratic Party, and the former Democratic “Solid South” is the new backbone of the Republican Party. As an interesting tidbit of Republican domination of the American northeast, Senator Patrick Leahy (1975-present) is the only Democrat ever to be elected to the US Senate from Vermont and before the election of John F. Kennedy to the Massachusetts Senate (1952), only 4 other Democrats had been elected to the Senate, compared to 24 Republicans and Whigs.
 
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You need Mexico doing its bit to get the party started for good!
 
The great swap in the 60s is one of the most confusing aspects of American politics. Akin to earth suddenly swapping the places of magnetic southern and northern poles. (which I believe has occurred many times) Wonder how such a swap would damage our modern society that relies somewhat on stable magnetic field. :p
 
I agree Enewald, what the hell how can both political parties get away with such a radical turn of political ideology?

When was the last time that there was a serious 3rd force in US politics, I would generally exclude the libertarian party as it seems to be swallowed by the republicans in most primaries.
 
I agree Enewald, what the hell how can both political parties get away with such a radical turn of political ideology?

When was the last time that there was a serious 3rd force in US politics, I would generally exclude the libertarian party as it seems to be swallowed by the republicans in most primaries.

I think socialists scored some gains in early 20th century, but hardly enough to shatter the two-party system. Then there were some Agrarian/Progressive parties in late 19th century, but again none lasted quite long.

My source, volksmarschalls V1 AAR. :rofl:
 
You need Mexico doing its bit to get the party started for good!

Since Mexico has lands that *rightfully* belong to the United States, they'll be playing their role again in a much more brutal war rather soon I think (actually, I know)!

The great swap in the 60s is one of the most confusing aspects of American politics. Akin to earth suddenly swapping the places of magnetic southern and northern poles. (which I believe has occurred many times) Wonder how such a swap would damage our modern society that relies somewhat on stable magnetic field. :p

I agree Enewald, what the hell how can both political parties get away with such a radical turn of political ideology?

When was the last time that there was a serious 3rd force in US politics, I would generally exclude the libertarian party as it seems to be swallowed by the republicans in most primaries.

I think socialists scored some gains in early 20th century, but hardly enough to shatter the two-party system. Then there were some Agrarian/Progressive parties in late 19th century, but again none lasted quite long.

My source, volksmarschalls V1 AAR. :rofl:

3rd Parties have never been a real viable force in American politics, in large part, because of the two-party system (even somewhat today, but much less visible). While smaller third parties, like the Populists and Progressives (even the Socialists very briefly) enjoyed some minor electoral success (the Progressive Party, 1912-1916) was the last third party with historical electoral gains and national congressmen and governors but most of these members, former Republicans, folded back into the Republican Party by 1920. The more contemporary Reform and Constitution Parties, which mobilized to support Ross Perot, had a certain degree of Presidential success in that he achieved very high tallies for a third party candidate in the presidential race, but, they never really elected anyone after Perot's defeat (one trick pony really).

It's important to understand, unlike in European politics where party unity is much more visible, American political parties always had their far apart factions that were only unified through a few issues. The Republicans, from 1854-1970s were filled with liberals, imperialists, conservatives, populists, progressives, anti-imperialists, etc. all were generally unified around the Hamiltonian (pro-business, economically nationalist/conservative) economic program so everyone was willing to 'look the other way' on the issues they disagreed on or allied (temporarily) with their ideological friends in the other party (like the liberal Democrats allying with the majority of the still liberal Republican Party in the 1964 and 1965 to pass civil rights). The Democrats, who were basically irrelevant in American politics from 1865-1932 (with a few notable exceptions) emerged together to support FDR and the New Deal. Conservative Democrats in the South demanded a 'blind eye' on 'home rule' (segregation, states' rights, civil rights) and in turn, they would support the liberal Democrats New Deal reforms (so they were allied on welfare issues, generally allied on economic issues, pro-business and pro-labor -- this is not a paradox in American political science -- compared to the only pro-business attitudes of the G.O.P.). Civil Rights was the moment of exodus for southern conservatives, who realized that "Yankee liberals" controlled the national party. Within a decade, they mostly flocked to the Republican Party and from 1964-1980 the Republicans had a vicious civil war between it's historic and traditional 'liberal' wing (socially liberally, economically conservative, foreign policy internationalist) and the conservative wing (socially conservative, economically conservative, foreign policy mixed >> becoming internationalist because of the Cold War) *It's important to remember, conservatives in America from 1788-1960s were the anti-imperialists and anti-militarists while the 'liberals' were pro-empire. With Ronald Reagan's election in 1980, the conservatives won the long struggle and began to purge the liberal Republicans from their ranks (the same thing was happening in the Democratic, but they moderated back to the center after their losses in 1972, 1980, 1984, and 1988).

Civil Rights ended the coalition parties that had been seen since the beginning of the country. As I plan to highlight in this AAR, you will see two Whig Parties (the "Cotton Whigs", pro-slavery, and the "Conscience Whigs", anti-slavery) and the two Democratic Parties (the conservative, pro-states' rights and often pro-slavery wing vs. the moderate/liberal wing, pro-immigrant, pro-union, possibly anti-slavery depending on the individual).

For most non-Americans, (hell, even most Americans) I wouldn't expect people to immediately understand the nature of our politics. However, for me, and as a result of how the politics of the game developed, I'll probably be moving away from the two-party system and include a strong third party throughout this AAR (possibly).
 
Wikipedia is not a place to learn about people, mostly since I've written a paper about all the errors I've found on wikipedia on Thomas Jefferson and various other people and articles that are just always wrong... ;)

Now there's something I will happily concede to be confirmation bias. :D

Interesting to see both parties going through something of an upheaval in the face of the elections. The Whigs have certainly gone for a surprise choice in their candidate – though you paint their rationale very well, and I can certainly see why they've done so. The Democrats were always going to get rid of RMJ, though it's interesting to see that they can be so splintered without his influence. One gets the sense that tensions between the Yankees and the southerners will come to a head pretty soon...
 
Now there's something I will happily concede to be confirmation bias. :D

Interesting to see both parties going through something of an upheaval in the face of the elections. The Whigs have certainly gone for a surprise choice in their candidate – though you paint their rationale very well, and I can certainly see why they've done so. The Democrats were always going to get rid of RMJ, though it's interesting to see that they can be so splintered without his influence. One gets the sense that tensions between the Yankees and the southerners will come to a head pretty soon...

The tension between north and south, slave and free, has always been an integral aspect of American culture, society, politics, and history. Rather than whitewashing over it as many works do, I'm going to bring it to the fore since that is, imo, the appropriate thing to do to understand American political history leading up to the Civil War. Even during the War of 1812, the New England states wanted to secede from the union to prevent their economy from being crippled by the British embargo and trade blockade (the Hartford Convention), as New England business types saw the war as the fanciful imaginings of frontier and southern Americans and politicians who constituted the vast majority of the war hawks in Congress. This trialing tension never faded, even today, it's pretty pronounced.

DB, I mean this with all sincerity, you need to drop the idea you have of the IKEA as not being a confirmation bias. Every single professional philosopher, myself among them, will tell you that the IKEA is nothing more than a variation of the confirmation bias. Again, the only people who promote the IKEA as not being a confirmation bias are not philosophers nor have they ever bothered to study the origins and evolution of the confirmation bias to the present. Don't be among that crowd that proudly showcases their absence of study by promoting a topic or idea that has no basis or acceptance among professionals. There are thousands of pages of published work from philosophers that say the very same thing, among those I linked for you in your AAR that you must not have bothered to read! :p
 
DB, I mean this with all sincerity, you need to drop the idea you have of the IKEA as not being a confirmation bias. Every single professional philosopher, myself among them, will tell you that the IKEA is nothing more than a variation of the confirmation bias. Again, the only people who promote the IKEA as not being a confirmation bias are not philosophers nor have they ever bothered to study the origins and evolution of the confirmation bias to the present. Don't be among that crowd that proudly showcases their absence of study by promoting a topic or idea that has no basis or acceptance among professionals. There are thousands of pages of published work from philosophers that say the very same thing, among those I linked for you in your AAR that you must not have bothered to read! :p

I fear you seem to have misapprehended me. I didn't wish to imply via my comment that the IKEA isn't a confirmation bias. In fact, I hadn't wished to bring the IKEA into the equation at all – seeing as even in my pre-enlightened state a month or so ago I wouldn't have ascribed the IKEA to the above context. If anything, I was trying to demonstrate (in a somewhat lighthearted manner) the exact opposite of what you say – id est, that I'm happy to accept the relative positions of the confirmation and IKEA biases as you present them. :)

Furthermore, I would say that your assumption that I still class the IKEA as a seperate entity is another prime example of a confirmation bias in itself. :p
 
I fear you seem to have misapprehended me. I didn't wish to imply via my comment that the IKEA isn't a confirmation bias. In fact, I hadn't wished to bring the IKEA into the equation at all – seeing as even in my pre-enlightened state a month or so ago I wouldn't have ascribed the IKEA to the above context. If anything, I was trying to demonstrate (in a somewhat lighthearted manner) the exact opposite of what you say – id est, that I'm happy to accept the relative positions of the confirmation and IKEA biases as you present them. :)

Furthermore, I would say that your assumption that I still class the IKEA as a seperate entity is another prime example of a confirmation bias in itself. :p

Haha! I'm so sorry DB. As someone who, at such a young age, is already showing (through your AARs at least) and impeccable talent of intellectual gifts, I didn't want you to fall into the trap of believing something that few professionals subscribe to. Sometimes it's hard to infer what people are intending on the internet without actual speech! Just like accidentally saying you had a better understand of Herr Hegel than I, despite having taken 2 years of study of him! :p
 
Haha! I'm so sorry DB. As someone who, at such a young age, is already showing (through your AARs at least) and impeccable talent of intellectual gifts, I didn't want you to fall into the trap of believing something that few professionals subscribe to. Sometimes it's hard to infer what people are intending on the internet without actual speech! Just like accidentally saying you had a better understand of Herr Hegel than I, despite having taken 2 years of study of him! :p

Oh don't worry, I get that completely. I think "concede" probably wasn't the best word to use on my part (what with its somewhat begrudging connotations) so I can understand how my quip could have been misinterpreted. :)

It's funny you should mention the Hegel debacle. I got trapped rereading my own AAR (vain, I know... :p) on Sunday and noticed that particular post in amongst the comments. I must say, I'm glad you chose to gloss over that typo, or else things may have been rather awkward!

That said, and to return to the main matter at hand, I can't say I'm overwhelmed by either of the choices at this election. Neither Jacksonian principles nor the Whiggish values greatly appeal. I think I'll let my impressions of the candidates themselves dictate my allegiances, and therefore cast my lot in with Van Buren on the grounds that he may be a closeted abolitionist. :D
 
THE ELECTION OF 1840
A politician thinks of the next election, but a statesman thinks of the next generation.
-James Freeman Clarke, American Protestant clergyman, theologian, and abolitionist.

White vs. Van Buren
The election of 1840 is a curious election in American political history. It was the first time that the Whigs would contest an election at a truly national level. Although they had a broad level of support, even among farmers, the general weight of the party’s support came from the upperclasses, predominately situated in the northeast, or among frontier “aristocrats” (large plantation and land owners). The Democratic Party, which had championed popular reforms under Jackson and continued to promote the Jacksonian tradition under Johnson, was now being led by a northern moderate.

Vice President van Buren had long wanted to be President. He was the favored candidate in 1836, and if it wasn’t for the surprise nomination of Johnson, he would have certainly won the election just as Johnson did. Now, in 1840, he was the nominee for a party that appeared to be using him as a cauterizer, stitching the wounds and holes that had emerged during the Johnson Presidency – mainly his liability to the party’s electoral prospects and perceived mishandling of the Panic of 1837, which the Whigs were still hammering him and the Democratic Party over. Van Buren took steps to distance himself from the more “hands-off” approach of President Johnson, who, upon receiving news that he would not be re-nominated, actually seemed to get happier as if being President had sapped his strength and enthusiasm (if nothing else than sapping his love of life).

Martin van Buren was a key organizer of the Democratic Party, and one of President Andrew Jackson’s strongest allies and friends. It was for those reasons many thought him to be the prospective nominee in 1836, and many expected him to now be President and all but certainly running for a second term reelection. For van Buren, it seemed fitting that after his long and arduous work that is was proper for him to finally be rewarded as the Presidential nominee.

Senator White was also a key initial supporter of the Democratic Party, but had jumped ship when he believed Jackson moving down the road of “an imperial Presidency”[1]. Since van Buren was seen as one of Jackson’s lackeys, White and the Whigs took no time attacking van Buren as a tyrant, imperialist, and emperor. Naturally, all of these criticisms were flat lies, but they intended to serve a major political purpose. Vice President van Buren, when responding to criticism, wrote in the New York Tribune, “As with President Jackson, I believe myself to be a strict constructionist.[2] It is the Whigs who are quietly seeking to expand the powers of the American government to go beyond the means entrusted to it by our sacred Constitution.”

In a certain way, van Buren was right. The Whigs, and foremost among them Henry Clay, supported the idea of a National Bank, something that is not written in the Constitution. Although Alexander Hamilton had achieved political success in the establishment of the First National Bank, even James Madison, the author of the Constitution, had told Hamilton that the Constitution doesn’t allow for the establishment of any national bank or banking system. Jackson’s opposition to the National Bank was in regards to his belief that the Bank was unconstitutional, which it wasn’t since the Supreme Court had upheld its validity. Yet, unable to satisfy everyone, when Jackson attacked the Bank it was seen as an overreach of political power, the very event that prompted his friend and former ally in Congress – Hugh Lawson White, now the Whig nominee for President, to bolt the party and become one of Jackson’s strongest foes in the Congress. The war between Jefferson and Hamilton which dominated the first two decades of the American political experiment, still held sway in the election of 1840.

Senator White was one of the quintessential statesmen of the early American republic. As mentioned, he was held in high regard by his Senate colleagues for being the first to enter the Senate and the last to leave it. He was a prolific writer, who himself had moments of great oratorical skills, but more or less softer spoken than his contemporary – Henry Clay. It is said that White was the only Senator who would attentively listen and take notes on even the most dreadful and boring of speeches on the Senate Floor. At age 66, White was also the oldest person to be nominated President (at that time), but age was never a concern for a body politic that idealized the principles of self-sacrifice and national service.



Election cartoons, like the ones shown above, were commonplace and partisanship was as staunch and rigid as ever before in American political history. The cartoon on the left shows Van Buren trapped inside a log cabin with the states that he is planning on winning to carry him to victory with Andrew Jackson 'springing the trap.' This was an anti-Jacksonian cartoon highlighting the perceived belief, like with President Richard Mentor Johnson, that van Buren was nothing more than a Jacksonian stooge and puppet. The cartoon on the right shows both Andrew Jackson and Martin van Buren chasing after "Mother Bank" (the National Bank) into another trap. Both cartoons are pro-Whig and anti-Jacksonian.

White ran on his economic background, hoping to win over voters disaffected by the Panic of 1837. Before his entry into the Senate in 1825, he was President of the Knoxville branch of the Bank of Tennessee, and was regarded as one of the greatest bankers in the United States. Perhaps, it is for this reason when Jackson began his attack on the National Bank that White left the Democratic Party and joined with the Whigs. Even so, his economic and political pedigree were second-to-none. Not even Henry Clay could hope to match White’s record (although Clay may have outshined him in politics, he had very little economic and business experience despite being one of the foremost champions of the American System) on the economy and his personal experience in finance and banking. For these reasons, White was confident of victory heading into the election cycle especially concerning the anti-Johnson (Democratic) sentiment from the Panic of 1837-1838.

Although the Panic of 1837 was still on many people’s minds, one of the more daunting election issues was Manifest Destiny, and the elephant in the room whenever the idea was spoke of – slavery. Unlike President Johnson, who was seen as being firmly behind and protective of the institution of slavery, neither White nor van Buren seemed to speak much of the institution. Although a Democrat, and therefore hamstrung to being pro-slavery due to the power of the southern Democrats in the party, Martin van Buren seemed to have serious misgivings over slavery. Yet, not willing to alienate the southern support of the Democratic Party, he kept silent and on occasion, wrote in defense of the institution in vague and ambiguous terms. Likewise, Senator White, being from Tennessee and himself a slave owner, seemed to actually be the preferred candidate if one wanted to protect slavery, or even expand it, than Martin van Buren. This however, gained only minimal traction in the election since, northern abolitionists were associated with the Whig Party, and the “Conscience Whigs” were starting to take form following the Texas War and the admission of Texas and Florida into the Union as slave states.

Although it was unlikely that White would carry the south, initial voting indicated a strong showing by White in the Jacksonian heartlands. Although White only managed to carry the states of Tennessee and North Carolina (and Kentucky if one considers Kentucky part of the southern state), he had managed to win 45% of the Southern vote, and thus sharply split the political base of the Democratic Party.

In the north, van Buren had hoped that the Democratic machines[3] that had formed in New York and Pennsylvania would once again dominate the election and hand the election to him and the Democratic Party. Yet, when the election results were tallied, van Buren and the Democrats had a poor showing in the two key states. Had van Buren won both states, he would have secured the victory in the election. Instead, Hugh Lawson White had emerged victorious in the election.



White/Badger: 208 Electoral votes; 15 states carried; 1,394,318 popular votes (55.4%)
Van Buren/Polk: 97 Electoral votes; 14 states carried; 1,044,488 popular votes (41.5%)
Others: 0 Electoral votes; 0 states carried; 78,013 popular votes (3.1%)
Notable “Other”, Birne/Earlie (Liberty Party): 0 Electoral votes; 0 states carried; 39,871 popular votes (1.6 of the 3.1%)

[1] The term “Imperial Presidency” has been used by many, and has been popular since the 1960s following historian Arthur Schlesinger’s book The Imperial Presidency in which he criticized that many of the powers of the President now exceeded his Constitutional authority. The term was first applied to Andrew Jackson by opponents who feared that his direction expansion of democratic and populist ideals and principles not only violated his authority as President, but threatened the future of the republic (part the wider democracy vs. republic political debate).

[2] Strict Constructionism is a philosophy regarding the Constitution as a literal and limited document that spells out, in black and white, the powers of the American government. Strict Constructionism is often associated with political conservatism in the United States, ironically, strict constructionism was one of Jackson’s major political ideas during his Presidency, even though most historians would say that, he himself, wielded greater authority than the strict constructionist reading of the Constitution as did Jefferson, another proponent of the strict constructionist view. This view is opposed by the “Living Constitutional” or “Textualism” school, which was first promoted by Alexander Hamilton and held that the Constitution changes with the times, thus it is “living” and that the “implied powers” of the Constitution should be used in appropriate circumstances. This school is often associated with American liberalism. More interestingly, conservatives (the Federalists, Hamilton, Adams, John Jay, Washington, etc.) actually supported the textualist approach to the constitution while liberals, like Jefferson, Madison, and the Democratic-Republicans, favored the strict constructionist view initially.

[3]A Political Machine is a term used to describe an organization, loosely affiliated with a political party, that has a strict and rigid hierarchal structure but has a superb “get out to vote” program/infrastructure. In order to advance politically, one must be part of the machine or the machine will not support your candidacy. If you are a member of the machine, it is an almost guaranteed means to achieve political victory and become a rising star in your party. The most famous political machine the United States was Tammany Hall, headed by “Boss” William Tweed, which was associated with the Democratic Party. Other major cities, like Boston, Philadelphia, and Cleveland all were criticized for having political machines (which are not illegal). Although often associated with the Democratic Party, even to this day in cities like Chicago or Boston, the Whigs and Republicans were known to have machines as well. Even into the New Deal of Franklin Roosevelt, Philadelphia was considered to be the quintessential political machine (city) for the Republican Party. Philadelphia’s political organization was strongly pro-Whig, pro-Know Nothing, and then pro-Republican from the late 1840s-1950s before its demise. A good book on the Republican political machine that dominated Philadelphia politics from 1858-1952 (only two Democrats were ever elected in that 94 year span) is Peter McCaffery’s book, When Bosses Ruled Philadelphia (1993).
 
As with your other aar's, this is pure poetry Volksmarschall :D. However, iirc, didn't Lawson White die earlier in 1840, before he could (in this timeline) be elected President. I suppose that can have been easily butterflied away. Also, who's Badger?
 
Given my previous indifference as to the result, I can claim to be neither saddened nor particularly pleased with the result of this election. Of course, that doesn't mean I won't be interested to see how White's administration pans out. The new president certainly seems capable enough for the job, even if his slightly less vague support of slavery doesn wholly endear ,r to him (though, of one were to take it in the context of the time, neither should it really set me against him, I suppose.)

The outgoing Johnson strikes me as being rather similar to the British Lord Rosebery. Going by your brief descriptions of Johnson in this update, both men seem to have preferred life out of office immeasurably over life in it. It's probably for the best that such a melancholic figure is out of the political scene. It's hardly good for the overall verve of a party or, indeed, a government. From the sounds of things, White has vitality in bucket loads – which, when one considers that he died in 1840 I our timeline, is not bad going at all. :D