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Translate the following list into numbers and you have the hotline,
Walpole-Wilmington-Pelham-Newcastle-Devonshire-Newcastle-Grenville-Rockingham-Chatham-Grafton-Rockingham-Shelburne-Portland-Grenville-Grey-Melbourne-Russell-Palmerston-Russell-Gladstone-Rosebery-Campbell-Bannerman-Asquith-Lloyd George
At the start of the number, include - Kill All: - And then begin the list.
Despite the fact that many of those people weren't Liberal or Whig, something tells me that that was just to spite me...
Caught up with the AAR, enjoying the struggle of the Legitimists to maintain a grip of domestic affairs whilst at the same time projecting French power abroad.
I for one, welcome our new French, Catholic-Reactionary overlords.
I do though!
I am happy to see you've written such a wonderful AAR about a counter-revolution in France, and I enjoy it very much, though I do regret that you had to fight the Austrians. What great narrative, though!
I eagerly await the next passage.
I do though!
I am happy to see you've written such a wonderful AAR about a counter-revolution in France, and I enjoy it very much, though I do regret that you had to fight the Austrians. What great narrative, though!
I eagerly await the next passage.
Chapter 10 - La Ville-Lumière - Louis Marie Albert (Henry V) - 1851-1854
The Treaty of Hamburg, to the entire panel of powers, had seemingly evolved into a farcical piece of paper that had once claimed to maintain peace throughout the central continent. The most sacred clause, that of Hungary, was currently being violated by the violent fervor of the Austrian Federalists. The former nations that had defeated such Austrians were now too preoccupied with domestic affairs to salvage the remains of the treaty, either dealing with economic or internal crisis. The Crown of France was no different, entangled in the endless Carlist Wars that burned throughout the Iberian Peninsular. Thus, the primary objective of the National Hungarian Council was simply, to resist. Antoine, comte Roy, now the most popular government minister, advocated for economic support through war subsidies. His propositions were eventually drafted into legislative articles, but were shot down by supporters of Dubreuil, many of whom opposed further investment into foreign matter. In addition, noted economists joined Dubreuil in their opposition, citing a dwindling treasury in the wake of Carlists War. Several Conservatives joined sides with Dubrueil to oppose this aid, allowing the Aristocratic Liberals to achieve their first legislative victory. From then forth, Antoine's animosity toward Dubreuil would escalate into the most public rivalry in several decades.
However, it was not the matter of Spain or Hungary that attracted the ears of the public. Differences within the Military and War Ministry captivated the 'underground' Parisian newspapers - each leaking information regarding another rivalry - that between Exelmans and Marshall Jules Bourbaki. The conflict was mostly engraved in military ambition; Bourbaki sought after Exelmans prestigious title, citing greater experience and success during the Hungarian War. Newspapers seemed divided on their opinion, given that Exelman had supervised dozens of victorious fronts and engagements - including entire wars, Bourbaki was often called "Jules l'opprimé." The chances of Bourbaki assuming his superior's command seemed slim, and even the elder Camille Alphonse Trézel warned him that Exelmans had no moral boundaries when his title was in question. Journal des débats, the leading liberal paper, published several reports in favor of Jules - including his greater experience on the actual battlefield, and more decisive successes. But these reports were harshly slandered by more conservative papers, mainly the Legitimist leaning - La Gazette. Inside the Ministry, Jules remained silent on the matter, preferring not to provoke his superior into taking action. But Jules was cursed with misfortune, when the feminist paper - La Voix des Femmes - publicized that the General's wife was having an affair with another officer. Inside the report, the paper accused Jules of being overly-abusive - though this section was left widely unread by the populace. Instead, in a ironical turn, pockets of anti-féministe journalists ruthlessly assaulted La Voix des Femmes, forcing the paper to shut down. La Voix des Femmes would not return into the public sphere until the Suffrage Movement.
General Jules Bourbaki (circa. 1865)
Madame Joséphine Bourbaki had engaged in a sexual affair with another officer - sparking scandalous cries by the conservative forces. While La Voix des Femmes was silenced, La Gazette quickly picked up the scandal and turned it into a anti-Bourbaki festival. In order to avoid a damaging ripple effect, Exelmans sent Bourbaki to Spain - hoping his absence would calm the situation. The General had no intention to actually retain Bourbaki, but he needed to ensure the scandal would not affect his own image. Lieutenant Arthur Boulange, the alleged partner to Joséphine, was dishonorably discharged by Exelmans first motion. Catholic movements called for his arrest and prosecution, but Arthur managed to flee to London before the Church could flex its muscles. The madame, unfortunately, was not able to outlast the storm. After days of harassment, she was found hanging from her husbands ceiling.
Bourbaki was a cold, hardened man. He received the news of his wife's death with slight satisfaction, and then proceeded to take care of his professional matters. There was a time for personal matters, and this was not one of them - for Exelmans would soon force the resignation of the General. Instead, Bourbaki rushed to take up arms in Spain - taking the vanguard of command as the Spanish Christianos supporters quickly swelled in number, seizing Madrid with 150,000 regulars. Jules was aware that time was running short, carefully examining the rapid rebel advance against Carlist forces across the country. Everything south of Madrid was purged of Royal control by March, leaving the French armies in a threatened position. The Royal Armies were diminished in number from months of attrition, left behind was but a half of the original force. This dire state was attributed to poor organization prior to the arrival of Jules, which allowed the soldiers to direct much of the blame at Exelmans inadequate planning. Additionally, Exelmans cabal had directed their attention from the actual conflict, to the General's social prestige - permitting the rebellious fronts to advance on all sides. Carlist officers loathed Exelman as well, but many had forgotten that his first triumph, in the earlier Spanish Wars - was much for the same cause. Nonetheless, Bourbaki deployed this general animosity and transformed it into a desire for action.
General Jules rapidly took the helm of the Royal Legion - numbering less then 60,000 - and stormed to Madrid with all haste. Bourbaki inspired his contingency by displaying a collected appearance. His troops often expressed great confidence in Bourbaki for such an attitude, especially under greater odds. This engagement was to be no different. Jaime Gonzales, the Rebel General that had seized Madrid - was in command of nearly 140,000 soldiers - 110,000 Infantry, 20,000 Cavalry, and 5,000 artillery. The Spaniard held his position at Torija Castle - 25 miles north-east of Madrid, intending to halt the advance of Bourbaki at the main road. The two armies met on the 12 of April, but the situation appeared grim for the French whom were outnumbered by more then 1:2, a total of 80,000 less soldiers. These odds barely moved Bourbaki's resolve of confidence, instead, he struck first - ordering 10,000 soldiers to strike full force along the left flank and steal the superior terrain from the rebels. Simultaneously, Royal guns pounded the rebel center - compelling the rebels to return fire on the Royalist central divisions. The Royal Army sustained very heavy casualties, but the lack of artillery support to the rebel left allowed the superior-trained French regulars to break apart the far wings. Rebel Cavalry rushed to the assistance of the left, leaving parts of the right exposed to an infantry assault. Bourbaki took his cavalry in a large swing around the right, accompanied by a general attack of infantry. On the left, the French Royalists withdrew several hundred meters, but held square formations as the Rebel cavalry forced a counter-attack. The Spanish horses were shot down in rows by the advanced riflery of the French army, while the bulk of the French infantry trotted up the road - and ruthlessly fired on Jaime's center. By noon, all sides of the two forces had been engaged - but the rebel's disorganization allowed the French to steal a clear advantage. Thousands upon thousands of Spanish Rebels were slaughtered - by bayonet, sabre, and bullet, leaving the majority of the rebel force in a strange, plebian mess.
The Battle of Madrid (Torija Castle) - 1851
The battle had been brief, lasting just under twelve hours - but it's result concluded the Rebellion. Bourbaki's troops endured painful casualties - mainly attributed to the general's ruthless persecution of victory by any means. His offensive and aggressive strategy meant that his force of 55,000 endured 21,000 casualties, 5,000 of which concluded in fatality. The Rebels, nonetheless, had suffered a much greater loss. Royalists reported that 80,000 rebels had been casualties, and 42,000 had been killed. The engagement marked another clear victory for the French Royal Army, but through the eyes of the Spaniard - France was appearing much more as a nemesis then a ally.
Bourbaki returned to France with a vast procession of veteran soldiers - attracting a large contingency of Parisians. Hundreds poured into the streets in support of Jules, calling for Thierry to drop his demand for resignation. Exelmans was required to accept, politically beaten by military might. On the advice of Queen Maria, King Henry V stripped Exelmans of his title, General of France, and instead granted the position to Boubaki. Thierry was,however, granted the position of Marshall, and retained profound authority within the War Ministry and the General Staff.
The successful war against the Spanish rebels, though imperative to French foriegn policy, was generally perceived with a weary eye by the populace. The increasing presence of the state in local matters had churned up discontent and spurred radical ideas - doctrines that were only fermented by the interventionist methods of the Kingdom. Among the most developed thinkers of such dissent was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, a underground political author and former printer. On May 17th, Proudhon published Idée générale de la révolution au XIXe siècle (General Idea of the Revolution in the Nineteenth Century), formulating the basis of Anarchism, an ideological society rid of central governmental structure. Proudhon found many of his idea's within the radical wings of France's left. Poudhon's idea's, though generally associated with leftist ties - would come into political practice with Libertarianism - an ideology that many considered bound in the theories of Adam Smith, Frédéric Bastiat, and other classical liberals. Life in France, and especially Paris, quickly became a host for ideological thought. Royal Edicts were generally relaxed in terms of censorship, which enabled such concepts as Anarchism and Anarcho-Capitalism to ferment. Catholic institutions soaked in their own political success - rather then forcefully persecute 'heretical' thoughts.
Ideological Thought and Intellectualism was burning throughout France during the early 1850s - this depiction shows King Henry V opening a new gallery at the Louvre along with notable intellectuals and Aristocrats.
Abroad, developments became the chief attention of Albert and Henry. Leopold I, Grand Duke of Baden - proud supporter of the Federalists in Vienna - had successfully seized Budapest. Leopold was joined by Austrian soldiers, whom played La Marseillaise through the streets, a ardent jab at the French Royal Crown. Many republicans within the ranks were overcome with national fervor - turning the Austrian Army into the firmest establishment of Anti-Bourbon rhetoric. When news filtered back to King Henry, the sovereign exploded in anger - demanding a show of force to secure France's royal prestige. The following week, the Royal Legion invaded Wolof, citing the need to "civilize" savage and unholy lands. Ah, the glorious age of King's.
Hungarian resistance remained strong in the east, but the overwhelming power of the Austrian armies were drying out the Hungarian reserve. Early attempts at negotiations had fallen through: Austrians viewed Hungary as a rebel state and it's existence unfit for negotiation, while the Hungarian Council's refused to negotiate through a fall sense of national pride. Anne-Édouard-Louis-Joseph de Montmorency-Beaumont-Luxembourg, 3rd duc de Beaumont, 12th prince de Luxembourg, 10th prince de Tingry, pair de France, the Minister of Foriegn Affairs and architect of the Treaty of Hamburg - convened with the Lord Minister several times, hoping to persuade a forceful intervention. Albert's ability to take military action was still blocked by the peace faction that currently dominated both the Aristocratic Liberals and Conservative parties, which left the acting government few choices. In December, Luxembourg was sent to the front line's of the war, accompanied by a sizable panel of diplomats. Luxebourg managed to settle a brief armistice on the center lines - calling both sides of the conflict to convene at the vanguard. The Austrians were reluctant at first, but a series of subtle threats via telegram from Paris managed to move the Federalists into accepting diplomatic talks. The Hungarian leaders, on the contrary, were eager to negotiate after the fall of Budapest.
Luxembourg had managed to secure a series of private documents from Versailles, signed by the King. Many of such documents authorized the Royal Army to strike Italy if Hungary was to fall, though truthfully, these documents were relatively meaningless without some sort of legislative approval. However, with the powers of the King and Chamber still relatively blurred, the Hungarian and Austrian diplomats were convinced that the French intended to intervene on the word of Henry. This tactic allowed the Hungarians significant room to negotiate, drawing up new terms as the Federalists reeled from their theoretical desires and adopted a realistic approach to ending the war. Inch by inch, the Hungarian-French envoy splintered the Imperial's demands. Luxembourg did not shy away from threats - he utilized false telegrams from Paris delivered by the Royal Household to paint a portrait of French intervention. Finally, on December 22nd, a treaty was drawn and signed in Budapest.
Negotiations between France, Austria, and Hungary - 1851
The Hungarians had been defeated, and even with French assistance, the terms were harsh. While the Hungarians were saved from annexation, Slovakia was ceded to the Empire - one of the planned stages of Federalist policy. In addition, Banat, in southern Hungary, was declared an independent nation and placed under Austrian protection. Banat was imperative to Federal ideals because it contained Romanians, Serbs, Hungarians, Romani, Germans, Krashovani, Ukrainians, Slovaks, Bulgarians, Czechs, Croats and other ethnicities. The Hungarians, on the contrary, were not too somber to see such a multi-ethnic region vanish from central control. "A burden no longer carried," remarked one Hungarian diplomat. But even the annexation of Slovakia and the secession of Banat could not repair the damage done by the war. Over the following weeks, the Regency Council was dissolved by supporters, both civilian and military, of the liberal Deák Party. Ferenc Deák, the leader and founder of the party, proclaimed the foundation of the Hungarian Republic - and convened elections which resulted in his ascension to Presidential office. The foundation of a Republic alienated many French Aristocrats, straining relations with Hungary. In the immediate aftermath, Hungary's rapid transformation into a centralized democracy alienated many of the regional authorities in the North and East. Civil War would eventually break out between a general coalition of Transylvania Nationalists and the Republican Armies of Hungary, consuming Hungarian politics for years to come.
Nonetheless, French diplomacy had managed to keep the Austrian demesne weak, preserving it's own hegemony over continental Europe. Luxembourg's profound success did not stop in Central Europe, but rather extended into Middle Eastern affairs - where his similar tactics of intervention managed to impede the Sultan's plan of war for the Sinai. French mercantile intrests in northern Egypt and access into the Red Sea was perceived with an imperative outlook - exhorting Albert and Luxembourg to be swift in action. The Ottoman intention to repair it's shattered position in the south and assert control over Egypt was almost immediately blocked by a wide variety of powers and leaders, including Prime Minister Robert Peel, currently in his position for a full decade. The Sultan, reeling from European pressure, withdrew his claim on the Sinai and made peace with the Egyptians - already threatened by France with war.
Anne-Édouard-Louis-Joseph de Montmorency-Beaumont-Luxembourg, 3rd duc de Beaumont, 12th prince de Luxembourg, 10th prince de Tingry, pair de France - Minister of Foreign Affairs
In Paris, government policy was remiss for the following several months. Antoine's economic reforms during the previous term had maintained the financial stability of the treasury, while private enterprise boomed in it's rail investment. La Compagnie de Laviet, would continue it's expansion and domination over nearly 40% of the railroad complex, but new businesses were beginning to take form in a heavily competitive industry. Such competition surfaced after the completion of most rails, estimated around January of 1852. Due to the profitable nature of the transporting sectors, especially for industry, mass transactions occurred throughout the year in a bid to control the arising industries. Eventually, a general collective of companies had managed to swell - challenging even the vast affluence of La Compagnie de Laviet. During this period, the government ignored the rabid expansion, instead embracing the policy of Benign Neglect - allowing the flourishing companies to grow with limited taxation and regulation. Even during this period, the government accumulated millions off the state factories, each one becoming more productive and efficient - a result of the rail contracts.
The burst of industrial expansion was only edged on by French conquests in Senegal and the annexation of Mayotte. New resources from the coastal colonies allowed the French treasury room to operate, empowering wealthy bureaucrats to purchase and construct factories, under the government's domain. This healthy industrial melting pot between private and public enterprise assisted the amplification of pre-existing factories and the erection of new facilities. Antoine opposed further intervention from the Royalist government, fearful that more burdening restrictions and government control would drive the private investors abroad. Therefore, in late November, the finance minister called a meeting of government notables and prominent rail-oligarchs at Marseille. King Henry V pledged to accompany Antoine, departing Paris on the 19th of November along with a lengthy procession of economic advisers. The convoy arrived by rail on the 22nd, pulling into Gare Saint-Charles, a large crowd massing to catch a glimpse of their liege. But not all of the crowd was eager to greet the King. Spanish National, Jacinto Isidoro, crept forth from the mass and drew a pistol from his overcoat. Isidoro fired a single shot at Henry V, striking the King in the abdomen and plunging the entire crowd into absolute pandemonium.
King Henry V, moments after being wounded.
Amid the chaos, Isidoro managed to escape the scene unscathed. The King, however, was critically injured by the bullet - collapsing down the railroad steps. Doctors were quickly fetched to rescue the monarch, while soldiers and police rushed after the culprit. Chaos ignited across the city, with authorities unable to control the nervous aura that had engulfed the coastal city. Civilians believed that the death of the King would immediately trigger conflict across France, for the lack of an heir would provide leftist sympathizers the opportunity to rally into arms. The frenzy engulfed all of southern France, whilst the entirety of the population searched for the attacker - though none had any conception of the identity. Meanwhile, priests and doctors were frantically doing their work - struggling to revive the health of the wounded King. After several days, Henry's condition slightly improved as the entirety of France exhaled in relief. Thus, all eyes turned to swift vengeance - the urban authorities offering massive sums for information on the assassin. In truth, Isidoro had fled France, returning to his underground quarters in Spain - supported by the liberal Spanish rebels. Carlos V took exceptional measures to discover the location of Isirodo, including substantial bribes to prominent liberal politicians. The investigation finally concluded when an unknown source provided Carlist officials with information on Isirodo's location. One full battalion of soldiers was directed to raid the mentioned rebel encampment in the north of Spain, which was occupied with dozens of agitators. The following assault resulted in the massacre of the encamped dissenters; Isirodo was presumed among the dead, though his body was never truly identified.
King Henry returned to Paris a different man, the experience had matured him and awakened his perception to the view that even he was not safe from the wrath of the commoner. But now, Henry was intent on restoring a general sense of normalcy to ease the growing tension. Henry ordered Albert to resume the economic convention, and to take his place whilst he recovered. Thus, Lord Minister Albert and Minister of Finance, Antoine, departed to Marseille early in February, 1853. The meeting was a gargantuan success, securing long term contracting deals and renewing the mutual subsidiary agreement with La Compagnie de Laviet. The terms of these pacts guaranteed that central government would accumulate a moderate slice from the corporate income as compensation for the contract and subsidizing provisions. The settlement swiftly boosted the position of the Royal Treasury, tallied with a daily balance of £55,000. The preponderance of the new income mostly originated from the corporate dues - along with surging prices for industrial goods produced in France.
Financial Report from the Ministry of Finance, 1853.
Antoine rigorously maintained the daily balance, estimating the Royal Treasury had amassed a sum of £116,000,000. Henry had all intentions to employ these funds, frequently withdrawing sizable amounts for his own need. However, in late summer of 1853, Henry had a revelation whilst parading through the capital city. Ashamed at the medieval and elderly appearance of the city, Henry employed Georges-Eugène Haussmann, a city planner and architect, to renovate Paris into a modern city. The crown provided Georges with extensive demolishing powers, which were quickly put to the test as the eccentric gentlemen destroyed hundreds of homes, intending to create the first new Parisian avenues. These projects mounted homeless individuals, many scurried into poor industrial sections of Paris or fled the city to the agrarian countryside. Georges was deeply unpopular amongst the poor, but nonetheless received generous donations from the nobility to continue this project and "brighten" the elder city.
The large requirements for this expedition spurred greater demands in the industrial sector. More coal was required to transport construction goods and factories needed to be administered at a more efficient rate. Technological and administrative advances in both fields ensured that the plan was never short of resources. Such developments were publicized by Albert, who needed to rally votes for the upcoming election in September. But following one of the most successful terms in French history, Albert did not need excess support - his bid for the Ministry was already surging above the Aristocratic Liberals and their supporters. Another rebellion in Spain and the possibility of intervention galvanized the nobility into voting for the traditionalists, alienating Dubreuil and his "Peace Party." The wishes of the populace, however, were firmly in Dubreuil's grasp, and fear of common action bubbled to the surface following the success of the previous term.
Georges-Eugène Haussmann, soon to become both the most infamous and beloved Parisian in the 19th century. His work in the city would carry on for more then two decades.
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Fantastic stuff.
What does it look like the situation in Austria will be in the future? Is it about certain that the Austrians will reclaim Hungary after their truce expires?
What does it look like the situation in Austria will be in the future? Is it about certain that the Austrians will reclaim Hungary after their truce expires?
Chapter 11 - The election of 1854 - Louis Marie Albert (Henry V)
The noble gentry of France entered the following electoral season with a profound sense of satisfaction. French foriegn policy had secured mastery over Europe and preserved dominance in the presence of a resurgent Austria. The treasury continued to proliferate whilst the annual balance - under the watch of Antoine, comte Roy - had doubled in quantity. In addition, domestic distractions, ranging from personal scandals to the renovation of Paris, had kept the uneasy urban population in a settled mood. The standard of living had multiplied, due to relatively low taxes and a policy of neglect in trade duties - coupled with infrastructural advances by both government and private investments. This wide array of attainment eased the fears of concerned traditionalists, whom had panicked during the surge of liberal sentiment just a few years prior. But the achievements of Albert and his cabinet inflicted reverse effects on the conventional ideologies of the Chamber. The government neglect of it's interventionist policies had allowed the population to taste the enriching concept of free trade and limited Laissez-faire economics. The majority of the French populace had enjoyed increasing personal wealth (excluding portions of the working class) during this 'capitalist' stage, though most were unaware that the success of this period was due to the heavy industrial subsides by the Crown. Francois de Molette, Marquis de Morangiès, served as the political chief for the bourgeois and unlanded businessmen of France. Francois had spent nearly fifteen years in London, and became a admirer of the British Whigs. The Marquis returned to his estate in 1843, now a fervent capitalist and supporter of unrestricted exchanges, free of government intervention. Francois quickly became one of the most influential men in France, for his noble title enabled him to lead and vote - unlike those he represented. La Compagnie de Laviet threw large sums of money behind his political career, hoping to attract fellow nobles to his side. In 1853, after gathering a powerful supporter base - (along with a seemingly unlimited investment from the industrial and railroad companies), Francois established the "Avant Capitaliste" (Capitalist Front).
Francois was swift to form a coalition with Dubreuil, raising speculation that the Aristocratic Liberals (Doctrinaires) were supported by the private enterprise. This pro-capitalist sentiment rallied profound support from the bourgeois and middle classes of Paris, but most of the nobility remained unsure of these rising doctrines. Electoral speculators predicted that the traditional movement still remained firmly in control, however, contemporaries also agreed that the Decazes Party was becoming more and more factional - divided between more traditional thinkers and regulated progressives. This had been the same divide that had prevented the Ultra-Royalists from sending troops to Hungary - a divide that was becoming more and more visible. Other Royalists accused dozens of Decazes supporters of Bonaparte sympathizes, weakening ties between the Conservative movement and the firm Legitimists. This relationship strain became apparent by the beginning of the election season, when several faction leaders attempted to depose Albert from his leadership over the Decazes. Through a slim margin, Albert was able to retain control of both the Ultra's and the Decazes, but it was apparent that his grasp over the conservatives was starting to slip away. Meanwhile, Dubreuil easily won the Doctrinaire primary, officially announcing his alliance with Francois.
The nobility was subject to heavy propaganda from all sides of the political spectrum. Albert cracked down on leftist newspapers for the first time, intending to only feed the electoral body his own beliefs. However, Dubreuil took his argument to the streets, rallying supporters in public spaces before his advocates were evicted by government authorities. Despite the frantic attempts to placate the voters with false information, it would be the actions of the previous term that would eventually control the day. Albert's moderate ministers had become very popular for their policies, enabling them to garner support on a more local level from satisfied notables. Dubreuil, incapable of providing any concrete statistics of leadership, was doomed to fail - while Antoine and Albert directed the positive growth of the nation at the nobility. Finally, in July, the small electorate gathered to choose the leadership of the French Kingdom - casting their ballots under incredible pressure from the 'outside' masses. After several days of counting, the results arrived on the 24th of July.
The election had been a total disaster for the 'Aristocratic Liberals' - reduced to a mere 138 seats, with a net loss of 120. The Doctrinaires were soundly defeated by Conservative advances, whose wide political spectrum seemed to appease hundreds of notables. The Ultra-Royalists, however, were the real victors, rewarded for the most successful term in recent history with a sound confirmation of their dominance. They occupied nearly 40% of the Chamber - displaying a resurgent sense of Royalist pride that had not been visible since the outbreak of the Hungarian War. Together with the Decazes, the coalition held a super-majority of 74%, though the number was most likely much lower due to the wavering opinions of the conservative factions. Nonetheless, their victory was sound and decisive, nearly breaking apart Dubreuil's party with a single swipe. Only Francois de Molette and a group of liberal-leaning independents managed to advance their standing, with Avant Capitaliste taking it's first seats in the parties brief history. The following day, the Lord Ministry of Albert was renewed and the right wing restored it's clear majority.
Lord Minister of France: Louis Marie Albert, Comte de Villèle
Minister of Finance: Antoine, comte Roy
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Anne-Édouard-Louis-Joseph de Montmorency-Beaumont-Luxembourg, 3rd duc de Beaumont, 12th prince de Luxembourg, 10th prince de Tingry, pair de France
Minister of the Interior: Charles-Marie Viénot, Count of Vaublanc
Minister of War: Aimé, duc de Clermont-Tonnerre
Minister for the Maison du Roi: Marthe Camille Bachasson, Count of Montalivet
Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs: Le comte Martial Como Hannibal Perpetua Magloire Guernon Ranville
Minister of Education: Le comte Guillaume Isidore baron de Montbel
Ministre des Travaux Public: Guillaume Antoine Benoît, baron Cappelle
General of France: Jules Bourbaki, (bestowed) - comte de Clermont-en-Beauvaisis
Minister of Finance: Antoine, comte Roy
Minister of Foreign Affairs: Anne-Édouard-Louis-Joseph de Montmorency-Beaumont-Luxembourg, 3rd duc de Beaumont, 12th prince de Luxembourg, 10th prince de Tingry, pair de France
Minister of the Interior: Charles-Marie Viénot, Count of Vaublanc
Minister of War: Aimé, duc de Clermont-Tonnerre
Minister for the Maison du Roi: Marthe Camille Bachasson, Count of Montalivet
Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs: Le comte Martial Como Hannibal Perpetua Magloire Guernon Ranville
Minister of Education: Le comte Guillaume Isidore baron de Montbel
Ministre des Travaux Public: Guillaume Antoine Benoît, baron Cappelle
General of France: Jules Bourbaki, (bestowed) - comte de Clermont-en-Beauvaisis
That congress in Budapest looked very familiar... Are you sure it didn't happen somewhere else in Austria?
'Tis a great shame to see the liberals suffering losses. I suspect dodgy dealings – especially considering what is essentially one party seem to be benefiting from being two parties. Very suspicious indeed...
I'll have to watch closely to see how these evens affect France. Very closely indeed.
'Tis a great shame to see the liberals suffering losses. I suspect dodgy dealings – especially considering what is essentially one party seem to be benefiting from being two parties. Very suspicious indeed...
I'll have to watch closely to see how these evens affect France. Very closely indeed.
That congress in Budapest looked very familiar... Are you sure it didn't happen somewhere else in Austria?
:laugh:
The exact translation of Capitalist Front is "Front Capitaliste".
"Avant Capitaliste" would mean "Before Capitalist" or "In front of Capitalist".
Chapter 12 - Turbulence - Louis Marie Albert - 1854-1858 (Henry V)
Lord Minister Albert ascended to his second term in a whirl of strategic confusion. The elections had confirmed the right's stability among the enfranchised nobility, but the actual ideals of the Conservative factions remained blurred. Therefore, Albert's cabinet was plagued with disunity and tension between the ministers. Rumors circulated that the Ultra-Royalists would be forced to dismiss certain moderate elements of the cabinet in order to protect it's political interests. The Lord Minister was able to diffuse the interior conflict, at the expense of concessions to the Progressive Conservatives and Centrists. But even this motion could not end opposition to his rule - the recurring conflict in Spain had borne fruit once more, allowing the unsatisfied components of the Government to hold Albert responsible for the conflict. Dubreuil demanded that the Lord Minister withdraw all support from the Carlist Regime, despite possible repercussions to French foreign policy. Traditional supporters fiercely debated this opposition, claiming that opposition to the Spanish Bourbons was treason against the family of their King. The Crown did not take a vocal response to the issue of Iberia - though the argument was enough to force a gag on the issue of Iberia. Public opinion swelled against the newly passed legislation, exhibiting the visible (and sizable) objection to the war. Pressured by a general outcry, Albert deferred the legislation to the Royal Courts for examination.
Meanwhile, General Bourbaki had begun his restorative offensive south, intending to wipe out the rebel strongholds before they could once again threaten Madrid. While several rebel pockets had managed to swing further north, the bulk of the rebel force was stationed in Almendralejo. Commanded by the infamous dissident, Ricardo Hernandez, the rebels boasted a force of 40,000 soldiers - profoundly greater then the combined arms of the Carlist and French armies in the region. The French officers were not fazed by the superior force, experienced in the offensive nature of Bourbaki's warfare, even against greater numbers. As expected, the French General took the entirety of his army and marched it directly upon Hernandez. Throughout the night of October the 15th, French artillery pounded the rebels into disarray, before commencing a general assault that obliterated the composition of the Spanish Rebellion.
The French victory at Almendralejo concluded the brief rebellion of 1854, although its unpopularity had a powerful impact on Royal politics. Bourbaki was not honored for his brutally cold triumph over the Spanish rebels, for Albert intended to keep the specifics of the conflict away from the public. The frigid nature of the General and his officers was a subtle gift to the Lord Minister, whom did not need to concern over providing decorations to ambitious captains. Instead, the French military allowed the success to be marked down as a mere footnote, burying 10,000 forgotten souls without a word. The lack of media coverage on the rebellion was swiftly replaced with adventures in exotic lands and daring actions - all courtesy of the French Royal Navy. Most famously publicized was the events surrounding the Kingdom of Tahiti, an island collective located in Polynesia. The small Kingdom gripped the interest of the nation after two Catholic priests under French protection were expelled by Queen Pōmare IV. Ferdinand-Alphonse Hamelin, Grand-Admiral of France commissioned a expedition to respond to this expulsion with reparation demands - but the mission was delayed following the assassination attempt on King Henry V. After the Rebellion, Vice-Admiral Abel Aubert Dupetit Thouars was appointed to the command of several French scouting ships, and tasked with enforcing the Grand Admiral's objective.
Dupetit arrived with the Fleet Convoy
The French fleet arrived in the Marquesas Islands in late August, carrying a transport of several hundred soldiers. However, the French were startled to discover that their efforts for colonial pressure had been undermined by a English missionary, Consul George Pritchard. The presence of another dominant power in the pacific region complicated the situation for Thouars, whom was left to deliver vacant threats to Queen Pōmare IV. After several weeks of non-existent progress, the French prepared to withdraw from Tahiti and leave the island nation to British devices. The Kingdom, however, was plagued with internal strife, including a traditionalist rebellion opposed to the general influence of Europeans. This inconvenience would prove vital to Thouars's diplomatic success, for the island queen was compelled to sign military agreements in the defense of her throne. Henceforth, the Queen became reliant on Royal French arms and European soldiers to keep the rest of her nation in balance. Pritchard, lacking a proper fleet in the archipelago, was unable to delay the contracts or call for neighboring aid. Instead, Thouars swiftly repressed the rebellion without a English word, and then proceeded to demand the island kingdom become a effective protectorate of the French Crown. As French troops marched through Tahiti, Queen Pōmare IV signed the agreement despite the best pleas of Pritchard, whom fled the island the following morning. That same day, celebratory marches were held throughout the island in honor of Henry V.
Celebrations following the establishment of a Tahiti Protectorate
French Parliament approved the treaty of 'effective annexation' by a near unanimous margin, straining relations with their counterparts in the Palace of Westminster. Actually, English MP's considered military retribution against the French, but the vote was strongly defeated because of logistical and strategic reasons. This vote was famously where British Prime Minister, Edward Smith-Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby, established his principle of "splendid isolation."
The establishment of a Pacific 'colony' proved to be a great prestigious boon to the Monarchy, which perceived the constant expansion of European influences as both a moral and religious obligation. And while this ideal was more of a ex post justification, religious leaders and devout civilians found it a appealing cause for expansion. The incursion into the Pacific would mark the end of Albert's continuous success, having achieved years of economic and military growth through heavy investment. The late months of 1854 had marked the pinnacle of interventionist policies, as the daily balance continued to surge over expectations, due to immense industrial profits. But the incredible success of the French economy was bound to tip over, an inevitable function of 19th century economics. During the first month of 1855, Antoine noticed that general prices were harshly fluctuating, especially in products that relied on the presence of raw materials. The comte Roy cited these incidents as related to an unstable international market, convinced that importation prices had been shifting. As a result, common sales doubled in price, while industrial owners remarked that profits were undergoing a sharp downturn, most likely due to higher expenditures on imported goods.
The situation quickly deteriorated into a public calamity after the finance ministry released reports that France had slipped into recession. Almost immediately after, private and public investors withdrew their finances, despite the best efforts of Minister Antoine to ease the growing fears. On January 23rd, Parliament ordered the Finance ministry to release reports of the economic status of the nation - intending to discover the origin and nature of this sudden turnaround. Antoine was unable to produce such documents in a timely fashion, worsening concerns that the recession may have been deeper then previously expected. Public and Private factories began a campaign of widespread firings, unable to properly balance their earnings in the midst of the crisis. Lower class workers and employees found themselves unemployed within the week, gathering at public rallies for government support. The swelling unemployment forced Antoine to produce unpopular explanations for the sharp downturn - placing the blame on diminishing funds from investors, whom over the past several months, had been scared off by: "the protectionist and anti-business policies that the esteemed Lord Minister, Louis Marie Albert, has sought to peruse." The Lord Minister promptly fired Antoine for his report, placing his own finger on several inconsistencies within the Ministry of Finance. The former Minister's dismal enraged hundreds of Parisians, sparking the first protests in reaction to the recession. Antoine was replaced by Christophe (II), comte de Chabrol de Crouzol a personal friend of Albert and noted economist of the Ultra-Royalist faction. Christophe subscribed to Albert's perspective on the economic crisis, spiking tariffs to 7% in order to halt the tumbling daily balance. Meanwhile, Antoine returned to Parliament and joined Avant Capitalist along with his supporters. This move shattered unity between the Conservatives (whom had supported Antoine) and the Ultra-Royalists (whom were supporting the Lord Minister.)
The newly directed finance ministry published three separate reports, disclosing information regarding the effects of the recession. According to the works, industrial output and profit declined by nearly 5%, while loan interest rates had increased by 2% - early indicators that the recession was sudden in it's nature. The daily balance of the Royal treasure plunged from £60,000 to £42,000, harming the carefully executed subsidy plan that had been drawn up by Antoine's financial administration. For weeks, Albert and Christophe struggled to keep the balance from declining further - retaining the highe tariff rate to protect domestic goods from international price fluctuation. French citizens tightened their belts as animosity towards Albert grew, fueling further riots as the economy worsened. Unemployment, especially in Paris, was reaching dangerous levels by springtime. Thousands of industrial workers occupied the streets, unable to find employment from any of the Parisian factories - public or privately owned. In some areas, including the capital, unemployment peaked in the tens of thousands. Military brigades were called in for support, in order to maintain civilian order during this time of crisis. The Rhineland populace resisted the incursions by the French military, using the profound regional unemployment to gather support for a Germanic Rebellion. When the Kingdom of Prussia declared war on the Austrians on Valentine's Day, 60,000 ethnic Germans orchestrated a rebellion against the Royal administration in Cologne. French Guard divisions were swiftly overrun by the sheer mass of the movement, which effectively seized half of the Rhineland in a matter of hours.
The Rebellion in the Rhineland begins
Formerly disowned officer, Thiery Exelmans, was granted command of the Royal soldiers in the Rhineland region. General Exelmans thoroughly repressed the uprising using questionable means, nonetheless quelling a profound nuisance to the government in Paris. The general refuted these claims, declaring: "There is not a single scale for cruelty when the matter of treason is involved." Over the next few months, French forces present in the Rhineland would enforce a policy of harsh assimilation, deconstructing the established German culture in the conquered territories. Back in Paris, unemployed workers organized the first effective strike against the conditions inside Royal factories. While the actual number of participants was around 10,000 - nearly a quarter of the workers presently employed provided logistical support for the movement, despite the risk to their won jobs. The strikes, which were mostly peaceful, came under consistent attack from government troops and disturbed industrialists. The strikes continued into late spring, until the movements became radicalized and evolved into aggressive riots. These violent acts forced Albert to crackdown on large public meetings, dispersing gathering crowds through troop deployment. By June, tens of thousands of workers and angered citizens participated in violent uprisings and riots, ushering in a summer contemporaries would refer to as "the First Bloody Summer."
Riots in Paris, 1857
The Bloody Summer extended beyond the borders of France - it's implications sending ripple effects throughout Europe. Central Europe had already been completely engulfed in the conflict between Prussia and Austria - dismantling the previous alliance that had stood during the Hungarian War. Originally triggered after the election of Austrian Conservatives, the Preußisches Herrenhaus and the Imperial Abgeordnetenhaus exchanged threats over the status of the Germanic minor nations, until the situation escalated into military conflict. Such development aggravated the recession, spiking food and metal prices across Europe. As a result, industrial output continued it's downward plunge, only to worsen after the Prussian occupation of Austrian Bohemia. Unable to halt the spiral, French politicians watched in horror as the "Red Summer" turned wild. All across the Kingdom, thousands of workers rioted in the streets, occasionally elevating the 'peaceful resistance' into a fueled rebellion. The French Royal Army actively repressed the opposition, dismantling the agitation in all regions whilst simultaneously preventing the spread of dissent. Yet the anger was not from the bowel classes alone, rather, wealthy merchants and landed aristocrats joined the protests against the government's inadequacy to stabilize France.
A map of riots and violent acts during the Red Summer
Bourbaki's iron-fisted suppression of the working-class riots could not transcend into the field of prominent discontent. Despite Albert's best attempts to cover up the persistence of political opposition, there existed a substantial remnant of aristocrats and elites that venomously despised his approach to the economic crisis. While the riots had been put down, unemployment continued to ascend higher due to the hike in importation prices. The condition of the treasury reached detrimental status by the end of Summer, prompting Dubreuil to propose a vote of no-confidence. The vote failed harshly, but the message was clear as crystal: "End the recession, or risk Civil War."
Strangely enough, the recession of 1856 - paramount in it's difficulties - would be resolved by the will of a single individual. Such a savior arrived in the form of Francois de Molette, Marquis de Morangiès, whom (using investments provided via La Compagnie de Laviet) constructed the largest expanse of clothing factories in the entire world. Molette acquired the needed cotton from the United States, transforming Paris into Europe's premiere textile sector. Georges-Eugène Haussmann worked closely alongside Molette, whom used the opportunity to demolish hundreds of outdated medieval buildings and replace them with either a more modern construction, or one of Molette's textile factories. Within a few weeks, Molette owned massive quantities of property in Paris, leading fellow capitalists to declare him "First Among Capitalists, or, In Front of Capitalism." His construction strategy quickly employed thousands of workers in Paris, emptying the streets that had once been filled with marching crowds and disgruntled laborers. Because of the enormous cost for such a venture, Molette divided his property among fellow politicians - exchanging his own estates for political defections. By the end of 1856, dozens of aristocrats had joined Molette's party, either out of respect or obligation. In the following months, investor confidence slowly repaired itself until the prices of goods stabilized after the fall of Vienna.
Molette's and Haussmann's constructions within Paris.
Lord Minister Albert rushed to restore confidence in his leadership, seeking permission from Parliament to authorize a invasion of Fouta Tooro. Though the treasury remained at recession levels, the Chamber approved colonial force by a slim majority. The General of France nominated Lt. General Robert Bazaine to command the expedition, providing local forces with a total of 15,000 soldiers - enough to take on the collective of five African kingdoms that 'violated Royal sovereignty.' Bazaine began his campaign in late February, facing three separate armies in the north, center, and south. On the 11th of March, Bazaine scored his first triumph, suffering a mere 84 losses after destroying the entirety of the African force. Nearly a month and a half following, a similar victory was secured - enabling the Royal Army to force-march upon their final target. Robert arrived at Mboul, and confronted the final resistance. African morale dwindled at the presence of Bazaine, whom meticulously pulled apart the African lines before shattering the entire force. The Battle of Mboul would be the last of the war, though occupation would continue until October.
West Africa after the conflict in Fouta Tooro
The Macedonian Crisis of 1857 briefly gripped the public eye after the African War, pitting Prussia and their Greek allies against the United Kingdom and the Ottoman Empire. Although the French maintained strong neutrality in the crisis, the recurring Congresses of the affair allowed France and Russia to secure their alliance - a policy that was solidified in the Treaty of Paris (1857). Anne-Édouard-Louis-Joseph de Montmorency-Beaumont-Luxembourg courted international diplomats at the conventions, using the new alliance as leverage to resolve the situation and stop the turmoil that had gripped the Germanic lands from spreading. James Howard Harris, 3rd Earl of Malmesbury, British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and Otto Theodor von Manteuffel, Prussian Minister of Foreign Affairs agreed to a resolution proposed by Luxembourg: Macedonia was granted regional autonomy but was retained under Ottoman Rule as per the annexations of 1371. The Macedonian Affair also distracted British interests in the Pacific, allowing the Ultra-Royalists to approve the effective incorporation of New Caledonia.
Historians of the modern thought have examined these particular years with increasing intrigue. Beyond recession, the foremost occupation of French policy revolved around colonial adventures, either in the Pacific or Africa. Laid down by the executives of France, the Chamber of Deputies abided by this stratagem, accepting the necessity to expand as a moral obligation. This perspective of 'duty' confirmed the irreversible presence of religious doctrine within the Kingdom - an archaic blood bond between Church and State. No more visible was the authority of the Catholic Church in France then at the trial of Gustave Flaubert. Gustave Flaubert was a infamous Parisian author, renown in his early life for his open sexual behavior. Flaubert spent five years working on his novel, Madame Bovary - which was harshly criticized for it's obscene and explicit nature. However, the novel amassed support from several literary critics and the general public, polarizing opinion on the work. Religious and Conservative groups called for censorship and swift action against Flaubert, citing immorality, censorship violation, and several religious infractions. Madame Bovary became the perfect test for the newly appointed Archbishop of Paris, François-Nicholas-Madeleine Morlot. Morlot inquired into the judicial system of the Crown, requesting Flaubert be tried before a ecclesiastical court and judged on Corpus Juris Civilis. King Henry V, stressed at his inability to produce a proper heir, approved this request from the "divine representatives."
The only remaining image of Flaubert.
Unsurprisingly, Morlot found Madame Bovary "worthy of heresy" and Flaubert guilty of all charges - copies of the book were subsequently burned whilst Flaubert was imprisoned in the Bagne of Toulon. The court muffled any public outcry to the judgment, threatening to excommunicate individuals that defied the 'word' of God. Rouen, the birthplace of Flaubert, came under swift media censorship, the Church's imbecilic attempt to silence free press advocates. Instead, supporters of Flaubert flocked to Paris, demanding his immediate release and relaxation of censorship laws. Morlot refused to concede, mustering a powerful mob of zealous Catholics and political reactionaries. The crowd staged a effective storming of Bagne[1], dragging Flaubert to the roped noose, where he would be hung to death. The scene created a counter-action to the supporters of Flaubert, flaunting to all citizens that the public opinion was not held in one direction.
François-Nicholas-Madeleine Morlot, Archbishop of Paris
Albert, Henry, and Morlot received a series of letters from Rome during the aftermath of the lynching. Blessed Pope Pius IX, expressed gratitude for the repression of reckless romanticism, though he refused to comment on the death of Flaubert. Alternatively, Pius hinted that God would reciprocate the act of 'justice,' with joyous occasions and divine miracles, though modern historians dismiss this as a mere device for religious rhetoric. Nonetheless, the following events would be referred to by contemporaries as the "Three Miracles."
In the days following the execution of Flaubert, the French surplus had wildly fluctuated. Industrial subsidy costs escalated, whilst revenue from exports dwindled from a lack of raw material. The threat of a renewed recession remained a powerful possibility, one that Christophe dared not spark. The Ministry of Finance sent a series of delegates to Berlin during the final weeks of 1857, aspiring to secure economic deals with their former opponent. These 'financial emissaries' struck a deal alongside the Prussian King, pledging to lower tariffs on North German goods in exchange for the re-opening of markets within occupied Austria and Bohemia. The treaty was implemented at a unprecedented speed, as tariffs across western Europe were dropped and goods flooded across several borderlines. As imports rushed into France, the price of raw materials collapsed, allowing the Industrial sector to church a unprecedented profit. Lower tariff rates and increased imports meant the government was earning a fortune on duties, and spending less on subsidies. Daily Balance earnings returned to their pre-recession levels, reviving the once deceased growth of the French economy.
The Second Miracle is perhaps the only miracle that fits the normal definition of the word. Defined by the Catholic Church as "worthy of belief" - the Second Miracle labels the experiences of "Saint" Marie Bernarde "Bernadette" Soubirous. On 11 February 1858, Bernadette, aged 14, was collecting firewood alongside her sister when she had her initial vision. Her vision was that of a shimmering white figure, which she referred to as aquero - Occitan for "that." She would in total, experience 18 visions of Saint Mary, and later become a saintly figure for the Catholic Church (despite early skepticism from the institution.)
The Final Miracle, was war. The Himnusz sung all the way to Vienna.
Meanwhile, General Bourbaki had begun his restorative offensive south, intending to wipe out the rebel strongholds before they could once again threaten Madrid. While several rebel pockets had managed to swing further north, the bulk of the rebel force was stationed in Almendralejo. Commanded by the infamous dissident, Ricardo Hernandez, the rebels boasted a force of 40,000 soldiers - profoundly greater then the combined arms of the Carlist and French armies in the region. The French officers were not fazed by the superior force, experienced in the offensive nature of Bourbaki's warfare, even against greater numbers. As expected, the French General took the entirety of his army and marched it directly upon Hernandez. Throughout the night of October the 15th, French artillery pounded the rebels into disarray, before commencing a general assault that obliterated the composition of the Spanish Rebellion.
The French victory at Almendralejo concluded the brief rebellion of 1854, although its unpopularity had a powerful impact on Royal politics. Bourbaki was not honored for his brutally cold triumph over the Spanish rebels, for Albert intended to keep the specifics of the conflict away from the public. The frigid nature of the General and his officers was a subtle gift to the Lord Minister, whom did not need to concern over providing decorations to ambitious captains. Instead, the French military allowed the success to be marked down as a mere footnote, burying 10,000 forgotten souls without a word. The lack of media coverage on the rebellion was swiftly replaced with adventures in exotic lands and daring actions - all courtesy of the French Royal Navy. Most famously publicized was the events surrounding the Kingdom of Tahiti, an island collective located in Polynesia. The small Kingdom gripped the interest of the nation after two Catholic priests under French protection were expelled by Queen Pōmare IV. Ferdinand-Alphonse Hamelin, Grand-Admiral of France commissioned a expedition to respond to this expulsion with reparation demands - but the mission was delayed following the assassination attempt on King Henry V. After the Rebellion, Vice-Admiral Abel Aubert Dupetit Thouars was appointed to the command of several French scouting ships, and tasked with enforcing the Grand Admiral's objective.
Dupetit arrived with the Fleet Convoy
The French fleet arrived in the Marquesas Islands in late August, carrying a transport of several hundred soldiers. However, the French were startled to discover that their efforts for colonial pressure had been undermined by a English missionary, Consul George Pritchard. The presence of another dominant power in the pacific region complicated the situation for Thouars, whom was left to deliver vacant threats to Queen Pōmare IV. After several weeks of non-existent progress, the French prepared to withdraw from Tahiti and leave the island nation to British devices. The Kingdom, however, was plagued with internal strife, including a traditionalist rebellion opposed to the general influence of Europeans. This inconvenience would prove vital to Thouars's diplomatic success, for the island queen was compelled to sign military agreements in the defense of her throne. Henceforth, the Queen became reliant on Royal French arms and European soldiers to keep the rest of her nation in balance. Pritchard, lacking a proper fleet in the archipelago, was unable to delay the contracts or call for neighboring aid. Instead, Thouars swiftly repressed the rebellion without a English word, and then proceeded to demand the island kingdom become a effective protectorate of the French Crown. As French troops marched through Tahiti, Queen Pōmare IV signed the agreement despite the best pleas of Pritchard, whom fled the island the following morning. That same day, celebratory marches were held throughout the island in honor of Henry V.
Celebrations following the establishment of a Tahiti Protectorate
French Parliament approved the treaty of 'effective annexation' by a near unanimous margin, straining relations with their counterparts in the Palace of Westminster. Actually, English MP's considered military retribution against the French, but the vote was strongly defeated because of logistical and strategic reasons. This vote was famously where British Prime Minister, Edward Smith-Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby, established his principle of "splendid isolation."
The establishment of a Pacific 'colony' proved to be a great prestigious boon to the Monarchy, which perceived the constant expansion of European influences as both a moral and religious obligation. And while this ideal was more of a ex post justification, religious leaders and devout civilians found it a appealing cause for expansion. The incursion into the Pacific would mark the end of Albert's continuous success, having achieved years of economic and military growth through heavy investment. The late months of 1854 had marked the pinnacle of interventionist policies, as the daily balance continued to surge over expectations, due to immense industrial profits. But the incredible success of the French economy was bound to tip over, an inevitable function of 19th century economics. During the first month of 1855, Antoine noticed that general prices were harshly fluctuating, especially in products that relied on the presence of raw materials. The comte Roy cited these incidents as related to an unstable international market, convinced that importation prices had been shifting. As a result, common sales doubled in price, while industrial owners remarked that profits were undergoing a sharp downturn, most likely due to higher expenditures on imported goods.
The situation quickly deteriorated into a public calamity after the finance ministry released reports that France had slipped into recession. Almost immediately after, private and public investors withdrew their finances, despite the best efforts of Minister Antoine to ease the growing fears. On January 23rd, Parliament ordered the Finance ministry to release reports of the economic status of the nation - intending to discover the origin and nature of this sudden turnaround. Antoine was unable to produce such documents in a timely fashion, worsening concerns that the recession may have been deeper then previously expected. Public and Private factories began a campaign of widespread firings, unable to properly balance their earnings in the midst of the crisis. Lower class workers and employees found themselves unemployed within the week, gathering at public rallies for government support. The swelling unemployment forced Antoine to produce unpopular explanations for the sharp downturn - placing the blame on diminishing funds from investors, whom over the past several months, had been scared off by: "the protectionist and anti-business policies that the esteemed Lord Minister, Louis Marie Albert, has sought to peruse." The Lord Minister promptly fired Antoine for his report, placing his own finger on several inconsistencies within the Ministry of Finance. The former Minister's dismal enraged hundreds of Parisians, sparking the first protests in reaction to the recession. Antoine was replaced by Christophe (II), comte de Chabrol de Crouzol a personal friend of Albert and noted economist of the Ultra-Royalist faction. Christophe subscribed to Albert's perspective on the economic crisis, spiking tariffs to 7% in order to halt the tumbling daily balance. Meanwhile, Antoine returned to Parliament and joined Avant Capitalist along with his supporters. This move shattered unity between the Conservatives (whom had supported Antoine) and the Ultra-Royalists (whom were supporting the Lord Minister.)
The newly directed finance ministry published three separate reports, disclosing information regarding the effects of the recession. According to the works, industrial output and profit declined by nearly 5%, while loan interest rates had increased by 2% - early indicators that the recession was sudden in it's nature. The daily balance of the Royal treasure plunged from £60,000 to £42,000, harming the carefully executed subsidy plan that had been drawn up by Antoine's financial administration. For weeks, Albert and Christophe struggled to keep the balance from declining further - retaining the highe tariff rate to protect domestic goods from international price fluctuation. French citizens tightened their belts as animosity towards Albert grew, fueling further riots as the economy worsened. Unemployment, especially in Paris, was reaching dangerous levels by springtime. Thousands of industrial workers occupied the streets, unable to find employment from any of the Parisian factories - public or privately owned. In some areas, including the capital, unemployment peaked in the tens of thousands. Military brigades were called in for support, in order to maintain civilian order during this time of crisis. The Rhineland populace resisted the incursions by the French military, using the profound regional unemployment to gather support for a Germanic Rebellion. When the Kingdom of Prussia declared war on the Austrians on Valentine's Day, 60,000 ethnic Germans orchestrated a rebellion against the Royal administration in Cologne. French Guard divisions were swiftly overrun by the sheer mass of the movement, which effectively seized half of the Rhineland in a matter of hours.
The Rebellion in the Rhineland begins
Formerly disowned officer, Thiery Exelmans, was granted command of the Royal soldiers in the Rhineland region. General Exelmans thoroughly repressed the uprising using questionable means, nonetheless quelling a profound nuisance to the government in Paris. The general refuted these claims, declaring: "There is not a single scale for cruelty when the matter of treason is involved." Over the next few months, French forces present in the Rhineland would enforce a policy of harsh assimilation, deconstructing the established German culture in the conquered territories. Back in Paris, unemployed workers organized the first effective strike against the conditions inside Royal factories. While the actual number of participants was around 10,000 - nearly a quarter of the workers presently employed provided logistical support for the movement, despite the risk to their won jobs. The strikes, which were mostly peaceful, came under consistent attack from government troops and disturbed industrialists. The strikes continued into late spring, until the movements became radicalized and evolved into aggressive riots. These violent acts forced Albert to crackdown on large public meetings, dispersing gathering crowds through troop deployment. By June, tens of thousands of workers and angered citizens participated in violent uprisings and riots, ushering in a summer contemporaries would refer to as "the First Bloody Summer."
Riots in Paris, 1857
The Bloody Summer extended beyond the borders of France - it's implications sending ripple effects throughout Europe. Central Europe had already been completely engulfed in the conflict between Prussia and Austria - dismantling the previous alliance that had stood during the Hungarian War. Originally triggered after the election of Austrian Conservatives, the Preußisches Herrenhaus and the Imperial Abgeordnetenhaus exchanged threats over the status of the Germanic minor nations, until the situation escalated into military conflict. Such development aggravated the recession, spiking food and metal prices across Europe. As a result, industrial output continued it's downward plunge, only to worsen after the Prussian occupation of Austrian Bohemia. Unable to halt the spiral, French politicians watched in horror as the "Red Summer" turned wild. All across the Kingdom, thousands of workers rioted in the streets, occasionally elevating the 'peaceful resistance' into a fueled rebellion. The French Royal Army actively repressed the opposition, dismantling the agitation in all regions whilst simultaneously preventing the spread of dissent. Yet the anger was not from the bowel classes alone, rather, wealthy merchants and landed aristocrats joined the protests against the government's inadequacy to stabilize France.
A map of riots and violent acts during the Red Summer
Bourbaki's iron-fisted suppression of the working-class riots could not transcend into the field of prominent discontent. Despite Albert's best attempts to cover up the persistence of political opposition, there existed a substantial remnant of aristocrats and elites that venomously despised his approach to the economic crisis. While the riots had been put down, unemployment continued to ascend higher due to the hike in importation prices. The condition of the treasury reached detrimental status by the end of Summer, prompting Dubreuil to propose a vote of no-confidence. The vote failed harshly, but the message was clear as crystal: "End the recession, or risk Civil War."
Strangely enough, the recession of 1856 - paramount in it's difficulties - would be resolved by the will of a single individual. Such a savior arrived in the form of Francois de Molette, Marquis de Morangiès, whom (using investments provided via La Compagnie de Laviet) constructed the largest expanse of clothing factories in the entire world. Molette acquired the needed cotton from the United States, transforming Paris into Europe's premiere textile sector. Georges-Eugène Haussmann worked closely alongside Molette, whom used the opportunity to demolish hundreds of outdated medieval buildings and replace them with either a more modern construction, or one of Molette's textile factories. Within a few weeks, Molette owned massive quantities of property in Paris, leading fellow capitalists to declare him "First Among Capitalists, or, In Front of Capitalism." His construction strategy quickly employed thousands of workers in Paris, emptying the streets that had once been filled with marching crowds and disgruntled laborers. Because of the enormous cost for such a venture, Molette divided his property among fellow politicians - exchanging his own estates for political defections. By the end of 1856, dozens of aristocrats had joined Molette's party, either out of respect or obligation. In the following months, investor confidence slowly repaired itself until the prices of goods stabilized after the fall of Vienna.
Molette's and Haussmann's constructions within Paris.
Lord Minister Albert rushed to restore confidence in his leadership, seeking permission from Parliament to authorize a invasion of Fouta Tooro. Though the treasury remained at recession levels, the Chamber approved colonial force by a slim majority. The General of France nominated Lt. General Robert Bazaine to command the expedition, providing local forces with a total of 15,000 soldiers - enough to take on the collective of five African kingdoms that 'violated Royal sovereignty.' Bazaine began his campaign in late February, facing three separate armies in the north, center, and south. On the 11th of March, Bazaine scored his first triumph, suffering a mere 84 losses after destroying the entirety of the African force. Nearly a month and a half following, a similar victory was secured - enabling the Royal Army to force-march upon their final target. Robert arrived at Mboul, and confronted the final resistance. African morale dwindled at the presence of Bazaine, whom meticulously pulled apart the African lines before shattering the entire force. The Battle of Mboul would be the last of the war, though occupation would continue until October.
West Africa after the conflict in Fouta Tooro
The Macedonian Crisis of 1857 briefly gripped the public eye after the African War, pitting Prussia and their Greek allies against the United Kingdom and the Ottoman Empire. Although the French maintained strong neutrality in the crisis, the recurring Congresses of the affair allowed France and Russia to secure their alliance - a policy that was solidified in the Treaty of Paris (1857). Anne-Édouard-Louis-Joseph de Montmorency-Beaumont-Luxembourg courted international diplomats at the conventions, using the new alliance as leverage to resolve the situation and stop the turmoil that had gripped the Germanic lands from spreading. James Howard Harris, 3rd Earl of Malmesbury, British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and Otto Theodor von Manteuffel, Prussian Minister of Foreign Affairs agreed to a resolution proposed by Luxembourg: Macedonia was granted regional autonomy but was retained under Ottoman Rule as per the annexations of 1371. The Macedonian Affair also distracted British interests in the Pacific, allowing the Ultra-Royalists to approve the effective incorporation of New Caledonia.
Historians of the modern thought have examined these particular years with increasing intrigue. Beyond recession, the foremost occupation of French policy revolved around colonial adventures, either in the Pacific or Africa. Laid down by the executives of France, the Chamber of Deputies abided by this stratagem, accepting the necessity to expand as a moral obligation. This perspective of 'duty' confirmed the irreversible presence of religious doctrine within the Kingdom - an archaic blood bond between Church and State. No more visible was the authority of the Catholic Church in France then at the trial of Gustave Flaubert. Gustave Flaubert was a infamous Parisian author, renown in his early life for his open sexual behavior. Flaubert spent five years working on his novel, Madame Bovary - which was harshly criticized for it's obscene and explicit nature. However, the novel amassed support from several literary critics and the general public, polarizing opinion on the work. Religious and Conservative groups called for censorship and swift action against Flaubert, citing immorality, censorship violation, and several religious infractions. Madame Bovary became the perfect test for the newly appointed Archbishop of Paris, François-Nicholas-Madeleine Morlot. Morlot inquired into the judicial system of the Crown, requesting Flaubert be tried before a ecclesiastical court and judged on Corpus Juris Civilis. King Henry V, stressed at his inability to produce a proper heir, approved this request from the "divine representatives."
The only remaining image of Flaubert.
Unsurprisingly, Morlot found Madame Bovary "worthy of heresy" and Flaubert guilty of all charges - copies of the book were subsequently burned whilst Flaubert was imprisoned in the Bagne of Toulon. The court muffled any public outcry to the judgment, threatening to excommunicate individuals that defied the 'word' of God. Rouen, the birthplace of Flaubert, came under swift media censorship, the Church's imbecilic attempt to silence free press advocates. Instead, supporters of Flaubert flocked to Paris, demanding his immediate release and relaxation of censorship laws. Morlot refused to concede, mustering a powerful mob of zealous Catholics and political reactionaries. The crowd staged a effective storming of Bagne[1], dragging Flaubert to the roped noose, where he would be hung to death. The scene created a counter-action to the supporters of Flaubert, flaunting to all citizens that the public opinion was not held in one direction.
François-Nicholas-Madeleine Morlot, Archbishop of Paris
The Three Miracles
Albert, Henry, and Morlot received a series of letters from Rome during the aftermath of the lynching. Blessed Pope Pius IX, expressed gratitude for the repression of reckless romanticism, though he refused to comment on the death of Flaubert. Alternatively, Pius hinted that God would reciprocate the act of 'justice,' with joyous occasions and divine miracles, though modern historians dismiss this as a mere device for religious rhetoric. Nonetheless, the following events would be referred to by contemporaries as the "Three Miracles."
In the days following the execution of Flaubert, the French surplus had wildly fluctuated. Industrial subsidy costs escalated, whilst revenue from exports dwindled from a lack of raw material. The threat of a renewed recession remained a powerful possibility, one that Christophe dared not spark. The Ministry of Finance sent a series of delegates to Berlin during the final weeks of 1857, aspiring to secure economic deals with their former opponent. These 'financial emissaries' struck a deal alongside the Prussian King, pledging to lower tariffs on North German goods in exchange for the re-opening of markets within occupied Austria and Bohemia. The treaty was implemented at a unprecedented speed, as tariffs across western Europe were dropped and goods flooded across several borderlines. As imports rushed into France, the price of raw materials collapsed, allowing the Industrial sector to church a unprecedented profit. Lower tariff rates and increased imports meant the government was earning a fortune on duties, and spending less on subsidies. Daily Balance earnings returned to their pre-recession levels, reviving the once deceased growth of the French economy.
The Second Miracle is perhaps the only miracle that fits the normal definition of the word. Defined by the Catholic Church as "worthy of belief" - the Second Miracle labels the experiences of "Saint" Marie Bernarde "Bernadette" Soubirous. On 11 February 1858, Bernadette, aged 14, was collecting firewood alongside her sister when she had her initial vision. Her vision was that of a shimmering white figure, which she referred to as aquero - Occitan for "that." She would in total, experience 18 visions of Saint Mary, and later become a saintly figure for the Catholic Church (despite early skepticism from the institution.)
The Final Miracle, was war. The Himnusz sung all the way to Vienna.
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Well everyone, apologies for the delay. I spent a bunch of days in the hospital after a Anaphylaxis reaction and then broke my foot in Football training ('Murica), so the wounds of war have practically put off this update. But, after many, many, many, hours of writing - I finally finished. Enjoy!
At least 20 years before Disraeli, and 40 before Salisbury... That's good going! Also, Pius IX wasn't beatified until 2000, so that's really good going – as is the fact tha he managed to be beatified whilst still alive.
Aside from that, an interesting update. Looking forward to reading about the war.
At least 20 years before Disraeli, and 40 before Salisbury... That's good going! Also, Pius IX wasn't beatified until 2000, so that's really good going – as is the fact tha he managed to be beatified whilst still alive.
Aside from that, an interesting update. Looking forward to reading about the war.
Derby's policies as PM could be interpreted as a prelude to the policy of "splendid isolation" in OTL. Additionally, because my IG UK had gone through so much domestic crap, it made some sense to speed such a principle.