A Federation of "Equals" - A Danubian Federation Interative AAR

Scrapknight said:

I will admit that creating a new state under Russian influence is not ideal, but surely some minor revisions to the treaty could be proposed. What if this new state was a joint protectorate of Russia and Danubia, or if it was put in the Ottoman sphere instead (a much more pliable nation)? Let us not reject this arrangement out of hand just because we only focus on the present instead of possible future negotiations.

- Valentyn Sikorsky

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((Just as a point of information: the Ottomans are a secondary power, so cannot have a sphere.))

Witness: Field-Marshall Symon Revenjo, Chief of the General Staff, gave evidence.

Q258 Chair: Mr Revenjo, would you please briefly outline for the Commission your history within the armed forces, specifically your position under Lilic's administration?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: As a military officer, I have served in the Danubian Armed Forces since its conception in 1848. I was initially appointed as Chief of the General Staff by the Minister of War in the fading days of the Kraus administration, and served that position for several junctures during the following Presidencies. Under the Lilic administration, I was again appointed Chief of General Staff after my predecessors either resigned or were promoted to Ministerial positions.

Q259 Chair: What was your opinion of President Lilic as President?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: Excusing the circumstances that Lilic ascended to the Presidency, I continue to hold Lilic's tenure as President in high regard. He was a man of pragmatic approach, and decisive exertion.

Q260 Chair: Were you aware of any wrongdoing by the President in regards to his treatment of the electoral process and the constitution during his administration?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: I was aware that President Lilic had recruited the support of a politicized organization, not as a movement for electoral fraud, but rather, as an institution that resembles an advocacy establishment. After the electoral vote in 1880, I inquired into President Lilic's employment of the organization as well as the wide-spread accusation regarding fraud. He confessed that he was unaware of any electoral fraud, although he attributed functions of his victory to the campaigning of Professor “X’s” institution, not chicanery. It is my humble opinion, based around my conversations with the executive, that President Lilic remained unaware of X’s political reach in both elections, despite recent accusations. In honesty, I do submit that President Lilic held me in esteemed confidence, and considered my voice part of his political circle.

Q261 Roman Hladík: What evidence do you have to back up the assertion that President Lilic held you in esteemed confidence?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: His final letter.

Chair: Could you please present this letter to the Commission?

[The following letter was submitted to the Commission and is held on file in the Commission’s Archive. It was read aloud by Commissioner Faber.]

Noco19 said:

Dear Symon,
I fear these days may be my last. Your devotion to the Federation is not forgotten.
Don’t let the French win,
J.L

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Q262 Chair: Do you have any further evidence which suggests President Lilic took you into his confidence regarding more sensitive information?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: I can provide no further written evidence of his confidence. I can, however, affirm that I was the only individual informed of the employment of "X's" organization. President Lilic believed that moderates in his cabinet would disapprove of external employment by a far-right "advocacy" organization, yet he was compelled to inform me (as a non-political member of the armed forces) after I inquired on the 1880 electoral results. When the electoral inquiry found Lilic had still won the election, I was of the mind that the organization had remained within the confines of legality. I would also note that I never knew of the man "X" - only the broad description of his group that the President offered.

Q263 Chair: You seem to be giving the impression that you unconditionally supported Lilic's government right through to the end: is this a fair description of your relationship with the administration?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: Mr. Chairman, I find that to be an unreasonable inquiry. As an individual - a citizen of the Federation - I supported Lilic and his administration under the belief that the operating channels were within legal boundaries. I believe it is my right to support the dutifully elected President of the Federation as a voter - and I must also remind the inquiry that my knowledge, as a matter of fact, the entire public knowledge, was blurred by the Free National Army. I would almost contend that Lilic remained entirely ignorant of their grand plot. But as a professional. As an employee of the Federation, my personal convictions never interfered with the responsibilities of my office. You have inquired if I supported Lilic to the end; as an individual, ignorant to the intentions of the FNA, yes, I did. But, as Chief of the General Staff, I ensured the neutrality of the armed forces, prevented Civil War, and negotiated peace agreements with the present incumbent in order to maintain stability across the Federation. These actions do not resemble an officer downright dedicated to a fallen President - on the contrary, Mr. Chairman.

Q264 Chair: Could you please detail for the Commission what actions you took to ensure the neutrality of the armed forces, prevent Civil War and negotiate peace agreements?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: The Commission must note that several high-ranking officers in the Armed Forces declared for either Lilic or the opposition in the weeks following the ‘84 election. I delivered a telegram to all standing armies that had clarified their position, ordering them to remain neutral and return to confront enemy forces on the western front. It is my belief that this action prevented an unwanted escalation of tensions and limited the possibility of a full-scale Civil War. The Commission must also note that I was in contact with the opposition leader and current President, Lukas Banik, as clarified in a public statement made during the crisis. Due to his quick response, we were able to ensure peace in regards to the Armed Forces. All generals and admirals, thanks to these aforementioned negotiations, proved the decisive factor in preventing military intervention in the crisis.

Q265 Chair: I hope you will provide names of those who declared in favour of Lilic's regime for the inspection of the Commission. Would it be fair to say that your actions in ensuring military neutrality prolonged Lilic's administration?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: Leopold von Tirpitz was the premier commanding general in support of Lilic, although upon request, he submitted to neutrality and respected the transition to our restored democracy. And to answer your second question, I would wholeheartedly disagree. Had I declared for either Lilic or the opposition, the rift in the military would be widened and the Federation would be faced with internal military conflict. Either declaration would have allowed Lilic’s administration a more attainable chance at sustenance as it would have provided him with profound military support and forced confrontation.

Q265 Zoran Antić: I understand you decreed that any troops not respecting this neutrality would be regarded as deserters and shot; would you agree that this would have led to great conflict within the armed forces had Lilic not come to such a swift and fortunate end?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: Can the inquiry specify the aforementioned order?

Zoran Antić: It is an order originating from army headquarters in France on the 14th August of this year specifying that "any part of the army actively returning to Federal soil before the war is over without explicit orders from the Chief of the General Staff are to be treated as deserters". I believe you will find it in your evidence folder under tab 12.

Field-Marshall Revenjo: The inquiry should conclude that those mentioned orders were never formally approved nor proposed by my office. However, I would refer the inquiry to the conflict with the French for the cause of the desertion executive from the serving Generals, where desertion is an obvious injury to our war-efforts. I do not object to the executive. Desertion from the military is a crime. It should be treated as such and enforced no matter the circumstance. Additionally, I find the excerpt delivered irrelevant to the matter of neutrality, but rather, entirely relevant to the war in the west.

Q267 Chair: Prior to your testimony, we heard from Consul Donato, who raised allegations to threats and abuse within Lilic's government; did you ever experience or see such abuses of power?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: I have found that Consul Donato's testimony has been far from completely genuine. While I do not blame Consul Donato for this - I am of the opinion he was not consulted often by the executive - his allegations were not specific and seem to play off the mass sensationalisation following Lilic's downfall. Unless the Commission could specify the abuses addressed - I am afraid I am of no use in this question to the inquiry. However, I would note the possibly of such allegations outside the information that the Lilic and his government provided the General Staff. To answer directly, never did I witness, nor informed of a misuse of power by Lilic. I will supplement this statement by an excerpt from Consul Donato: “I am afraid that Mr Lilic did not always consult or confide in his ministers on his actions. He was a cautious man, and I doubtless believe that he did not trust to inform anyone else of his actions, even his own ministers. Also, not all those in my ministry cared to answer to me.”

Q268 Chair: Do you believe that President Lilic forced you into appointing commanders more loyal to him than you, in a similar manner that that described by Consul Donato?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: No, President Lilic never interfered in the private affairs of the Armed Forces. In fact, the Comission should note that the majority of the General Staff were self-identified RUF members.

Q269 Roman Hladík: To what extent was, and is, politics intergrated with military power, both in terms of oversight by the execuitive and political beliefs within the body of military leadership?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: The relationship between the armed forces and the political sphere is an altering correspondence. Certain measures have been implemented to divide politics and military policy, most recognizably, the Military Neutrality Act. Although I was an early opponent of the MNA, after viewing the occasional misplaced ambition of military officers, I have repositioned myself as an ardent enforcer of the legislation and its later amendments. It is often difficult to determine the position of the General Staff and their approach to politics, but it is undeniable that the military executive needs to distance himself from all matters political. It would be a heinous crime to advise the political body on any matter extending beyond military advice or in some cases, defense funding. During my stature as Chief of the General Staff, stretching past several presidencies, never have I influenced political decision or provided international advice unless requested by the executive. To specify the latter, it is often customary during a military crisis to request a report from the General Staff. I am, however, concerned by the growing partisanship in the General Staff. While the composing members do not influence government policy, it is clear by the swift declarations provided by the standing officers after the ‘84 election that the stance of purposeful neutrality is quickly becoming affected by political passion.

Q270 Chair: Do you believe anything can be done to stem this tide of partisanship?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: I would conclude that the partisanship is only so dangerous when it comes into contact with administrative policy. Nonetheless, I would find it beneficial for the Armed Forces to remind the serving officers that they are employed and are sworn to protect the country, not the incumbent administration.

Q271 Roman Hladík: Why do you believe Lilic did so little to interfere with the armed forces when there were clear signs of opposition from within its upper ranks?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: I believe Lilic was undisturbed by the opposition in the Armed Forces because he had reached such a level of popularity following the attempted uprising. It would almost seem that Lilic had constructed a false sense of invincibility around his administration after the primary opposition had been enfeebled.

Q272 Roberto Maroni: If that is indeed the case, then what do you make of the letter you earlier presented to the Commission, which states in what purports to be the President's own hand, "I fear these days may be my last."?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: The final letter was delivered shortly after Lilic's guard turned on him, during which hope for the President was vanquished. His invincibility died after he percieved the massive decline in state support, long after the military had secured neutrality.

Q273 Roberto Maroni: What that vulnerable side something you had not seen previously in Lilic's character?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: Yes, excluding one exception. During the uprising, he was very much counting on loyal electoral voters and local police to maintain order throughout the duration of the uprising. Aside from that brief episode, Lilic was very much in control of his Presidency.

Q274 Roberto Maroni: You stated earlier that you do not believe that Lilic was aware that electoral fraud had occurred; do you believe this is consistent with your previous statement that 'Lilic was very much in control of his Presidency.'? And, in light of this statement, to what extent do you believe Lilic was aware of his government's other unconstitutional actions?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: I must confess that I’m no phrenologist. From an opinionated view, I would assume that Lilic may have suspected the work of the FNA in any electoral fraud, though I continue to hold the opinion that Lilic was separated from the actual criminality by the apparent discretion exercised by the FNA. And to the latter, would the inquiry specify the unconstitutional actions?

Roberto Maroni: There are a wealth of such cases; the creation of the Censor's Office, for example, to remove the constitutional principle of the freedom of the press, or the use of the Trade Unions' Congress as a means to limit the rights of association guaranteed by the constitution to name but a few.

Field-Marshall Revenjo: I've separated myself from the more political nuisances that the administration handled, as I stated before. I would assume that these actions were taken through legal constitutional alterations following the widespread resignation of seats from the opposition, but such actions were certainly the constructions of the Presidency. And by actions, I of course mean the legislation.

Q275 Chair: I don't believe the Commission has any further questions for you. Is there anything further you wish to add?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: I would humbly request the Commission provide its evidence or cause of apprehension regarding the arrest of President de Palma. It is essential to recognize that de Palma was generally absent from administrative affairs and often away on diplomatic envoys. If I must, I will testify on behalf of the President - assuming of course, I am not apprehended in the mean time. The inquirty must excuse me if this request is beyond my purpose in this Commission.

Q276 Chair: Though we do have the requirement to uncover the truth and aid the police in any of their duties, and certainly have in many cases cooperated with the police to ensure that a successful arrest is made, any and all arrests are made by the local police force. If you have any queries, I would recommend directing them to the police at the appropriate juncture; however, would you like to say anything now, while on the record, regarding President de Palma?

Field-Marshall Revenjo: I would say that I don't even believe President de Palma is even a Federal citizen: I don't think I saw him touch Danubian ground once during Lilic's tenure! Anything further I will direct either to local authorities or the presiding jury in his trial.

Chair: Thank you, Field-Marshall. I am sure the relevant authorities will be more than happy to speak to you post-haste.
 

Witness: Mr Charles Jakopin, former-Foreign Minister to President Lilic, gave evidence.

Q296 Chair: Mr Jakopin, please could you state for the record what your relationship was with the Lilic government and how your political career had brought you to that point?

Mr Jakopin: An interesting question! One filled with many stories and tales. Ah, I forget myself, to answer your question, it starts at the end of Spiros' Second Term, by this point, I had already ran in three elections, a mighty number, and I was preparing to run again. The conservative race was anything but close as it had been in the past. The Danubian Patriotic Union was growing, and The All-Danubian Conservative Party was shirking, extremism was on the rise, and moderates paid the price. As the only other popular, relevant conservative I suspect he wanted me on his cabinet. He approached me with a deal, to submit to him, and he would make me his Vice-President. I rejected the deal, and planned to make De Palma my own VP, however, De Palma suffered, yet again, a loss of communication with myself, and yet again, he was someone else’s' Vice-President. I found this lose truly agonizing, and had decided it was better too support the DPU then the RU. Thus, I voted for Lilic in the final ballot and he made me his Foreign-Minister for my work in Slovenia. I have remained with him ever since and even served as De Palma's Foreign Minister during his own reign. I do not reject the fact that we were fairly close, political rivals but, I had worked with and for him for more then five years, I would have considered him a friend.

Q297 Chair: Were you aware of the electoral fraud and other unconstitutional business conducted by Lilic's regime?

Mr Jakopin: Well, that is quite the loaded question, but I suppose that is why I am here! Me and Lilic ran against each other a number of times. One of those times I remember vividly, when the god-awful Spiros regime when, well, just not quite as good as Valenta's. During that time, I looked to unite the left and the right against the radicals, however our terrible, -terrible- electoral process brought me out of the election just because my primary was a bit smaller the Lilic's, making the strangest political move in history. The Danubian Patriotic Union, supported the Radical Union, a socialistic party! Thus, he had popularity with the radicals I am sure. I do not see any reason why he would stuff the ballots, against a radical, who as just a carbon copy of what the others had been. If I had heard any rumours, (I likely have, I am an old and experienced man however, I cannot remember everything!) I would have dismissed them immediately.

Q298 Chair: Mr Jakopin, the question is not, 'was electoral fraud committed?', because we have clear evidence to suggest it was, and neither was it, 'how did Preisdent Lilic get elected?'. I would be grateful if you could answer the question put to you; were you, during your time in Lilic's government, aware of the electoral fraud which kept it in office or of the unconstitutional nature of many of its other actions?

Mr Jakopin: Forgive me, I seemed to have gotten lost in myself and forgotten it. No, I was not particularly aware of electoral fraud. I expected he made promises, and deals with a large number of political leaders. But what politician doesn't do that? It's the oldest tradition in Congress. As I said, any news that came to me that suggested it was sorely rejected by me, only now that more and more evidence is evident, that wasn't when I was Foreign Minister, do I see some things that may have pointed to Electoral Fraud. And, if you are speaking of unconstitutional actions, then we would have to go back to the very start of the federation to root out that problem.

Q299 Chair: Did you ever experience or see threats and violence within the Lilic government?

Mr Jakopin: Me? No, Lilic never threatened me, he never threatened anyone. He stopped the Royalist Civil War with a letter, you know, a letter of peace. We wanted to be a beacon of that idea, when I stepped into the Foreign Ministry, I wished to keep it that way. Sadly, that was not the case, anyhow, no, I have never experienced any threats. Everything I did and do are on my own accord.

Q300 Chair: Did President Lilic ever interfere in the workings of your ministry?

Mr Jakopin: Well, yes. During the war with France and Italy, I crafted the white peace with France, and was working on a way to deal with Italy, preparing to formulate an official treaty for the world laying out the foundations of the Italian state and what was to be Sicily. Lilic told me point-blank that Italy was part of the Federation, and that I had no business in dealing with her. Thus, I was forced to abandon my work and a simple telegram was sent out to the major countries simply informing them of what we had done. To this day, I do not have a clue of what we are to do with it, I had made plans, but Lilic often chose what the Foreign Ministry should have been apart of and what it shouldn't. President Spiros was not appointed as Ambassador to Russia on my accord.

Q301 Chair: Did you ever get the impression that members of your department were working against you? You have mentioned that the President would often give dictatorial instructions, but did you ever come to the conclusion that he might be meddling in a more subtle way?

Mr Jakopin: I appointed every man in my ministry, as any minister should. The president has no say as to who comes into my ministry, but he may reject members that I propose. He has never rejected one of my employees; however, it is not entirely impossible for him to have paid them off. He did not give any indication, and every single one was a proud Slovene that supported me with heart and soul during the secession of Carinthia.

Q302 Roberto Maroni: Could you please clarify that last statement? Do you mean to say that every member of the Foreign Ministry you appointed came from Slovenia?

Mr Jakopin: In the beginning, I knew no one else, so yes. Yes they were. Perhaps other nationalities slipped in some way. I stopped looking at their nationalities and only qualifications; the group that I brought was far too meagre to even staff one embassy, in a foreign country!

Q303 Chair: Could you please summarise your actions as Foreign Minister?

Mr Jakopin: Well, I ran on a program of threats and allusions, our alliance with Prussia was quite tedious, however Russia believed it was real, Russia believed they would face us both, and when we declared war on Italy and then Prussia on France, we appeared even more co-ordinated then ever. Even though they were two different wars, in truth. I provided advice and what I proposed we should do in matters of the world. Many ideas floated around my office on what to impose on France. Almighty France, the country that the entire world crumbled to not even a century before. I wished to release Lorraine and Occitania, separating then from France forever.. However, the President restricted me from formulating and proper, plausible actions from those ideas. He wanted to keep us cordial with the French, even though it seemed ever more likely that Prussia would cripple them forever. I did not wish for Prussia to gain an advantage. I kept the British Empire out our affairs as well, sending De Palma on a mission of the highest importance. When the Romanians broke free, I in the process of using my scare tactics once again; however, Banik idiotically signed a treaty that gave them half of Romania. What type of president is that, I ask you?

Q304 Chair: Do you believe the President has to much control over foreign policy?

Mr Jakopin: Yes, I do believe he does. The President simply cannot deal with every issue the Federation has. But every President has tried, I can tell you that, I've lived through almost a dozen of them! This blasted country, we need some things to change. Radicals get 100% of the vote in most northern cities, why do you think that is?

Q305 Chair: How would you limit the President's influence over foreign policy?

Mr Jakopin: I would give the power to Congress! Let them decide the treaties the ministry proposes, let them decide what we do and what we don't do before we do it! The President has recently gone on record to say that it would reflect very poorly on the federation if we don't accept this ridiculous treaty, because he already negotiated with the Russians and he already decided what was best for the Federation so he signed the treaty without congress' consent. His lackey, the entire RU is one brainwashed body, voting to whichever body bag they put on their throne of lies, for what? To destroy this Federation. Civil War? Genocide? Destruction of the very nation? Doesn't give a bloody matter to a radical as long as he doesn't have to work for an extra hour!

Q306 Sebastian Bodu: Do you believe that Banik is a greater threat to this Federation than Lilic was?

Mr Jakopin: Yes, I do. For by the claims he suggested, Banik should have won the first election, and the second. Who would be next? A radical. They have corrupted the federation, and the radicals are only growing, we have seen them make illegal actions before, dozens of times, harming the rest of the federation. I am a democractic man, but any man with eyes could see the infested ground that is the north. Socialism does not work. Socialism shall bring the death of democracy.

Q307 Sebastian Bodu: Were your actions in government and your support of Lilic motivated by opposition to the Radical Union? Did you enact or condone policies specifically designed to harm the Radical Union and its supporters?

Mr Jakopin: I was the Foreign Minister, as the president so often reminded me, I had no business in internal affairs. I did not even have a seat in congress. I was a conservative through and through, I had my beliefs, they had theirs, but I would never attempt to stop a radical from gaining office or support.

Q308 Chair: Who do you believe was responsible for the electoral fraud that kept Lilic in office?

Mr Jakopin: The FEC, obviously.

Q309 So you do not believe President Lilic should take any blame for the fraud?

Mr Jakopin: The President is dead, any information you may have gotten out of him is now gone. I do not believe he is guilty. I never will.

Q310 Sebastian Bodu: You told us earlier that you believed the Radical Union to be corrupting the Federation; do you believe that President Banik's electoral victory was legitimate?

Mr Jakopin: I believe that the radicals have slowly, but surely, have infiltrated the electoral system. Why, do you think, the outcry is outrageous when they do not win? They claim fraud, they claim that the other side is corrupt, you know why? Because they know they should have won. They stuff the ballots, they raise their numbers beyond imagination; if Lilic could do it, why couldn't they? Why isn't the Supreme Court handling this? There has been constitutional invalidations for the last few decades, yet they do nothing. I like you chaps, perhaps you could replace those robed goons that are best at dying while they sit?

Chair: Because these type of investigations do not come within the purview of either branch of the Supreme Court and because acting as the judiciary is not the role of Presidential Commissions. Mr Jakopin, considering the scale of the accusations you are making, I do hope you take the inquiries made by the Commission with the appropriate level of sobriety. I request that you confirm for the record your allegations against the current government.

Mr Jakopin: I fully understand these accusations, Commissioner. I confirm the accusations I lay against the current government.

Q311 Chair: Do you have any evidence to back up your claims?

Mr Jakopin: I have acquired a variety and plentiful amount of everything and anything that happens within the Federation. Lilic may have thought that I was sub-servant, but I paid attention to the happenings of Danubia quite intently. Everything that I have recorded is all in my old office, hidden.

Chair: We will gratefully receive them - I move to adjourn the inquiry until the Commission has had sufficient time to look over the papers provided and then we will reconvene with Mr Jakopin to explore any consequences these papers may have for the inquiry.