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((Again, isn't this over the top? You are making it so that the Royalists of Silesia are destroying themselves, which is a bit unfair. Also why you no surrender Weinberg?!
))
((It's funny because it is not happening...
((Pretty much what I thought :happy: ))
In an interview with Kravitz published by Gazeta Lwowska...
GL: Based on your recent decision to engage more heavily in federal politics, what are some of your thoughts on the possibility of Lower Silesia being annexed by the state of Galicia?
SK: I believe the resolution is misguided. We have to at least realize that the transaction by which the Federation acquired Silesia was hardly a model of popular engagement. Is it any wonder, then, that the Silesian people so resent further interference in the governance of their state? To be frank, none of the current legislation on the topic sits very well with me. While I've often argued strongly against further devolution (a principle I still firmly hold), I believe Koçi's Proposal to be the most reasonable going forward, with Silesian statehood being a goal for the long-term.
GL: Based on your recent decision to engage more heavily in federal politics, what are some of your thoughts on the possibility of Lower Silesia being annexed by the state of Galicia?
SK: I believe the resolution is misguided. We have to at least realize that the transaction by which the Federation acquired Silesia was hardly a model of popular engagement. Is it any wonder, then, that the Silesian people so resent further interference in the governance of their state? To be frank, none of the current legislation on the topic sits very well with me. While I've often argued strongly against further devolution (a principle I still firmly hold), I believe Koçi's Proposal to be the most reasonable going forward, with Silesian statehood being a goal for the long-term.
An official notice from the office of Hochmeister Wolfram Augustus.
Members of our Order,
I am delighted that we have seen an end to this coup, and hereby declare that the Teutonic Council is to be recommenced. I must decree, however, that those who have been incarcerated, or otherwise disenfranchised due to their backing of the losing side in the coup, are to be barred from the Council. Though I am not wont to do such things, I must not allow those who have shown to not hold the best interests of our people in their hearts any part in our Order's administration.
I also wish to propose the following:
I also wish to announce that names may now be put forward to be debated as prospective members.
Ich dien Tugend im Ernst.
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Teodato dabs his forehead, flustered
Signore, I don't believe that is called for. I have not commented on legislature that does not concern Tuscany, and indeed, all monarchial states in Europe. Even then I prefaced my statement saying that it was Danubia's right to decide her policy. If you would have a friendly, allied ambassador removed from these chambers for wishing to observe democracy in action; that speaks ill for Danubo-Tuscan relations.
A even more flustered attache sprints into the chambers; handing a telegram to Teodato
Oddio, preserve Tuscany. I regret to inform you gentlemen that I have just received news of a pan-nationalist uprising in Modena; that looks to overwhelm the state. If one state falls I fear the rest of the dominoes may follow. I am urgently needed back at the embassy but I do hope to return. Buona fortuna, gentlemen.
((So was Popa((Hey, I was nice to you!
))
((Weinberg still has a role to play in Silesia, before his ultimate destination))((Again, isn't this over the top? You are making it so that the Royalists of Silesia are destroying themselves, which is a bit unfair. Also why you no surrender Weinberg?!
1857 – Kraus: The Greatest Enemy
It is often said that the pen is mightier than the sword, and there are few cases in history where this is truer than the fall of Alexander Kremvera. The styling of Napoleon where clear at the time, from the Imperial nature of his title to the opposition referring to him dismissively as the ‘Little General’, yet only in hindsight do the parallels between 1812 and 1857 become clear – both leaders were gaining victories and territory, but the cost of attrition, one to the bitter cold of the Russian winter and the other to the war of words, was too much for either army to bear. By the start of June, Kremvera’s forces had halved in size, but had not stopped going forwards; on the day of Kremvera’s death, Royalist forces were far enough North to be within 50 miles of both Vienna and Budapest and in full control of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Carniola and Trieste as well as large portions of San Marco, Austria, Hungary and Transylvania. In fact, to some observers in the capital, it appeared as if the Republic was doomed and talk spread of the need for intervention or governmental exile [1].
1.Kremvera elected to wear his uniform from when he was Regular for his preliminary coronation in Bosnia, of which this is the only surviving picture.
Many historians argue that Kraus’s policy of protecting Vienna at all costs made this territorial transfer inevitable but also ensured that it very unlikely that Kremvera would ever actually be able to gain absolute victory, yet few would disagree that foreign powers stood behind the rebellion over the Republic; with the notable exception of France, the other great powers would doubtless have sided with the self-proclaimed Emperor. From this point of view, Kraus’s decision not to call in his French allies in the face of Bavarian intervention can be regarded as the turning point of the war. Regardless, on the 12th June 1857, Kremvera was found dead with a bullet from his own pistol lodged in his right temple. It was declared a suicide, though there is no positive proof to this day that it was, and the royalist forces put down their weapons within just a few days. [2]
More than anything, 1857 was defined by the rise of a new force within Europe; the Federation’s “greatest enemy”, nationalism, made it’s mark felt in 1857 as never before.[3] In Silesia, the Radical candidate, Günther Knittel, took victory by less than 1% in the race to replace the evicted Chancellor against an overtly pan-German opponent, while in Transylvania, protesters gathered in public places to call for secession and the formation of a larger Romania. In Italy, pan-nationalist Redshirts took arms in the city of Massa in the first revolt of its kind.
2. Giuseppe Garibaldi leads the thousand volunteers of the Redshirts into battle outside the city walls of Massa, 4th June 1857.
In Bavaria, meanwhile, a fiercely nationalistic newspaper secured a copy of a contract between Kremvera and the King whereby the Bavarian crown renounced its claim on Silesia in exchange for 21% of the Federation’s gross income for 5 years. The Bavarian state’s desire to suppress the document was from an understandable fear of crisis, but Prussian and Russian hostility to the Federation meant that eventual ultimatum sent under pressure of popular support got warm receptions in both St Petersburg and Berlin; there were but three options – hand over Silesia, give over a fifth of the Federation’s net income away in the face of mounting debts or go war for the 4th time in a decade.
In France, nationalism was even encouraged by the government. Under fire from a spreading Jacobin resistance to his rule, Napoleon III of France attempted that ever present mantra of the unpopular government – success abroad brings popularity at home. He tried to stir up nationalism in his favour within the country, with a fair deal of success, in the process, declaring war on Prussia for the Rhineland.
[1] Recent evidence suggests that no less than 4 different plans for the evacuation of the government were proposed. The only one to gain real traction within the governmental quarter of Vienna was the Democratic States of the Danube, proposed by Councillor Vertucci and quickly code named “Plan B”. Such a move would have seen the remainder of the cabinet, large parts of the civil service and those members of the Hofburg who had stayed loyal heading North through Prussia and the neutral North German states into France or some other acceptable location from which to organise the resistance movement to the new Imperial government.
[2]The court trials of those involved in the coup continued for well over a year at almost all levels of criminal courts, while the referendums for the liberated territories, plus Crete, were given an official date (5th January 1858)
[3]This term for nationalism can be attributed to Minister Janos Papp in his autobiographic work, The Castle of my Crimes. Many point to the cover of the book’s 1920’s English edition, designed by an unknown artist at the vanguard of the surrealist movement and depicting a soldier standing atop some battlements in front of a French flag as an African Swallow flies past carrying a coconut, as a major source of inspiration for the writers of Monty Python and the Holy Grail.
3. Perhaps inspired indirectly by Papp’s work?
---
Actions required:
Could everyone who has changed characters since the coup, or otherwise thinks the character list is incorrect, PM me with a link to you new character post and the reason your old character left politics [eg imprisoned, retired, died etc] or with any corrections you want made.
It is often said that the pen is mightier than the sword, and there are few cases in history where this is truer than the fall of Alexander Kremvera. The styling of Napoleon where clear at the time, from the Imperial nature of his title to the opposition referring to him dismissively as the ‘Little General’, yet only in hindsight do the parallels between 1812 and 1857 become clear – both leaders were gaining victories and territory, but the cost of attrition, one to the bitter cold of the Russian winter and the other to the war of words, was too much for either army to bear. By the start of June, Kremvera’s forces had halved in size, but had not stopped going forwards; on the day of Kremvera’s death, Royalist forces were far enough North to be within 50 miles of both Vienna and Budapest and in full control of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Carniola and Trieste as well as large portions of San Marco, Austria, Hungary and Transylvania. In fact, to some observers in the capital, it appeared as if the Republic was doomed and talk spread of the need for intervention or governmental exile [1].
1.Kremvera elected to wear his uniform from when he was Regular for his preliminary coronation in Bosnia, of which this is the only surviving picture.
Many historians argue that Kraus’s policy of protecting Vienna at all costs made this territorial transfer inevitable but also ensured that it very unlikely that Kremvera would ever actually be able to gain absolute victory, yet few would disagree that foreign powers stood behind the rebellion over the Republic; with the notable exception of France, the other great powers would doubtless have sided with the self-proclaimed Emperor. From this point of view, Kraus’s decision not to call in his French allies in the face of Bavarian intervention can be regarded as the turning point of the war. Regardless, on the 12th June 1857, Kremvera was found dead with a bullet from his own pistol lodged in his right temple. It was declared a suicide, though there is no positive proof to this day that it was, and the royalist forces put down their weapons within just a few days. [2]
More than anything, 1857 was defined by the rise of a new force within Europe; the Federation’s “greatest enemy”, nationalism, made it’s mark felt in 1857 as never before.[3] In Silesia, the Radical candidate, Günther Knittel, took victory by less than 1% in the race to replace the evicted Chancellor against an overtly pan-German opponent, while in Transylvania, protesters gathered in public places to call for secession and the formation of a larger Romania. In Italy, pan-nationalist Redshirts took arms in the city of Massa in the first revolt of its kind.
2. Giuseppe Garibaldi leads the thousand volunteers of the Redshirts into battle outside the city walls of Massa, 4th June 1857.
In Bavaria, meanwhile, a fiercely nationalistic newspaper secured a copy of a contract between Kremvera and the King whereby the Bavarian crown renounced its claim on Silesia in exchange for 21% of the Federation’s gross income for 5 years. The Bavarian state’s desire to suppress the document was from an understandable fear of crisis, but Prussian and Russian hostility to the Federation meant that eventual ultimatum sent under pressure of popular support got warm receptions in both St Petersburg and Berlin; there were but three options – hand over Silesia, give over a fifth of the Federation’s net income away in the face of mounting debts or go war for the 4th time in a decade.
In France, nationalism was even encouraged by the government. Under fire from a spreading Jacobin resistance to his rule, Napoleon III of France attempted that ever present mantra of the unpopular government – success abroad brings popularity at home. He tried to stir up nationalism in his favour within the country, with a fair deal of success, in the process, declaring war on Prussia for the Rhineland.
[1] Recent evidence suggests that no less than 4 different plans for the evacuation of the government were proposed. The only one to gain real traction within the governmental quarter of Vienna was the Democratic States of the Danube, proposed by Councillor Vertucci and quickly code named “Plan B”. Such a move would have seen the remainder of the cabinet, large parts of the civil service and those members of the Hofburg who had stayed loyal heading North through Prussia and the neutral North German states into France or some other acceptable location from which to organise the resistance movement to the new Imperial government.
[2]The court trials of those involved in the coup continued for well over a year at almost all levels of criminal courts, while the referendums for the liberated territories, plus Crete, were given an official date (5th January 1858)
[3]This term for nationalism can be attributed to Minister Janos Papp in his autobiographic work, The Castle of my Crimes. Many point to the cover of the book’s 1920’s English edition, designed by an unknown artist at the vanguard of the surrealist movement and depicting a soldier standing atop some battlements in front of a French flag as an African Swallow flies past carrying a coconut, as a major source of inspiration for the writers of Monty Python and the Holy Grail.
3. Perhaps inspired indirectly by Papp’s work?
---
Actions required:
Could everyone who has changed characters since the coup, or otherwise thinks the character list is incorrect, PM me with a link to you new character post and the reason your old character left politics [eg imprisoned, retired, died etc] or with any corrections you want made.
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((I made it into an update!? :happy: Also, stupid Bavarians, you don't even have a land connection with Silesia. Think of the awful borders people!))
Knittel's acceptance speech in Breslau:
Fellow Silesians: I stand here before you as the latest chancellor to rule our proud state. I thank all who voted for me, and all who assisted in this long and arduous campaign.
The past years have held much sadness and bloodshed for us, and some in the Federal chambers say that it cannot heal, that the only solution for us is to be divided, or to be demoted to secondary status. I promise that I will do my utmost to keep our state united and at it's full status as a federal state. To those who propose otherwise, I say this: Silesia must change, and it will change. We will no longer be ruled by extremists, and our days of causing trouble are over. We have enough of our own. Worse, the Bavarians have now submitted this ridiculous ultimatum, demanding either annexation or money. I vow to fight Bavarian annexation at every opportunity.
The road ahead for us will be difficult. Our countryside is ravaged, bridges across the Oder lie in ruins, and much of Oppeln, Ratibor, and even Breslau are reduced to smoldering ruins. We must work to rebuild our economy, but as importantly, we must work to heal the divisions among us that led to this conflict. I call upon all Silesians to put the past behind us, and to remember that no matter what side we were on, we are all now united in the common effort of rebuilding our state.
Many of you will be wondering what will happen to our king, now that a radical is in charge. His future is uncertain, given the current bill to ban monarchs and the ultimatum from Bavaria. I cannot say what will happen, but I can say that if my will is carried out, our king will retain his titles and palace but lose much of his power. I harbor no personal grudge against our Luitpold, but I lost my leg in the fight against monarchism, and I will reign in his power if I have to rewrite the entire Constitution to do it!
Our future is uncertain, but after fighting along side you in two wars, I have learned that we Silesians are a strong and resilient people. No matter comes ahead, we will weather it with fortitude! I am honored to be elected chancellor of our state. Thank you.
Knittel's acceptance speech in Breslau:
Fellow Silesians: I stand here before you as the latest chancellor to rule our proud state. I thank all who voted for me, and all who assisted in this long and arduous campaign.
The past years have held much sadness and bloodshed for us, and some in the Federal chambers say that it cannot heal, that the only solution for us is to be divided, or to be demoted to secondary status. I promise that I will do my utmost to keep our state united and at it's full status as a federal state. To those who propose otherwise, I say this: Silesia must change, and it will change. We will no longer be ruled by extremists, and our days of causing trouble are over. We have enough of our own. Worse, the Bavarians have now submitted this ridiculous ultimatum, demanding either annexation or money. I vow to fight Bavarian annexation at every opportunity.
The road ahead for us will be difficult. Our countryside is ravaged, bridges across the Oder lie in ruins, and much of Oppeln, Ratibor, and even Breslau are reduced to smoldering ruins. We must work to rebuild our economy, but as importantly, we must work to heal the divisions among us that led to this conflict. I call upon all Silesians to put the past behind us, and to remember that no matter what side we were on, we are all now united in the common effort of rebuilding our state.
Many of you will be wondering what will happen to our king, now that a radical is in charge. His future is uncertain, given the current bill to ban monarchs and the ultimatum from Bavaria. I cannot say what will happen, but I can say that if my will is carried out, our king will retain his titles and palace but lose much of his power. I harbor no personal grudge against our Luitpold, but I lost my leg in the fight against monarchism, and I will reign in his power if I have to rewrite the entire Constitution to do it!
Our future is uncertain, but after fighting along side you in two wars, I have learned that we Silesians are a strong and resilient people. No matter comes ahead, we will weather it with fortitude! I am honored to be elected chancellor of our state. Thank you.
Symon left the camp late the following morning, right after a night of heavy drinking with the Radical Silesians who were toasting to the newly elected Knittel. Though he was a bit drowsy, he hurried into a carriage with a fellow officer, which was heading towards Vienna. Symon and his comrade, Kalevich, had been designated as temporary directors of communication between Vienna and the temporary military headquarters in Galicia. Indeed, much of the military was in chaos, as nearly half of its officer corps had been wiped out, and without a Minister of War or a Chief of the General Staff and four armies without command, it was a very uncertain.
It was true that there were several viable candidates, most of them residing in Vienna itself, but the turmoil that had erupted over the sudden political coup of power in the capital, had slowed down the process entirely. While the journey was long, both officers waited eagerly to arrive in the Federal Offices.
It was true that there were several viable candidates, most of them residing in Vienna itself, but the turmoil that had erupted over the sudden political coup of power in the capital, had slowed down the process entirely. While the journey was long, both officers waited eagerly to arrive in the Federal Offices.
Abolition of Monarchy Act: Abstain
Division of Silesia: Nay
Expulsion of Silesia: Abstain
Equalisation of Hungary: Yea
Cisdanubia-Transdanubia Plan: Nay
Dissolution of Hungary: Nay
[Lombard]
((I don't think I've missed the vote, right?))
Division of Silesia: Nay
Expulsion of Silesia: Abstain
Equalisation of Hungary: Yea
Cisdanubia-Transdanubia Plan: Nay
Dissolution of Hungary: Nay
[Lombard]
((I don't think I've missed the vote, right?))
((The previous one, but not this one... Which reminds me...))
Abolition of Monarchy Act: No
Division of Silesia: No
Expulsion of Silesia: No
Equalisation of Hungary: No - this could be construed as oppressive if Austria is not also equalised, hence my proposal.
Cisdanubia-Transdanubia Plan: No
Dissolution of Hungary: No
[Hungarian]
I do believe it is in our best interests to immediately intervene and crush these pan-nationalists in Modena before they can succeed. You all know the dangers this could bring if it is successful. It would spark similar rebellions all throughout the states of Italy and would lead to the unification of Italy, a direct threat to our great Federation. We would immediately find ourselves at war with Italy and its allies, if it has any. Lombardia has no interest in joining a united Italy which is less democratic and free than the Federation. Thus if we wish to ensure peace we must act now, before it's too late.
~ Rodrigo Vertucci, Councillor for Lombardia
~ Rodrigo Vertucci, Councillor for Lombardia
Popa stands up
The people of Transylvania are speaking, they want to have their lands back. This includes parts of Eastern Hungary, as well as the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldova. The Vlachs want to be united under one state. And by God Transylvania, as part of the Federation, will represent them all.
The people of Transylvania are speaking, they want to have their lands back. This includes parts of Eastern Hungary, as well as the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldova. The Vlachs want to be united under one state. And by God Transylvania, as part of the Federation, will represent them all.
I ask what remains of our Foreign Ministry: Does the Truce with Russia still continue?
-Koçi
-Koçi
Abolition of Monarchy: Yes
The Great Reaction has shown us all quite clearly that monarchy is utterly incompatible with this Federation, the Revolution that created it, or the democracy that forms its core and its essence.
Division of Silesia: Yes
Expulsion of Silesia: No
The current situation in Silesia is utterly unsustainable, but I believe that wholesale expulsion would be unfair as it would punish the Poles for the actions of their German slave-drivers. Partition would be the best solution as it would allow each group the chance at independent and democratic self-determination.
Equalization of Hungary: Yes
Cisdanubia-Transdanubia Plan: Yes
Dissolution of Hungary: No
-Aurel Sykora, President of and Councillor for Slovakia [Slovak]
The Great Reaction has shown us all quite clearly that monarchy is utterly incompatible with this Federation, the Revolution that created it, or the democracy that forms its core and its essence.
Division of Silesia: Yes
Expulsion of Silesia: No
The current situation in Silesia is utterly unsustainable, but I believe that wholesale expulsion would be unfair as it would punish the Poles for the actions of their German slave-drivers. Partition would be the best solution as it would allow each group the chance at independent and democratic self-determination.
Equalization of Hungary: Yes
Cisdanubia-Transdanubia Plan: Yes
Dissolution of Hungary: No
-Aurel Sykora, President of and Councillor for Slovakia [Slovak]
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