Per aspera ad astra! Lead the germanic people to peace and wisdom, and bring eternal destruction upon their foes! Subbed!
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XXXX - Wilhelm's Wars
1909 - 1911
Wilhelm inherited the throne of a country that was still overshadowed by the storm clouds of war. Many people still lived with the consequences and as an economic recession gripped the nation, they were reminded once again of the price they were paying for victory. In the chaotic east, daily attacks by rebels on the railways in Belarus and Ukraine made journeying there out of the question. A tight crackdown had been now been ordered, and anyone suspected of being affiliated with the rebels was likely to be thrown in prison or executed. A depressed mood seemed to permeate the nation, with the double tragedy of the deaths of Friedrich and, the next month, Wolfgang Fehn - considered by some to be the "father of the nation" for his writings. As American ambassador David Hill noted, "a strange mood has come over the people of Germania, a sort of French defeatism mixed with English stoicism." Whilst Hill's observation was not incorrect, the Germanian people did not possess such a hive mind; many, if not most, citizens were ready to move on. There were many reasons to celebrate. One particular event that captured the imagination and boosted the pride of many citizens was the first commercial Zeppelin flight in the world - from Friedrichshafen to Düsseldorf in the ship Deutschland.
Deutschland
In the first year of his reign, Wilhelm oversaw a modest change in Germania's path. After a series of political scandals, Chancellor von Bülow - although popular - was forced to resign. With internal chaos pulling engulfing the National Liberals and the Conservatives, the latter came out top at just 30.9%. This would mean they would have to form a coalition with the strongly nationalist Reich Party, who had been nudging into third place for several decades. With many Junkers in its ranks, the Reich party wished to bring to a halt any chance of a Prussian reformation. More worryingly for the "natives" of the Baltics, the party looked set to begin pushing for harsher and more determined policies to increase numbers of Germans in the east.
It would be naïve to assume that previous governments had not wanted this. For example, the corridor separating Posen from Poland had slowly become a majority German area (although rather as a result of Poles moving over the border than being forced away). In the Baltic states, numbers of Germans were also increasing - for example, Riga alone consisted of approximately 57% Germans. Some more gentrified areas of cities were, aside from servants, completely German.
It was the Baltic states in particular that had been the subject of this quiet eastern expansion. The same factions that had opposed the Polish border plan1 had continued to stand against a strong manifestation of Drang Nact Osten anywhere, but still Germans were deliberately installed in previously non-German homes. It was even considered by the ruling party that expansion should begin to cover Ukraine and Belarus - despite the fact that Germanian control over these areas was waning.
German colonists in Ukraine, in the second half of the 19th century.
Aside from internal issues, it would be the following year that would truly show the true colours of Germania's ruling parties.
In mid-December, 1909, news was delivered to Berlin that an incident with foreign troops had occurred on the border with Mittelafrika. Upon further inspection, it was found that two Bavarian soldiers had been killed by Portugese troops after an argument over the collection of rubber in the region. Portuguese soldiers had been sent over to assert that the operations to collect rubber were straying into Portuguese territory. The present Bavarians had not understood what the Portuguse had been saying, but after a heated confrontation one of the Bantu workers, carrying supplies, was grabbed by a Portuguese soldier. His intentions were mistaken by the Bavarians, who raised their weapons, but not before another Portuguese soldier had opened fire.
In any other case, the international community would likely have told Germania to dry her eyes and get on with it - their bullish attitude in the area did not particularly impress many nations. However, Portugal had managed to isolate itself after toppling the monarchy and getting caught up in a war with China, and several other nations as a result. Consequently, Portugal's cry for help was met with apathy.
With some little resistance, the motion for war was carried through the Reichstag and the Bundesrat and, on New Year's Day 1910, Germania began to mobilise.
This was actually a risky move. Despite Portugal's isolation, they did hold an alliance with France - whilst France would never be foolish enough to join in, it had the potential to be diplomatically embarrassing if they were to bring this up. But France had her own problems - namely, the non-stop fighting in Paris - and ignored the new war.
By all means, outside observers wished the war would not be easy for Germania. But against Portugal - who had barely been able to hold on to her colonies - there was not going to be a conflict rivalling anything seen in the last few years.
One of the most embarrassing moments of the conflict was in the opening days, when a division of the Portuguse fleet met with the bulk of Germania's Nassau class battleships. These had been built in response to the British Dreadnought being unveiled (with similar ships under construction from the US and several other countries). Portugal had not kept up with this race.
A comparison of Portugal's NRP Tejo (front) and Germania's SMS Westfalen.2
The result was something of a naval massacre, as half of the Portuguese ships were sunk before a surrender was given and the remainder of the fleet captured. A few days later, the now prisoner of war Admiral Fernando da Cunha remarked in letter: "How can a man win a battle if his men have no armour? The same applies to my ships. It is pointless"
On land, the only major battle centred around Zomba, south of Lake Malawi, as Portuguese troops attempted a pincer movement from the west and south to trap the Germanian troops stationed there. With the help of gas, the Portuguese troops were repelled and failed to capture the small town, before finally retreating back into their own colonies. Germanian troops would later invade.
The conflict would last five months, the ceasefire being signed at the start of May, and the terms of surrender on the 4th. Portugal was to cede Cameroon and cease agitating troops on the border. An investigation was also to be launched into the murder of the Bavarian troops.
This asymmetrical war was to be a mere distraction from the social upheaval that would occur next in the Fatherland. In a shock move, over half of the members of the Conservative party in the Reichstag rebelled against their party's supposed voting pattern. Allied with the liberal parties, they pushed through a women's suffrage bill. This completely shocked the country, as not only had the Conservatives broken away from their core values, they had also done the same with their ally. This would create a massive rift between the two ruling parties.
The Conservatives were not without their reasons. The militancy of the suffrage movement had been growing significantly since the end of the war, especially as women had taken the place of men in factories during the few years men had been away at the front. The justifications for denying the vote were becoming fewer and fewer. France (although in chaos) had female suffrage - and yet Germania was the victor. Britain had introduced limited female suffrage a few years ago. It was pointless to hold back the inevitable. The movement passed with ease through the Bundesrat, before being signed (unwillingly) by the Kaiser. Whilst the Kaiser was tempted to sent the bill back (he had done so several times already with other laws), he knew the consequences would be even worse.
Both women and men queue to vote in the first elections since the introduction of female suffrage. Women would still face several restrictions on voting (for instance, only women over 30 years).
The US, who was quickly becoming an enemy of Germania, was quick to mock this move - they had achieved women's suffrage long before Germania. This was just part of a long string of hostile exchanges between the two countries and most people did not expect any sort of hostile confrontation (yet). But to the alarm of ordinary citizens, a crisis emerged in February 1911 that threatened to throw the two nations against each other.
South America, despite being seen as the opposite in Western eyes, had nations that were constantly fighting against each other. Chile and Peru were just one example of this.
In his grand (albeit slightly delusional) plan to build a railway from Balboa to Wilhelmsburg, Kaiser Friedrich had slowly but surely brought into Germania's sphere of influence numerous South American countries. Germania retained very friendly relations with these - sometimes becoming a dominating force - and they remained part of her "informal empire."
But in the last few years, the influence of the United States had strayed from Central America southwards. President Debbs in particular had been keen to influence these nations in a more socialist manner. For this reason, many once friendly nations in South America had turned against each other - some siding with America, others with Germania. Some even had revolts against the government to join "the other side." But by the end of the Great War, South America was something of a powderkeg. If one nation declared war, many others would too - maybe even the sphere leader.
Spheres of influence in South America.
Brown - Germania
Blue - USA
Red - Britain
Grey - Non-aligned
Therefore, the war between Chile and Peru spilled into something much more serious. Bolivia and Ecuador joined Chile instantly. Colombia and Venezuela joined Peru. But the Kaiser (who desperately wanted a "good war") paused. Would this lead to war with the States? Would it escalate like the Great War? With him lay the final power to declare war, so he could do as he pleased.
After several days of debate, Germania joined their allies.
The decision was instantly regretted. Brazil - who was more aligned with the British than anyone else - joined the American sphere. They had large amounts of soldiers at their fingertips, and after bullying Argentina into giving them military access they had a clear route to Patagonia. Germania could only rely on a small garrison before troops from Europe would arrive. The only comfort was that the United States did not seem to want to commit themselves.
And the fighting was not going well either: Chilean and Brazilian troops marched into Wilhelmsburg with little opposition. In the north, a series of quick victories from Peru ground to stagnation. The only comfort for Germania was their naval capacity: demolishing the Chilean navy, it was both possible and easy to shell major Brazilian cities, including Rio de Janeiro.
Rio was no stranger to being shelled, having experienced a naval revolt the year previous.
It was not until Germanian forces arrived from the Fatherland did the war really get in motion. With Chilean forces diverted south, Peruvian forces pushed further down into Chile, across a narrow front. Brazil, who was simply unable to do anything about their capital being shelled, attacked the now devastated city of Wilhelmsburg a second time. With inferior numbers but superior technology, Germanian troops repelled them and as Argentina became disgruntled with having Brazilian troops in its territory, they were banned from marching south again. With this insult, Brazil devised a plan to instead divert troops to Colombia. This was a desperate attempt, but by winter they had made significant gains. Only a relatively small Germanian garrison of 18,000 remained.
At first it seemed as though the Germanians would be crushed: their leader Joachim von Bittenfield was shot by a sniper within minutes of the battle. Confused and leaderless, the troops retreated from their stronghold of Obando to La Victoria, a smaller town to the south. Attacked endlessly by Brazilian artillery, around 5,000 men lost their lives in the madness. As a last resort, gas was brought out. This had an incredible effect on the Brazilians, who were now panicking instead, and they fled the battlefield with haste.
Psychologically this bizarre defeat ended Brazil's campaign. Their capital was still under fire and, after losing a second battle to a combined Peruvian-Germanian force, they surrendered as the US cut their military support.
By July 1912, Chile surrendered and the remaining pro-American forces followed suit. It was humiliating for America and devastating for Chile and Brazil. Germania, in anger at Chile's treatment of Germanian citizens under their control, occupied the east of Patagonia for "defensive reasons."
The new borders in Patagonia.
Whilst America may have been humiliated, they were not going to give up yet. As their influence around Scandinavia tightened, a war was not yet prevented.
[1] A 1914 version of which can be seen here.
[2] Credit for images: Shipbucket.com
1909 - 1911
Wilhelm inherited the throne of a country that was still overshadowed by the storm clouds of war. Many people still lived with the consequences and as an economic recession gripped the nation, they were reminded once again of the price they were paying for victory. In the chaotic east, daily attacks by rebels on the railways in Belarus and Ukraine made journeying there out of the question. A tight crackdown had been now been ordered, and anyone suspected of being affiliated with the rebels was likely to be thrown in prison or executed. A depressed mood seemed to permeate the nation, with the double tragedy of the deaths of Friedrich and, the next month, Wolfgang Fehn - considered by some to be the "father of the nation" for his writings. As American ambassador David Hill noted, "a strange mood has come over the people of Germania, a sort of French defeatism mixed with English stoicism." Whilst Hill's observation was not incorrect, the Germanian people did not possess such a hive mind; many, if not most, citizens were ready to move on. There were many reasons to celebrate. One particular event that captured the imagination and boosted the pride of many citizens was the first commercial Zeppelin flight in the world - from Friedrichshafen to Düsseldorf in the ship Deutschland.
Deutschland
In the first year of his reign, Wilhelm oversaw a modest change in Germania's path. After a series of political scandals, Chancellor von Bülow - although popular - was forced to resign. With internal chaos pulling engulfing the National Liberals and the Conservatives, the latter came out top at just 30.9%. This would mean they would have to form a coalition with the strongly nationalist Reich Party, who had been nudging into third place for several decades. With many Junkers in its ranks, the Reich party wished to bring to a halt any chance of a Prussian reformation. More worryingly for the "natives" of the Baltics, the party looked set to begin pushing for harsher and more determined policies to increase numbers of Germans in the east.
It would be naïve to assume that previous governments had not wanted this. For example, the corridor separating Posen from Poland had slowly become a majority German area (although rather as a result of Poles moving over the border than being forced away). In the Baltic states, numbers of Germans were also increasing - for example, Riga alone consisted of approximately 57% Germans. Some more gentrified areas of cities were, aside from servants, completely German.
It was the Baltic states in particular that had been the subject of this quiet eastern expansion. The same factions that had opposed the Polish border plan1 had continued to stand against a strong manifestation of Drang Nact Osten anywhere, but still Germans were deliberately installed in previously non-German homes. It was even considered by the ruling party that expansion should begin to cover Ukraine and Belarus - despite the fact that Germanian control over these areas was waning.
German colonists in Ukraine, in the second half of the 19th century.
Aside from internal issues, it would be the following year that would truly show the true colours of Germania's ruling parties.
In mid-December, 1909, news was delivered to Berlin that an incident with foreign troops had occurred on the border with Mittelafrika. Upon further inspection, it was found that two Bavarian soldiers had been killed by Portugese troops after an argument over the collection of rubber in the region. Portuguese soldiers had been sent over to assert that the operations to collect rubber were straying into Portuguese territory. The present Bavarians had not understood what the Portuguse had been saying, but after a heated confrontation one of the Bantu workers, carrying supplies, was grabbed by a Portuguese soldier. His intentions were mistaken by the Bavarians, who raised their weapons, but not before another Portuguese soldier had opened fire.
In any other case, the international community would likely have told Germania to dry her eyes and get on with it - their bullish attitude in the area did not particularly impress many nations. However, Portugal had managed to isolate itself after toppling the monarchy and getting caught up in a war with China, and several other nations as a result. Consequently, Portugal's cry for help was met with apathy.
With some little resistance, the motion for war was carried through the Reichstag and the Bundesrat and, on New Year's Day 1910, Germania began to mobilise.
This was actually a risky move. Despite Portugal's isolation, they did hold an alliance with France - whilst France would never be foolish enough to join in, it had the potential to be diplomatically embarrassing if they were to bring this up. But France had her own problems - namely, the non-stop fighting in Paris - and ignored the new war.
By all means, outside observers wished the war would not be easy for Germania. But against Portugal - who had barely been able to hold on to her colonies - there was not going to be a conflict rivalling anything seen in the last few years.
One of the most embarrassing moments of the conflict was in the opening days, when a division of the Portuguse fleet met with the bulk of Germania's Nassau class battleships. These had been built in response to the British Dreadnought being unveiled (with similar ships under construction from the US and several other countries). Portugal had not kept up with this race.
A comparison of Portugal's NRP Tejo (front) and Germania's SMS Westfalen.2
The result was something of a naval massacre, as half of the Portuguese ships were sunk before a surrender was given and the remainder of the fleet captured. A few days later, the now prisoner of war Admiral Fernando da Cunha remarked in letter: "How can a man win a battle if his men have no armour? The same applies to my ships. It is pointless"
On land, the only major battle centred around Zomba, south of Lake Malawi, as Portuguese troops attempted a pincer movement from the west and south to trap the Germanian troops stationed there. With the help of gas, the Portuguese troops were repelled and failed to capture the small town, before finally retreating back into their own colonies. Germanian troops would later invade.
The conflict would last five months, the ceasefire being signed at the start of May, and the terms of surrender on the 4th. Portugal was to cede Cameroon and cease agitating troops on the border. An investigation was also to be launched into the murder of the Bavarian troops.
This asymmetrical war was to be a mere distraction from the social upheaval that would occur next in the Fatherland. In a shock move, over half of the members of the Conservative party in the Reichstag rebelled against their party's supposed voting pattern. Allied with the liberal parties, they pushed through a women's suffrage bill. This completely shocked the country, as not only had the Conservatives broken away from their core values, they had also done the same with their ally. This would create a massive rift between the two ruling parties.
The Conservatives were not without their reasons. The militancy of the suffrage movement had been growing significantly since the end of the war, especially as women had taken the place of men in factories during the few years men had been away at the front. The justifications for denying the vote were becoming fewer and fewer. France (although in chaos) had female suffrage - and yet Germania was the victor. Britain had introduced limited female suffrage a few years ago. It was pointless to hold back the inevitable. The movement passed with ease through the Bundesrat, before being signed (unwillingly) by the Kaiser. Whilst the Kaiser was tempted to sent the bill back (he had done so several times already with other laws), he knew the consequences would be even worse.
Both women and men queue to vote in the first elections since the introduction of female suffrage. Women would still face several restrictions on voting (for instance, only women over 30 years).
The US, who was quickly becoming an enemy of Germania, was quick to mock this move - they had achieved women's suffrage long before Germania. This was just part of a long string of hostile exchanges between the two countries and most people did not expect any sort of hostile confrontation (yet). But to the alarm of ordinary citizens, a crisis emerged in February 1911 that threatened to throw the two nations against each other.
South America, despite being seen as the opposite in Western eyes, had nations that were constantly fighting against each other. Chile and Peru were just one example of this.
In his grand (albeit slightly delusional) plan to build a railway from Balboa to Wilhelmsburg, Kaiser Friedrich had slowly but surely brought into Germania's sphere of influence numerous South American countries. Germania retained very friendly relations with these - sometimes becoming a dominating force - and they remained part of her "informal empire."
But in the last few years, the influence of the United States had strayed from Central America southwards. President Debbs in particular had been keen to influence these nations in a more socialist manner. For this reason, many once friendly nations in South America had turned against each other - some siding with America, others with Germania. Some even had revolts against the government to join "the other side." But by the end of the Great War, South America was something of a powderkeg. If one nation declared war, many others would too - maybe even the sphere leader.
Spheres of influence in South America.
Brown - Germania
Blue - USA
Red - Britain
Grey - Non-aligned
Therefore, the war between Chile and Peru spilled into something much more serious. Bolivia and Ecuador joined Chile instantly. Colombia and Venezuela joined Peru. But the Kaiser (who desperately wanted a "good war") paused. Would this lead to war with the States? Would it escalate like the Great War? With him lay the final power to declare war, so he could do as he pleased.
After several days of debate, Germania joined their allies.
The decision was instantly regretted. Brazil - who was more aligned with the British than anyone else - joined the American sphere. They had large amounts of soldiers at their fingertips, and after bullying Argentina into giving them military access they had a clear route to Patagonia. Germania could only rely on a small garrison before troops from Europe would arrive. The only comfort was that the United States did not seem to want to commit themselves.
And the fighting was not going well either: Chilean and Brazilian troops marched into Wilhelmsburg with little opposition. In the north, a series of quick victories from Peru ground to stagnation. The only comfort for Germania was their naval capacity: demolishing the Chilean navy, it was both possible and easy to shell major Brazilian cities, including Rio de Janeiro.
Rio was no stranger to being shelled, having experienced a naval revolt the year previous.
It was not until Germanian forces arrived from the Fatherland did the war really get in motion. With Chilean forces diverted south, Peruvian forces pushed further down into Chile, across a narrow front. Brazil, who was simply unable to do anything about their capital being shelled, attacked the now devastated city of Wilhelmsburg a second time. With inferior numbers but superior technology, Germanian troops repelled them and as Argentina became disgruntled with having Brazilian troops in its territory, they were banned from marching south again. With this insult, Brazil devised a plan to instead divert troops to Colombia. This was a desperate attempt, but by winter they had made significant gains. Only a relatively small Germanian garrison of 18,000 remained.
At first it seemed as though the Germanians would be crushed: their leader Joachim von Bittenfield was shot by a sniper within minutes of the battle. Confused and leaderless, the troops retreated from their stronghold of Obando to La Victoria, a smaller town to the south. Attacked endlessly by Brazilian artillery, around 5,000 men lost their lives in the madness. As a last resort, gas was brought out. This had an incredible effect on the Brazilians, who were now panicking instead, and they fled the battlefield with haste.
Psychologically this bizarre defeat ended Brazil's campaign. Their capital was still under fire and, after losing a second battle to a combined Peruvian-Germanian force, they surrendered as the US cut their military support.
By July 1912, Chile surrendered and the remaining pro-American forces followed suit. It was humiliating for America and devastating for Chile and Brazil. Germania, in anger at Chile's treatment of Germanian citizens under their control, occupied the east of Patagonia for "defensive reasons."
The new borders in Patagonia.
Whilst America may have been humiliated, they were not going to give up yet. As their influence around Scandinavia tightened, a war was not yet prevented.
[1] A 1914 version of which can be seen here.
[2] Credit for images: Shipbucket.com
Seems like this will be the last big slugging match of the game. I think Germania and her allies can handle the US though.
Urgh photobucket... don't worry I'll sort the links out eventually.
Edit: If you go to previous chapters, you will notice I have used up all my bandwidth. This will reset on the 4th. I am in the process of transferring everything to imgur because I can't really pay to keep the images up at the moment.
Edit: If you go to previous chapters, you will notice I have used up all my bandwidth. This will reset on the 4th. I am in the process of transferring everything to imgur because I can't really pay to keep the images up at the moment.
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great update! maybe germmani might the southern part of Argentina, just to have nicer borders
Just read this from the start, what a ride.
Looks like I arrived just in time for the final fiery few years.
Looks like I arrived just in time for the final fiery few years.
Oh Antofagasta region, why must you always be the source of endless wars? Probably for Germania's best that the US didn't get involved. Is your Navy stronger than the US's, or at least strong enough to land reinforcements in the Americas?
31 ships in America alone seems good.
Amazing update! Surely a second great war is on the horizon, but only another topic The B will perfect in describing!
Caught up to speed now! Fantastic thread my friend! Looking forward to the rest of it.
I just caught up to this AAR and it's great!! I was curious, do you have the mod files you used available anywhere?
XXXXI - A French Revolution
1912
2nd of October 1912
Paris
It was a bright, sunny day in Paris and the grey clouds that had enveloped the city for the past few days were on the retreat. The few remaining puddles shone with reflected light as the sun began the ascent into the sky. The occasional carriage travelling through shot the water into the air, the rays of light shining through giving it the appearance of shattered glass. One of these splashes caught a lone walker as he walked over the Pont de la Concorde, and he shook his fist at the driver in anger.
Albert wiped the worst of the water from his coat and carried on his way. Leaving the bridge, he cautiously crossed the road and entered through the gates of the Palais Bourbon, two of the men from the Republican Guard giving him a half-hearted greeting. As he journeyed up the steps of the building, he noticed the bullet holes that still remained in the great columns, reminders of the previous occupation of the city.
At the top of the steps stood a second man. He turned around and smiled at Albert, his glasses sliding down his nose in the process. Albert was given a hearty pat on the shoulder, the force nearly pushing him over. Octave - his friend - was very strong for a fifty-something year old with greying hair and a walking stick.
"Haven't seen you in a while. I heard mutterings about you, they're annoyed you haven't turned up."
Albert rolled his eyes. "Did they change what we can and can't do when I was away? Did they change our hours for the fiftieth time this week?"
His friend tutted. "You know that's the only thing the National Assembly is capable of doing." They entered the building, their feet squeaking against the polished floor.
Octave's face turned serious. "I've been meaning to tell you. I think they're planning something."
"Something?"
"Yes. They don't seem to tell me much these days, but that's what I've been able to get out of them."
Octave and Albert had a strange relationship. Albert was a conservative member of the National Assembly, but his friend Octave was a communist. Octave's friendship with Albert had led to him being slowly excluded from party matters.
The Communist Party controlled a large portion of the Assembly, but the liberals remained in power and were uncooperative with the communists. Some called them blind to the truth - communist support had shot up since the last election, riots were now almost daily, and the coastal city of La Rochelle had virtually declared independence, surviving on support from America.
Albert sighed and ran his fingers through his short brown hair. "So... what do you think it is? Should I be worried?" They entered the chamber. Thankfully, the room was filled with disorganised chatter and they could continue their conversation.
Octave's eyes darted around the room, before he made a reluctant face and sighed. He brandished a pencil from his pocket and pointed it at Albert "Look, you have got to promise me you tell no-one about this. Understand? These are dangerous times to be whispering secrets."
Albert promised that he would tell no-one, not even his wife. They took a seat in one of the deserted public galleries, which looked over the chamber.
"I'm sure you know Jaurès would not even be satisfied with a crushing victory in the next election. He can't take full power democratically."
"We've known that for a long time."
"Well, I think he's finally had enough. A few months ago, he made pacts with some of the rebels in the south. Then he started reeling in the Communards. Judging by all the talk going through the party, he's getting ready for something big."
The room suddenly went silent and both men looked up in alarm. A man walked up to the front and began speaking to the assembled men about some obscure tax, and they relaxed. Octave lowered his voice again. "I've just been told before I saw you: stay at home next week." Albert responded by running his hand through his hair again. He sighed.
"You could've told me earlier! Well, it's been coming. But what is Jaurès thinking? The Germans?"
"The Germans are distracted. The Americans will send us aid and they won't dare step in."
"That's a bold assumption," Albert responded. "But anyway, that's the end of my time here, I suppose..."
"Worse," said Octave. "You think the party will allow you to stand? You've been opposed to them for years. You're probably on the top half of the list to be dealt with after Jaurès's wonderful revolution."
Albert thought for a moment, ignoring the shouts coming from the chamber below. "I'll go to Lorraine. I have a small house there. Then I'll see what happens. And you?"
"A loyal party member, I'll be fine. For now," said Octave. The chamber below them erupted, and the communists stood to sing a rousing and spontaneous rendition of L'Internationale.
"The great communist debaters," muttered Octave.
It was about seven in the morning when the motley group of soldiers stormed the Palais Bourbon, quickly overwhelming the small guard. The violence quickly spread to the rest of the city and, by noon, government forces had lost all order. Similar scenes occurred over the next few days in many French cities, with some attempts at revolt spreading to Occitania and Brittany.
Despite what the leader of the French Socialists, Jean Jaurès would say, the response of the people was less than glorious. Few people outside of communist organisations felt any real affiliation to their fellow workers. Many had lived through Casimir-Perier's dictatorship and saw Jaurès as just another probable dictator. In Tours, the "revolution" was put down within hours - not by the government, but by citizens.
Jaurès as he came to power
But within a month, the vast majority of France was under the control of Jaurès and his government. Hordes of refugees from upper-class backgrounds fled to Wallonia, Lorraine and Occitania. It was feared that the revolution would bring down Brittany - despite a strong British presence in the area. Many members of the French government who had stood against the communists were killed deliberately as they tried to escape. As self-professed "masters" of France, the Germanian government was under pressure to react, but were reluctant to do so - as the Americans were naturally aligned to the French and wished to support them. It would be at least embarrassing, and at most catastrophic, if the Americans were to intervene.
It would be the British who would step in to solve the situation. Despite it being against their greater interests, they announced support for the creation of a free and democratic government in France, and the dislodging of Jaurès. The Americans thought better of escalating the situation, and became silent on the issue.
In Europe, only the newly declared Cossack Republic appeared to oppose the plans to dislodge the communist government; they too had had a socialist revolution and wanted to align themselves with France. But, as a nation strongly under the influence of Germania, this was a pointless gesture and they would soon find themselves in the midst of a counter-revolution to re-install democracy.
And as Germanian forces marched across the French border, the battlegrounds became little more than a training ground. The communist fighters were unequipped and unprepared. Worst still, a rumour began to circulate that the Germans had some sort of "super-weapon" that could destroy an armoured car and was resistant to bullets. In reality, this "super-weapon" was nothing more than the A7V: one of the first tanks. The Great War had massively boosted development into these novel machines, but one was never made during the war's duration. Now, the invasion provided a good testing ground. They were very slow and inefficient, often breaking down, but the sight of one was enough to make the enemy flee in fear - they could theoretically create carnage. They were also helpful in ploughing through the snow that had settled as Europe entered into winter.
Soldiers stand on a broken-down tank
The first successful flight by the American Wright Brothers in 1903 had also laid the foundations for the first aerial warfare. Many nations invested greatly in this new technology, and by the time came to intervene, Germania had several aeroplanes ready for use. These were called the Etrich Taube (dove), and were able to fly for almost 90 miles - or 45 to a destination and back. They were extremely helpful in scouting enemy positions, especially in Paris, and would even be used to drop bombs in the closing days of the conflict.
It was ironic that the "dove" would be used in wartime
The entrance of German troops into Paris on the second Sunday of Advent effectively ended communism in France. Jaurès had fled the city, and would be found attempting to cross the border into Brittany a few days later, presumably preparing to board a boat to America. His successor, appointed by German hands, would be Armand Fallières.
Fallières meets with Princess Wilhelmina of the Netherlands.
In co-operation with several other nations, Germania was determined to create a French nation that would not fall to violence, nor one where extremists could take power. Tight constraints were put on who could take power, and how. A permanent Germanian garrison was left in Paris, and as a final insult French Westhoek, a Flemish area, was occupied by Germanian troops. But - against the wishes of the Kaiser - the reparations that France was required to pay were lowered, and the Allies' iron fist around the French economy was loosened. French members of parliament returning from their short-lived exile found a surprisingly different France than the one they had fled.
The actions of Wilhelm were not received with warmness from every country, and many sided against him on the issue. However, Wilhelm had more pressing matters to attend to in his eyes. The nations of the world knew that France had been a testing ground for new technology that would change warfare forever, and the citizens of the Empire began to fear where these would strike next. The madness of the Kaiser was very real, and his next battleground was one only spoken about in whispers in the shadowy corners of the Reichstag.
1912
2nd of October 1912
Paris
It was a bright, sunny day in Paris and the grey clouds that had enveloped the city for the past few days were on the retreat. The few remaining puddles shone with reflected light as the sun began the ascent into the sky. The occasional carriage travelling through shot the water into the air, the rays of light shining through giving it the appearance of shattered glass. One of these splashes caught a lone walker as he walked over the Pont de la Concorde, and he shook his fist at the driver in anger.
Albert wiped the worst of the water from his coat and carried on his way. Leaving the bridge, he cautiously crossed the road and entered through the gates of the Palais Bourbon, two of the men from the Republican Guard giving him a half-hearted greeting. As he journeyed up the steps of the building, he noticed the bullet holes that still remained in the great columns, reminders of the previous occupation of the city.
At the top of the steps stood a second man. He turned around and smiled at Albert, his glasses sliding down his nose in the process. Albert was given a hearty pat on the shoulder, the force nearly pushing him over. Octave - his friend - was very strong for a fifty-something year old with greying hair and a walking stick.
"Haven't seen you in a while. I heard mutterings about you, they're annoyed you haven't turned up."
Albert rolled his eyes. "Did they change what we can and can't do when I was away? Did they change our hours for the fiftieth time this week?"
His friend tutted. "You know that's the only thing the National Assembly is capable of doing." They entered the building, their feet squeaking against the polished floor.
Octave's face turned serious. "I've been meaning to tell you. I think they're planning something."
"Something?"
"Yes. They don't seem to tell me much these days, but that's what I've been able to get out of them."
Octave and Albert had a strange relationship. Albert was a conservative member of the National Assembly, but his friend Octave was a communist. Octave's friendship with Albert had led to him being slowly excluded from party matters.
The Communist Party controlled a large portion of the Assembly, but the liberals remained in power and were uncooperative with the communists. Some called them blind to the truth - communist support had shot up since the last election, riots were now almost daily, and the coastal city of La Rochelle had virtually declared independence, surviving on support from America.
Albert sighed and ran his fingers through his short brown hair. "So... what do you think it is? Should I be worried?" They entered the chamber. Thankfully, the room was filled with disorganised chatter and they could continue their conversation.
Octave's eyes darted around the room, before he made a reluctant face and sighed. He brandished a pencil from his pocket and pointed it at Albert "Look, you have got to promise me you tell no-one about this. Understand? These are dangerous times to be whispering secrets."
Albert promised that he would tell no-one, not even his wife. They took a seat in one of the deserted public galleries, which looked over the chamber.
"I'm sure you know Jaurès would not even be satisfied with a crushing victory in the next election. He can't take full power democratically."
"We've known that for a long time."
"Well, I think he's finally had enough. A few months ago, he made pacts with some of the rebels in the south. Then he started reeling in the Communards. Judging by all the talk going through the party, he's getting ready for something big."
The room suddenly went silent and both men looked up in alarm. A man walked up to the front and began speaking to the assembled men about some obscure tax, and they relaxed. Octave lowered his voice again. "I've just been told before I saw you: stay at home next week." Albert responded by running his hand through his hair again. He sighed.
"You could've told me earlier! Well, it's been coming. But what is Jaurès thinking? The Germans?"
"The Germans are distracted. The Americans will send us aid and they won't dare step in."
"That's a bold assumption," Albert responded. "But anyway, that's the end of my time here, I suppose..."
"Worse," said Octave. "You think the party will allow you to stand? You've been opposed to them for years. You're probably on the top half of the list to be dealt with after Jaurès's wonderful revolution."
Albert thought for a moment, ignoring the shouts coming from the chamber below. "I'll go to Lorraine. I have a small house there. Then I'll see what happens. And you?"
"A loyal party member, I'll be fine. For now," said Octave. The chamber below them erupted, and the communists stood to sing a rousing and spontaneous rendition of L'Internationale.
"The great communist debaters," muttered Octave.
It was about seven in the morning when the motley group of soldiers stormed the Palais Bourbon, quickly overwhelming the small guard. The violence quickly spread to the rest of the city and, by noon, government forces had lost all order. Similar scenes occurred over the next few days in many French cities, with some attempts at revolt spreading to Occitania and Brittany.
Despite what the leader of the French Socialists, Jean Jaurès would say, the response of the people was less than glorious. Few people outside of communist organisations felt any real affiliation to their fellow workers. Many had lived through Casimir-Perier's dictatorship and saw Jaurès as just another probable dictator. In Tours, the "revolution" was put down within hours - not by the government, but by citizens.
Jaurès as he came to power
But within a month, the vast majority of France was under the control of Jaurès and his government. Hordes of refugees from upper-class backgrounds fled to Wallonia, Lorraine and Occitania. It was feared that the revolution would bring down Brittany - despite a strong British presence in the area. Many members of the French government who had stood against the communists were killed deliberately as they tried to escape. As self-professed "masters" of France, the Germanian government was under pressure to react, but were reluctant to do so - as the Americans were naturally aligned to the French and wished to support them. It would be at least embarrassing, and at most catastrophic, if the Americans were to intervene.
It would be the British who would step in to solve the situation. Despite it being against their greater interests, they announced support for the creation of a free and democratic government in France, and the dislodging of Jaurès. The Americans thought better of escalating the situation, and became silent on the issue.
In Europe, only the newly declared Cossack Republic appeared to oppose the plans to dislodge the communist government; they too had had a socialist revolution and wanted to align themselves with France. But, as a nation strongly under the influence of Germania, this was a pointless gesture and they would soon find themselves in the midst of a counter-revolution to re-install democracy.
And as Germanian forces marched across the French border, the battlegrounds became little more than a training ground. The communist fighters were unequipped and unprepared. Worst still, a rumour began to circulate that the Germans had some sort of "super-weapon" that could destroy an armoured car and was resistant to bullets. In reality, this "super-weapon" was nothing more than the A7V: one of the first tanks. The Great War had massively boosted development into these novel machines, but one was never made during the war's duration. Now, the invasion provided a good testing ground. They were very slow and inefficient, often breaking down, but the sight of one was enough to make the enemy flee in fear - they could theoretically create carnage. They were also helpful in ploughing through the snow that had settled as Europe entered into winter.
Soldiers stand on a broken-down tank
The first successful flight by the American Wright Brothers in 1903 had also laid the foundations for the first aerial warfare. Many nations invested greatly in this new technology, and by the time came to intervene, Germania had several aeroplanes ready for use. These were called the Etrich Taube (dove), and were able to fly for almost 90 miles - or 45 to a destination and back. They were extremely helpful in scouting enemy positions, especially in Paris, and would even be used to drop bombs in the closing days of the conflict.
It was ironic that the "dove" would be used in wartime
The entrance of German troops into Paris on the second Sunday of Advent effectively ended communism in France. Jaurès had fled the city, and would be found attempting to cross the border into Brittany a few days later, presumably preparing to board a boat to America. His successor, appointed by German hands, would be Armand Fallières.
Fallières meets with Princess Wilhelmina of the Netherlands.
In co-operation with several other nations, Germania was determined to create a French nation that would not fall to violence, nor one where extremists could take power. Tight constraints were put on who could take power, and how. A permanent Germanian garrison was left in Paris, and as a final insult French Westhoek, a Flemish area, was occupied by Germanian troops. But - against the wishes of the Kaiser - the reparations that France was required to pay were lowered, and the Allies' iron fist around the French economy was loosened. French members of parliament returning from their short-lived exile found a surprisingly different France than the one they had fled.
The actions of Wilhelm were not received with warmness from every country, and many sided against him on the issue. However, Wilhelm had more pressing matters to attend to in his eyes. The nations of the world knew that France had been a testing ground for new technology that would change warfare forever, and the citizens of the Empire began to fear where these would strike next. The madness of the Kaiser was very real, and his next battleground was one only spoken about in whispers in the shadowy corners of the Reichstag.
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Sorry everyone, holidays are a pain. I know this is getting pretty long! I hope to finish it off soon (but not too soon!).
Flag - can be found in this thread around the competition.
Name - can be edited quite easily
Cores - a pain to edit, I'll see if there's an easier way around this one.
My navy is stronger than the US, but does not have many transports yet. The US has only a few Dreadnoughts.
Did an Argentine seriously just suggest that?
Unfortunately not, my "modding" has been rather amateur. The three things I've edited are the flag, nation name and cores.
Flag - can be found in this thread around the competition.
Name - can be edited quite easily
Cores - a pain to edit, I'll see if there's an easier way around this one.
Not even the communists could save France against the beast of the German war machine. I wonder if even a French Hitler could save France now.
Worrisome what Kaiser Wilhelm might do next, though.
Worrisome what Kaiser Wilhelm might do next, though.
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In your little story introducing the chapter, I think you made a typo. You say that Albert was in the conservative party, and Albert was a communist.