The Scourge of the East: The House of Oghuz

Under the pressure of its own tyranny, Khiva crumbled, its vassals vying for independence in 1067. Beylerbey Abu’l-Fawaris I, who was the head of the House of Oghuz, was able to consolidate his power and applied pressure on the fractured states within Khiva. An ambitious display had brought two revolting Khivan provinces under the rule of Oghuz by the end of 1069. And, since Khiva had been fractured, whittling her forces away in her civil war, there was little she could do to reclaim her lost regions from the Oghuz family.

As the House of Oghuz recovered from the war and put down two minor rebellions Beylerbey Abu’l-Fawaris I died, permitting the rise of his son, Ismail. It was during the reign of Ismail when religious conversions were concentrated en masse to Sunni from their Pagan and Zoroastrianism beliefs. The ideologies had been entrenched deeply in the region and had proved difficult to convert. It was at this time when the pagan Duchy of Aktobe under the Cuman name sought to end the forced conversions and declared war upon Oghuz.

Three defensive wars of religion were successfully completed under Beylerbey Ismail, repelling his constant foe High Chief Sirçan I each time. More than twenty years of war had been forced upon the borderlines with occasional periods of peace brought on by hired mercenaries.

Inbetween the assaults on his northern border, Beylerbey Ismail drove deeper in the south against Khiva, taking pieces of its domain whenever free from other threats. Ismail had done much to dismantle Khiva, paving the way for his son’s rule which left the southern tribe to a disoriented and devastating fate. In spite of this success, rebellions still rose and were put down. Three Marshals in three decades were all maimed, a Court Imam murdered, and many ducats lost to entrepreneurial soldiers. Eventually these rebellions would cost the life of Ismail, leaving behind a child ruler who was no more than ten years of age.

By the time Beylerbey Abu’l-Fawaris II came to rule in 1095 Khiva was destroyed, the Duchy of Aktobe had been reconquered by the Cumans after an ill-fated attempt at independence, and the Sunni religion had spread across more than 60% of his holdings. The Aral Sea was all but private except for a minor stretch of land Khiva claimed while the constant tumultuous civil wars in Cuman territory seemed to come like the winter. Abu’l-Fawaris II was poised to do great things and by his nineteenth birthday in 1098 had already been proclaimed ‘The Just.’

In spite of his short stature, Abu’l-Fawaris II had grand aims. For years he had studied religion and had become an expert in his field, planning to finish the work his father had begun in converting the population with his trusted Imam, Karatay Karatayid. There were also plans to finish absorbing the entirety of Khiva into the Oghuz fold and exacting revenge upon the Duchy of Aktobe, who was now ruled by Sirçan I’s offspring, Uzluk I. Coincidentally, Uzluk I was also a scholarly theologian in his own pagan beliefs, inevitably pitting the two men against each other exactly where their fathers had left off.

In an attempt to shore up his strength Abu’l-Fawaris II married two princesses from Volga Bulgaria and was betrothed to a third. This alliance would place allies on either side of the Cumans, and he hoped, ensure an eventual end to paganism in the north. His path had been laid out for him and he was prepared to march forward, converting heathens who had yet to hear the Words of Muhammad and bringing them safely and securely under the House of Oghuz.

The northern border had been temporarily secured while both leaders in Oghuz and Aqtobe settled into their new roles. Being a long-standing scholar of his religion, Abu’l-Fawaris II chose in the middle of 1098 to begin his trek to Mecca and prepared for his Hajj.

Over the course of two weeks of preparation a retinue was gathered for the burgeoning leader. A pair of weeks had passed before the mission had begun. Three aggressive months of travel and battles ensued until the Hajj had concluded. The Seljuk territories and desert had lived up to their reputation, allowing the constant threat of bandits to stray along the paths of the faithful. Fortunately, Abu’l-Fawaris II and his traveling companions were able to fend them off, or in other instances, to aid those who had suffered from violent acts.

The silence at home while he was gone was astounding. His regent, who was also his first wife Princess Dilek of Volga Bulgaria, ruled the territories with considerable ease. And with the aid of established advisors throughout the capital city and surrounding territories peace was maintained in the ruler’s absence.

In the months that followed idleness had become contagious within the House of Oghuz. The Hajj had been completed successfully and the territories hadn’t fallen into disrepair. It was during these months through 1099 that the power of Oghuz had continued to slowly grow. New building construction and training of soldiers had become a constant in realms directly under Abu’l-Fawaris II’s leadership.


After more than two years of resting his country Abu’l-Fawaris II looked to his southern border for the first time once the Seljuk family name had lost some of its wealth when its vassals began making declarations of war throughout the region. Primarily his attention was focused upon Qutb al-Din Muhammad whose rule extended across Kara-Kum and Herat.

Qutb al-Din Muhammad had become a great warrior, renowned throughout the region’s history as a man who would’ve been greater had he not been a victim of circumstance. The first mention he often receives is his act when for more than a year, through 1099, he had held his ground against the Seljuk’s only to be descended upon by Oghuz in February of 1100.


An army of nearly 2000 Oghuz soldiers rushed into Kara-Kum in early May. While Bey Iskender of Emba and the head of the Oghuz House remained to destroy the walls of the forts in the province, additional men were sent into Herat where a brief skirmish was won by Timariot Baturay of Oghuz.

Without an answer on how to combat the 3000 men in his territory with considerably fewer forces, Qutb al-Din Muhammad ordered his men to return to their war south where they continued to seek out Seljuk troops in hopes of at least repelling their initial enemy. This action left the armies of Oghuz unscathed through the rest of the war as Herat easily fell early in March 1101.

The victories achieved in Herat had followed upon the heels of a peasant uprising in Oghuz’s farthest northern corner in Emba. The troops, led by *Sencer departed from Herat and made their long travels north where they would eventually attack and destroy the peasant rebellion in late October.


With the aid of Sencer’s returning army from Emba a combined siege with every military man throughout Oghuz’s holdings were in Kara-Kum. The sheer amount of manpower overwhelmed the defenders of the forts in early March 1102 and peace was forced upon the warring neighbors. Ultimately, Qutb al-Din Muhammad would agree to become a subordinate under Abu’l ‘The Just.’

Qutb al-Din Muhammad would be able to keep his post for the duration of his life; his heir would be allowed the same right. While he was able to hold onto his title, another enemy of Oghuz lost theirs when Abu’l-Fawaris II proclaimed himself the Sultan of Khiva, usurping it from Wali Khidr Abu Shuja ‘The Old. Forty-five years younger than the former Sultan of Khiva proved that progressing generations were beginning to alter the world.


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*Sencer would become a long-standing Grand Vizier and Marshal for Oghuz in spite of his age which is estimated at 1100 to be of 40 years.

Understanding that his legacy was going to be more than land and titles, it was early in 1103 when Abu’l-Fawaris II took his heir under his wing. This closeness between the two became the most important connection for the Sultan. And during this time his son was able to see how to handle shakeups within the court and wars both internal and external.

Toward mid-August the Court Imam Karatay Karatayid had plotted the death of the Sultan’s Spymaster, Mayor Hasan of Khujandi. Upon learning of this treacherous act the Imam was jailed however he was not immediately replaced. Imprisonment of the Imam wouldn’t last for more than a few days due to the observance of Ramadan. Alms were given to the poor and all political captives within prisons were set free. But freedom wouldn’t keep the Imam’s position. A new man of religion was sent for and Dukak Dukakid replaced him. In addition, during the interim Grand Viziers were also replaced but was largely ignored because of Karatayid’s deceit.

Within the first quarter of 1104 the Sultan made an attempt to recapture the pair of uncles he set loose during Ramadan. While one was recovered, the second, Artuk Abu’l was able to find asylum within the court of Dashhowitz. This flight would later be blamed for Bey Bahadir’s fight for independence in mid-September.

This new front brought a more incredible threat to bear as its strategic location was much closer to the capital. However, the brunt force of both Dashhowitz and Maverannahr was set on besieging Khiva rather than fighting the Oghuz army on unfamiliar ground.

The political opportunism held by Khidir Abu Shuju had altered the way the war was going to be waged. It had also delayed the action of Abu’l-Fawaris II. By late December troops had begun laying the groundwork for a siege in Maverannahr and were reinforced as the months began warming until a total of just over 3200 men led by Timariot Belek of Koshkar, had settled in the province.


The reinforced siege in Maverannahr was able to starve out its people until they crumbled upon the feet of soldiers in late August. Once the siege was successfully completed, Timariot Belek took his 3000+ soldiers north into Khiva, eventually deposing the illegal siege by the middle of November. In the battle and the subsequent chase which followed, the Dashhowuz army was crumbled in exchange for 900 Oghuz men. A new siege was created in the illegal capital by the end of 1105.

Without an army there was little the opponents of Oghuz could do except hide away behind their walls. In the interim Sencer was named the new Marshal and by early 1107 Bey Bahidir had lost two of his own cities; one to a siege and another against an assault.

The internal rumblings within Oghuz reverberated far enough to gather the attention of the Pagans in the North once more. Early May High Chief Uzluk I of Aqtobe declared war. But just because Abu’l-Fawaris II had his own troops tied up in the south didn’t mean he was without options. As soon as time was made available both the Cuman and Turkic Mercenary bands were hired which was believed to be more than enough to fend off Uzluk’s attacks. The speed of the Pagans would undermine this effort to fight a solely offensive war when they invaded Emba but there was still time to route these troops before they overtook the region.


The plot to send the mercenaries north repaid Oghuz with success after the capitulation of Bey Bahadir’s fort. Peace followed in late August with his arrest and immediate revocation of his title. In turn, Abu’l-Fawaris II vowed to rule Dasshowuz directly.

In late September the combined forces of the hired mercenaries reached the Ryn Desert where after a month long of skirmishes, battles, and harassment, they were able to deplete an Aqtobe army from 1800 to little more than 500 men. The mercenary groups would ultimately destroy the Aqtobe army from where they had first landed, in Emba, before returning to lay siege to the fortifications located in the Ryn Desert. At the beginning of 1108 Sencer laid siege to the offending Aqtobe capital with 1100 men as the mercenaries began assaulting the Pagan walls of Ryn in June.


By late August the mercenaries and the inadvertent efforts of Tyumen were able to force High Chief Uzluk I to concede defeat to the House of Oghuz less than eighteen months after issuing his declaration of war. While no land would exchange hands a truce would be enforced and indemnities on Aqtobe’s side would be paid. This, however, wouldn’t end the marching of Tyumen troops in Uzluk I’s east.

On the heels of the victory the lone region in Bukhara was welcomed into the Oghuz fold through Kutalmis I’s willful submission. The interests in Bukhara weren’t inherently pure but the benefits of adding to the realm and strengthening the land against the Pagans or Muslim dissenters outweighed the possibility of further rebellion.