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Intermission: the Situation in Italy

Before I discuss the major period of the Brabantese civil war (the period from 1578-1585), I feel that it is a pertinent time to discuss what Louis XII’s motivations for going into the war were. I have discussed earlier what others (the Hugenots in particular) saw as Louis’ motivations, but I haven’t discussed what he was trying to get out of the war from his own perspective, and his actions deserve explanation.

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Louis XII in 1580. His powdered wig, which he wore after a horrid burn to his scalp incurred in battle, soon became popular throughout Europe

The histiography of Louis XII is, to put it mildly, split. From some perspectives, Louis was a fool who embroiled himself in wars that he shouldn’t have, and who created the imperial structures which led, eventually, to France’s downfall. In the view of many, though, Louis was a visionary, and Kissinger calls Louis the second ‘great practitioner’ of realist thinking after Machiavelli. The idea of Louis as a realist, who ignored sectarian divisions to fight for French interests, still begs the question though—why did he support the Dutch rebels, who ended up turning into one of France’s greatest regional rivals?

The answer is that Louis was indeed a visionary, but though his ideas coincided to some degree with what became 20th century realism, they could more accurately be described as nationalist. The book which he was writing near the end of his life, The Nations of Europe, has recently been found when the French national archives opened up and catalogued their works from the Ancien Regime. In it, he expresses ‘solidarity’ with all the peoples of Europe, and he expresses the belief that all the nations of Europe deserve self-governance and the sovereignty that comes with self-governance.

What is often forgotten about the 1530s is that France was at the center of the Hapsburg Empire before the rise of Louis Bourbon. Had Matthias I married the crown-princess it is likely that France would have been integrated into the Arch-duchy of Austria as the Kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary were. This fear, of French subjugation, colored Louis’ view of international relations: he saw with a sympathetic eye the plights of the anti-Hapsburg rebels, and thought that his support for these rebel movements would lead to an amicable relationship between France and the newly liberated country. Though this led to abject failure in Switzerland and Brabant, perhaps we should consider a success of his—the example of Naples and the Neapolitan rebels.

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A Modenan statue of Giadomenico di Sforza, first king of the new Kingdom of Naples

Remy-Louis de Bourbon paid a large amount of money out of his own pocket to fund the Neapolitan rebels. His personal interest in the whole region of Italy came from his time as ambassador to Modena (a position which afterwards became a sign that its holder was on the fast track to a higher position in the government), where he had often met with the major groups in the Neapolitan resistance, which fashioned itself as the ‘Army di Napoli’.

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The Siege of Calabria. Burgher and peasant rebels consistently attacked Spanish holdings in Naples, killing tax collectors and harassing provincial governors.

He spent, perhaps, 400,000 Livres out of his own personal fortune on the Army di Napoli. He went further still, making sure that his personal artillerists were trained in Venice and were able to build cannons with the Venetian coat of arms, in order to avoid the ardor of his Spanish allies.

A great breakthrough came in 1577—the Spanish King, his fund strapped and his army stretched thin by campaigns in southern Germany and a failed campaign in the Rhineland, decentralized his enforcement authority in his Italian holdings, allowing Italian aristocrats to raise and fund their own armies. This was a huge boon to the rebel movement, as many members of the Neapolitan aristocracy supported the rebellion but were not willing to attack the Spanish kingdom on their own. With this act, they would be able to fund their own armies and take control themselves.

Within a year, the armies of the Neapolitan aristocracy outnumbered Spanish garrisons 2-1, and when the aristocracy announced that they would side with the Army di Napoli, Spanish rule of Naples crumbled within 2 months. The head of the aristocrat revolt and the Army di Napoli’s major connection with the outside world, a Cambrian nobleman of northern descent by the name of Giadomenico Sforza, became the first king of the New Kingdom of Naples, and the new kingdom announced alliances with France and Modena by the spring of 1580. This is a great example of one of Louis’ huge successes, and an example where Louis’ nationalist and anti-imperial instincts proved correct.

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The new Kingdom of Naples, separate from the Republic of Sicily

Regardless, Louis’ concept of liberation—that a liberated people would naturally see their liberator fondly—didn’t hold up in the Brabant. The biggest mistake he made was thinking that the Brabantese Hugenots were merely attempting to break free of the Hapsburg Empire; that their religious difference was of little import. This proved wrong.
 
again, just caught up. Like the argument you are building but have based it in France's close escape from incorporation into Austria.

seems that Louis guesses well when the issue is one of independence (& the resulting state doesn't see France as a rival in any real sense), & forgot that some potential states would have real differences with France (commercial and religious) once they were well established. Ah, the folly of would be liberators across the ages.
 
You would think that by now people (french catholics espiecially) would know not to underestimate the power of religious belief and the lenghts people will go to to protect their faith. Brabant looks too be a messy affair.
 
You would think that by now people (french catholics espiecially) would know not to underestimate the power of religious belief and the lenghts people will go to to protect their faith. Brabant looks too be a messy affair.

Well, perhaps the French People in general wouldn't underestimate it, but one of the problematic aspects of having a king as long lived as Louis XII is that he came to power when Protestantism was still 'young'.

Good news everyone! I found some pictures from the old game which can be used (alongside some pictures of my current game) to bring me up to 1640 (which is good because I accidentally saved over my first new game which is going to lead to a bit of confusion). The new game has a ton of cool developments (a powerful Thuringia and Brandenburg, I gave Modena the cores she had at 1620 in my original game but she went totally crazy, a Scandinavia which is competing globally with Spain, England, the Netherlands, Portugal and me). The strangest development (outside of a strong Saxony and Modena) is something I'm already taking advantage of.

But I'll maybe be able to get a post out over the next week--this is, after all, finals month.
 
Good news everyone! I found some pictures from the old game which can be used (alongside some pictures of my current game) to bring me up to 1640 (which is good because I accidentally saved over my first new game which is going to lead to a bit of confusion). The new game has a ton of cool developments (a powerful Thuringia and Brandenburg, I gave Modena the cores she had at 1620 in my original game but she went totally crazy, a Scandinavia which is competing globally with Spain, England, the Netherlands, Portugal and me). The strangest development (outside of a strong Saxony and Modena) is something I'm already taking advantage of.

But I'll maybe be able to get a post out over the next week--this is, after all, finals month.

Those new developments sound really exiting. A powerful Brandenburg and Thuringia sounds like it would almost certanly lead to war within the Empire.
 
Those new developments sound really exiting. A powerful Brandenburg and Thuringia sounds like it would almost certanly lead to war within the Empire.

Indeed. Also Thuringia went in a really interesting/plausible direction--they were the first to adopt Protestantism (as they were in the original game), and then were the first to adopt radical Protestantism and spread Reformed Christianity to Brunswick and Munster

Also I know you guys don't know me at all but I'd like to note that the article I mentioned earlier about Clausewitz (based off of the Jon Sumida book) is getting published at my grad school's journal!
 
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The 13 Sieges

The most violent period of the French intervention into the War of Brabant consisted of a series of sieges collectively referred to as the 13 Sieges. This is not to say that the French were doing all of the work—the Dutchman’s Army (a group of militias) were engaged in bitter campaigns in Liege and Limburg. But with the exception of the Battle of Breda (which marked the beginning of Brabantese independence), every major combat of the War of Brabant involved long sieges on a series of star fortresses.

These sieges had a long legacy in the French army and in France as a whole. France’s engineering, sapping, and sieging capabilities were essentially born during the 13 Sieges, when Louis XII created a corps of architects and military engineers to function in Brabant with the goal of creating an art of siegeworks. This military engineer corps embarked on a mission to rationalize war, and in this rationalization we can see the beginnings of the Enlightenment and of French military suzerainty.

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The Siege of Maastricht, which led to the deaths of thousands of Frenchmen from attrition and artillery fire, is what led to the creation of the French Engineer Corps

Why did Louis XII create an engineer corps? We can see the answer to this question in the sieges of Sant-Niklaas, Methlas, and Maastrict, which were the first major sieging operations conducted by Louis XII. These were all relatively old-fashioned fortresses manned by only a thousand men each, being attacked by 10,000 man armies.

And yet, French soldiers (from the Armies du Nord, du Flandres, and du Bretons) found themselves seiging these minor towns for months, dying in the thousands from artillery fire, lack of clean water/food, and constant attacks by Catholic militias. At the end of these sieges, Louis was only narrowly able to stop widespread looting.

Louis was still looking to find a way to win the loyalty of the Brabantese Catholics and was desperately looking for a ‘Third Force’, a group of pro-French Catholics acting between the anti-French Catholics and ostensibly pro-French Protestants. He feared “If I allow my soldier’s passions to overtake themselves, that I could destroy the goodwill of the Dutch people and make my situation worse”. So he was looking for a rationalized form of war which would leave politics unchanged. This meant, first and foremost, shorter sieges.

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De Richemont would later be responsible for many of France's border defenses, as well as many of the chateaus made in the post-war period

The group of men which Louis hired to create an Army Engineer’s Corps was a strange group. It included Pascal de Treville, the colonel of the ‘Languedoc Sapper’s Company’, the first concentrated siegecraft company in the French army, Ambrose de Pelfort, Huguenot artilleryman from the Duchy of Lorraine, and Jean Antoine de Richemont, the Jewish Parisian who had risen to the rank of Royal Architect. Together, they were experts on both the defensive and offensive aspects of siege warfare. De Richemont in particular had achieved a level of fame for his ability to design structures which could be built within weeks.

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The Siege of Luxembourg, showing uniformed officers and a protective structure

This group was used for the first time in the siege of Luxembourg. The Hapsburg fortress in Luxembourg was massive, holding 3,000 men and 150 huge cannons. Louis had found it nearly impossible to lay siege to the fortress—his siege cannons simply could not get in to range without suffering under counter-fire. “It’s rather simple”, said de Richemont. “We need to build our own fortress”.

Within a month, much of the Armee du Flandres was resting in a group of fortresses which surrounded Luxembourg. In these fortresses the French soldiers were protected from counter-fire and from enemy militias. Luxembourg fell within 3 months with minimal casualties on the French side, and the Engineer Corps was soon expanded so a contingent could be included in every army.

Siegecraft grew by leaps and bounds during the war. Soon enough de Richemont had become an expert at building parallel trenches which would allow sappers and assaulters to get right next to the enemy’s walls. De Pelfort instituted concentrated firing exercises through the whole French army, and many regiments created sapping companies.

But the Third Force was still nowhere to be found. In fact, the advances in French military art did nothing but speed sectarian violence in the Lowlands. Louis’ use of Protestant troops (an attempt to learn from the mistakes of the Swiss campaign) may have only worsened this. For instance, consider the siege of Antwerp. Antwerp had been one of the first cities in the Lowlands to legally adopt Calvinism, but she had remained a very diverse and tolerant city. But after the (very short) siege of Antwerp, which had destroyed the outer, Protestant portion of the city, Louis had posted a group of Huguenot soldiers in the city, hoping that they would prevent any violence. But the night the French army left, a widespread riot occurred and the Dutch Calvinists forcibly took Catholic houses and murdered hundreds of Catholics and Austrian officials in the streets. If Louis knew of this event he did not comment on it.

In 1584, with nowhere to go, the Austrian army in Holland left their quarters and came to fight the victorious Armee du Flandres. Ragged, starved, and demoralized by the widespread defeat of the Austrians in the Lowlands, they collapsed within 2 hours of battle, and were captured while trying to cross the Rhine. Two months later, Matthias I accepted his defeat, and signed a treaty accepting the independence of the Republic of Brabant and the County of Luxembourg. The first part of the War of Brabant was over.

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The religious situation in the lowlands. Note that Kleves, Oldenburg, and Luxembourg have already broken off from Austria; Luxembourg ended up being ruled by a cadet branch of the Bourbon family Also note that Tilly's forced conversion campaign had already been underway in Flanders for 3 years, before 1580 it was the center of radical Huguenotism.
 
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Finally added the picture of Brabant! Hope you guys acclimate back to me using game images. I may get the next section out within the next week or so; finals are being brutal. Anyways,

next on Lords of France:

religious repercussions in the Lowlands, the War of Religion in France, and the rise of Tully and Vigny
 
That is a significant Brabant, who's capital is not in Brabant. Nice.
 
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Haven't commented it a while, but glad to see this still going on with solid quality.

Also, please convert to the Huguenot faith ASAP :p
 
That is a significant Brabant, who's capital is not in Brabant. Nice.

Yeah I'm really liking all the middle powers who have emerged in this game. Makes it a whole lot more interesting than endless wars with an Austria that's already gotten to her 1914 borders.

Ah grinding warfare in the low countries...
At least the Dutch are divided and not entirely aligned against the French.
for now

About that...

good stuff as ever, capturing the arms race between fortification and siege techniques as well as the multi-layered nature of the war ... your sucesses look impressive but one suspects are rather fragile?

It's sad. Louis is such an interesting character and was generally a great King, but his lack of foresight has led to very short-term victories.

Haven't commented it a while, but glad to see this still going on with solid quality.

Also, please convert to the Huguenot faith ASAP
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About that...
 
Because my wars have been going so fantastically

=p