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Agreed. Cheer up, Avindian.

Will do ;)

I finally worked up enough spare time to sit down and read the backlog on this, only to find it wasn't as long as I feared/expected! I love conversions games and this is a great one. Love seeing the Roman Empire around in Industrial times, look forward to seeing what will happen, especially once nationalism starts to kick into full gear.

I'm glad you're aboard! If you really want to kill some time, the original NRI was pretty long (or maybe it just seemed that way to the writer?)

I'm bumping this AAR up in the queue; I might update tonight, but probably tomorrow. Want a preview? Here's your one-word preview (under tag).

War!
 
How big is the war(s)?
 
Chapter 6: To war!

1 January 1846, Germanicus Academy, Florence

There was an excited buzz throughout the air in the Andreas Germanicus Academy for the Imperial Legions. Normally, soldiers paid little attention to politics in the Roman Empire. The morning's election of the new Senate had threatened to pass without incident.

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Those legionaries that were politically active simply nodded with satisfaction at the strong showing of conservatives, principally from the Militares faction. The Protectores, while weak in the Curia, remained a force in the Senate, under the leadership of Decimus. Many of the instructors at the Academy -- who could vote by virtue of the automatic nobility the rank of Commander provided -- attempted to instill the importance of the strength of those two parties in their young cadets, with only middling degrees of success. The Academy only trained lower officers, from Lieutenant to Captain, so they had no reasonable expectation of ever voting. When the news came over the telegraph, however, of the new Senate's law, everything changed.

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With new elections already scheduled, for the first time, all officers could vote regardless of rank. The Provincares had voted for it to bring in the bureaucrats and clergy who they were sure would vote for them. The Militares, obviously, hoped to benefit from the Officer vote. Nobody knew quite where the Artisans would lean -- the upcoming election would probably settle that -- but all of a sudden, students were much more attentive to the indoctrination they had received from their teachers. Granted, their votes only counted as half of the vote of the capitalists or aristocrats in society, but there were also a lot more voters in the so-called "Middle Class" than in the "Upper Class."

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While the students milled around, business still continued outside of the officer's quarters and officer training school, for the Academy was also where new recruits were inducted into the legions, and where Privates became Corporals and Sergeants. That meant that, as always, the recruiting sergeant had a decent sized crowd waiting outside his office. It was easy to see why. The Legions guaranteed consistent pay, job security, and earned you respect and admiration from your fellow Romans. Not every profession had that. So while chaos and bedlam erupted outside his door, the sergeant called in the next candidate. He was immediately struck by the size of the candidate -- at 6'5" tall, the candidate often made a powerful and lasting first impression. The candidate saluted and sat down in the chair provided. My God, that chair looks pitiful under his frame, thought the sergeant, who knew he'd probably get a bonus for recruiting this one. He looked kindly at the clearly nervous young man.

"Your name, son?"

"Orsatti. Arturo Orsatti."

"Birthplace?"

"Milan."

The sergeant checked off the questions on his list. "Father's name?"

"Vicente Orsatti."

"Occupation?"

"Goldsmith."

The sergeant, used to hearing responses like "Farmer" or "Factory worker," looked up from his list. "A goldsmith?"

Arturo nodded slowly. "Yes, sir."

"What do you want with the army, Orsatti? A goldsmith's son ought to be wealthy on his own, with a lucrative career if he's any good at it."

"Sergeant, my hands are too clumsy to be a goldsmith."

The sergeant laughed. "Your hands aren't steady enough for a goldsmith, but you figure they'll keep a musket stable? Son, you must be crazy. I like that. It takes a little crazy to be a good soldier."

Arturo smiled slightly. "If you say so, sir."

"What's your age?"

"I was born in 1828."

The grizzled sergeant chuckled again. "Son, you might, might, have convinced me you're 16, as big as you are, but that voice tells me you're no more 18 than I am. Try again."

Arturo squirmed, but nodded in resignation. "I was born in 1832."

The sergeant sighed. "14's too young to join the legions. Come back in a couple of years."

"Can't I join now? I'm perfectly capable of handling the training."

The sergeant shrugged. "It's not a question of capability, lad. It's a question of maturity."

Arturo glanced about furtively. "Sergeant, may I tell you something in confidence?" After the sergeant nodded and gestured for the giant Lombard to continue, Arturo took a deep breath. "I'm the fourth son."

"What difference does that make?"

"The only way I'm likely to have any career at all is in the military; my eldest brother is apprenticed to Father, and my other brothers are joining the priesthood. I am not of a seminary persuasion."

"That doesn't change the facts, son, although I do sympathize."

Arturo reached into his coat and withdrew a letter.

To whom it may concern,

I am formally granting the bearer of this letter, my son Arturo, the right to act as an adult for the purposes of enlisting in the Legions.

Vicente Orsatti

The sergeant studied the document with great care. He went and got the lieutenant in charge of recruitment; this was an officer's call, no doubt. The lieutenant gave the letter a cursory glance, asked a few questions, and officially signed a release to allow the 14 year old into the army. Before the sergeant let Arturo sign, however, he took a moment to explain what would happen. "Orsatti, I want to be clear about this. You are not going to be a popular person; you're clearly underage. Some people will think you're out to be a glory hog; maybe you are, and maybe you aren't, but they'll think you are. In short, you'll get all the stigma of being a noble's son without the benefit of actually being a noble's son. Are you prepared to live with that? This is, of course, on top of all the other training and hardships you'll endure as a legionary. You have to want this."

Arturo sat back and took some time to ponder the sergeant's advice. After a moment or two of careful consideration, Arturo stood and saluted the sergeant. The sergeant, admiring the young man's dedication, returned the salute.

Arturo Orsatti was officially a Cadet-Private in the Imperial Legions.
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12 March 1846, Camp of Legio VI 'Germanicus', Saarbrucken

Arturo Orsatti completed his legionary training -- the standard six weeks -- in mid-February. Unfortunately for the Milanese private, he hadn't shown much aptitude at math or horsemanship, which left him in the infantry by default. He knew which direction to point his musket, how to fire it, and some hand to hand combat. The latter had been developed more in the barracks than on the battlefield; as the sergeant had predicted, many of his classmates had taken particular exception to one so young enlisting, particularly in the peacetime army, when there were so few spots to go around. He'd given as good as he got, but the drill sergeant had rarely intervened. That made the experience of training much rougher for Arturo than it would be for a normal soldier. He was assigned to the 11th Florentine Infantry Brigade, based in Colmar.

As the youngest member of the ten person squad -- the Roman squad consisted of seven privates, a corporal, a sergeant, and a lieutenant -- he was the squad's official "mule." He carried most of the extra ammunition and anything else his squadmates decided to give him. He took the burden up with no fuss, which only made things worse. The only person who looked after him was the corporal, who was unusually old for the legions at 45; legend had it he'd been promoted to and demoted from Sergeant no fewer than a dozen times. He was too good a soldier to fire, but not good enough to get away with the minor indiscretions an officer might. That, however, was about to change.

Regent Valerian had ordered a diplomatic mission to Wallonia to investigate the possibility of a voluntary annexation of the small two regiones nation. As a native of the city of Trier, Minister of Education Marx was the head of the delegation. Instead of the native son returning home having the effect intended, the "King" felt outraged that somebody more senior in the government wasn't sent. He formally snubbed Minister Marx, and when Valerian -- and the Senate -- heard of the insult, preparations were made for war.

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Admiral di Medici's plan was simple. The First Legion would camp in Aachen, the Sixteenth Legion in Saarbrucken. The Sixth was only to be a reserve legion, to chase down any opposition that escaped from any victorious battle.

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The official notice of war had been sent via Minister Marx to Wallonia, and the invasion began, only the plan had changed.

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General d'Absburgo, who had constantly vied with the Sixteenth Legion's General, Bava-Beccaris, had used his authority as field commander to order the Sixteenth to halt at Charleville. The Sixth's General, Angelo Pacoret de Saint Bon, was a fearless leader, but also something of a boot licker. Pacoret was capable, and nobody doubted that, but he was also far more willing to let his superior officer order him without question. Once it had become clear the Sixth was going into combat, the lieutenant had put a stop to the hazing inflicted on poor Arturo. The Sixth's assignment was less dangerous than it appeared, for they would be attacking the undefended Kreuznach, but d'Absburgo had insisted his legion get the "glory" of certain victory. His legion was twice as large as the Sixth, so nobody really objected much.

If only they'd learned their lesson from the annexation of Yemen.
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23 April 1846, Marshal's office, Florence

Marshal Contadino looked positively ill at the battle reports. Some of his staff officers had visibly blanched when Admiral di Medici had proposed d'Absburgo as overall commander in the field. Julius, knowing the pressure that d'Absburgo's family would apply, decided not to overruled his Chief of the General Staff, on the grounds that surely Wallonia could pose no serious threat to the Legions of Rome. Then a visibly angry d'Absburgo had appeared in the Marshal's office on April 3, as Bava-Beccaris had committed the unpardonable sin of coming to the General's aid and taking command.

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Of course, any halfway intelligent military mind knew that, if anything, Vittorio had saved d'Absburgo's bacon. While Carlo d'Absburgo cursed his subordinate's initiative and sulked in Florence, Vittorio was doing the hard work that needed to be done. The Battle of Trier was a victory, certainly, but a horribly bloody one.

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It had taken every last bit of Julius Contadino's patience not to have the idiot general executed for treason. The war was still going on, and there were still battles to be won. However, the Marshal made a mental note of d'Absburgo's crimes for future reference. In the meanwhile, another battle had been fought and won, on much less bloody terms, but the fact remained that the Wallonians were uncommonly skilled. A big part of the reason why was Wallonian General Alfons Schmitt.

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To make matters worse, a young private had noticed something unusual in a Wallonian soldier's musket. The private -- Arturo something -- had found one as his legion besieged the fortress at Weuznach, after killing one of the enemy's pickets. The Marshal smiled wanly. At least I have a good excuse for why we've been bloodied by an inferior army. Maybe they aren't quite so inferior? He'd sent it along to the Academy's engineers for examination. The knowledge imparted by the weapon -- a "rifle", the engineer called it -- gave General Bava-Beccaris the knowledge he needed to avoid further casualties, and the Battle of Spa demonstrated that.

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The Wallonian army fought courageously, but in the end was routed by the General's troops. A further pursuit ended the Wallonian threat, which meant that all that was needed was to siege the two Wallonian fortresses.

A tall order, indeed.
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10 December 1846, Imperial Senate, Rome

Agrippa Germanicus basked in the received applause from the Senators, as they unanimously voted to impose the humiliating peace on Wallonia.

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Agrippa, unlike most of the Senators, knew that the true purpose of the war had nothing to do with Wallonia. In fact, Valerian knew how Marx's "mission" would be taken and had planned on it. His real objective was to stop the Jacobins once and for all. Jacobin societies had reached nearly 10 million members -- nearly a quarter of the population, an absolutely stunning number -- before the patriotism of the war set in. Most of the Jacobins were actually quite conservative, and they immediately left the societies in droves. The Roman Revolution, as the Jacobins so eloquently put it, was over.

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With the Jacobins quiet and the Provincares in a solid position with the war's victory, Agrippa even co-opted two key principles of the Militares, ordering mass production of the new flintlock rifles -- called Orsattis after their discoverer -- and a massive expansion in the army, with 20 new brigades being raised in and around Paris.

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His political maneuvers had won him another four years in office, and he was already one of the most popular men in the entire Empire.

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His victory gave him the strength to resist the court martial of d'Absburgo, whose younger brother was an important Senator from Vienna. Instead, the Marshal had ordered d'Absburgo to "patrol" the desert of Naama, along with the rest of the First Legion. This gave the Marshal the opportunity to "reassign" many of the army's other purely political appointees to that legion, while taking the very best from the First and assigning them around the Empire to the legions that needed them most. Agrippa had also personally congratulated Arturo Orsatti for his intuition; the young man had become something of a hero, and at such a tender age, that the Regent had insisted he be looked after. Promoting him to corporal was out of the question, as he was a fifteen year old, but Orsatti did get a nice bonus and a commendation.

There was only one black cloud hanging over his administration; the continued colonization of Australia.

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Australia was almost completely colonized by Romans, which seemed a prestigious achievement for the Empire, apart from one minor thing: the colony didn't technically belong to the Empire at all. Australia was owned by no fewer than fifty-seven separate companies. Agrippa didn't know the law well enough to figure out the details, but about three dozen names kept popping up in various places, enough to show that a single leadership group actually ran the colony. Valerian's protege and new Minister of Information -- Magnus von Horgen, a Swiss national from the canton of Zürich -- was investigating the connections, but that would take time, especially since some of the shareholders were non-Roman, and Magnus's network was quite new. Agrippa also reshuffled the cabinet, naming Karl Marx as Minister of Science and Industry and Gaius Tullius Cicero, Agrippa's former deputy, as Minister of Education. Agrippa hoped that Marx's zeal would aid in the investigation. Gaius' father, Publius, had resigned as Minister of Science and Industry to head the Militares full time.

While all this was happening, Agrippa missed something very important: the retirement of Marcus Porcius Cato Decimus as the leader of the Protectores. The Protectores had almost no influence in the Curia, but maintained a significant presence in the Senate. His replacement was his son, Titus Porcius Cato. Some political analysts thought nothing of the change.

They were badly mistaken.
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1 March 1848, Congress of Faction "Pecuniares", Rome

Decimus had actually not retired at all. Yes, he'd relinquished his position as head of the Protectores, but he was still very active in politics. With the Empire no longer offering contracts to colonize Australia -- the new "National Focus" was on clergymen, specifically in the London area and Slovakia -- the Syndicate needed a way to continue to expand. They'd reached the point of saturation in Imperial industry, which was why they'd begun quietly selling some of the less important companies to trusted deputies, to increase the number of people the Roman authorities would need to investigate. The formal board of directors for the Syndicate was still the same five people, but the only company in which all five names appeared was Southampton Shipping. To further lower the Syndicate's public image, the official Chairman of the Board of Directors was now Edward Vickers. Vickers was the least known of the five directors, which made him the perfect public face. Vickers' contributions had been largely administrative, although his own engineering firm was doing very nicely. The two major capitalists remained Samuel Morse and Willem van Dijk. Decimus had the political contacts to keep everything running smoothly, while Juan Carlos de Farnese provided the legal expertise. It was an ideal partnership. Then Marx and von Horgen began their "crusade."

Marx had diverted from his cause only once, and that to promote the writings of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, one of Marx's strongest influences.

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Despite Marx's increasingly large role in the public administration, Marx remained a philosopher at heart, and scholarly trends were almost as important to him as his duties as Minister of Science and Industry. The Syndicate had actually quietly ensured the bill passed, Decimus' last great effort as head of the Protectores. Titus got the credit, but his father had done the actual work. Von Horgen was much more difficult to deal with, as he couldn't be bribed and had no passions apart from the defense of the Empire. Decimus had one high ranking official in the Ministry of Information, but he wasn't senior enough to affect policy in any way. Decimus learned how the investigation was proceeding, which gave him a chance to dodge, so to speak, the investigators, but that was all. The only way to get rid of the investigation, it seemed, was to neutralize Marx and von Horgen. Marx won some grudging admiration from the military by officially sponsoring a new fortification program and deeper, more mobile reserve systems.

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Decimus was faced with a real crisis, as were the other members of the Syndicate. Marx was gaining more and more popularity each day. It was highly likely he would be Chancellor someday if something wasn't done. Agrippa Germanicus was respected as a politician, but wasn't nearly as charismatic as Marx. A tiny trickle of Provincares had started to drift towards the Republicares as Agrippa became more pro-military. Given that most of the rank and file were anti-military in the Provincares, that created an opportunity. Another anti-military faction could appeal to the disaffected within the Provincares while drawing some of the more conservative businessmen from the Militares. And so, the Pecuniares, or "Money" party, was born.

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The Pecuniares had one more major platform point: full citizenship for all Romans, regardless of culture. This was targeted at the Republicares, of course, who were the only other party to support such an initiative. The Militares had almost won the January 1848 senatorial elections; if Decimus, the head of the Pecuniares, could mobilize enough support and absorb the Protectores, he could control the Senate. The Curia seemed less likely, because of the overwhelming popularity of the Provincares, but that was a long-term strategy. It remained to be seen how the new party would do in elections; Decimus's short term goal was simply to gain a cabinet minister or two.
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26 April 1848, Regent's office, Rome

Valerian stared at his calendar with a mixture of hope and dread. The Imperial twins turned 14 in 1851. They'd been attending meetings of the Senate more and more frequently, and each had shown a lot of promise. Constantine understood the intricacies of politics very, very well. He was somewhat more liberal than Valerian, his guardian, but most people were, thought the Regent with a smile. Trajan showed an interest in the military, and as soon as he turned 18, he wanted to join the legions. 18 was a compromise between the two; Trajan would be Prince of Constantinople until and unless Constantine had a son. Trajan wanted to join at 16, Constantine had hoped for 20. In any case, Valerian would almost certainly continue to hold some role for the Emperor, but much of his responsibility would disappear.

Unfortunately, that did not appear to be soon enough for the Regent's taste. Valerian, an astute political mind, knew the conservatives were gaining too much strength to be ignored. One of the weaknesses of the Germanicus government was his firm insistence on non-interference in the economy. As factories started to go bankrupt -- analysts were baffled as to why, but the proof was there -- the conservatives got more and more vocal. The Pecuniares screamed that the government only cared about the army; the Militares countered that "liberal nonsense" was the real culprit. Two Jacobin revolutions in Venezuela and Paraguay raised that old specter. Elections weren't scheduled until 1850, and Valerian briefly considered calling new elections immediately to restore the faith in the liberal mandate, but he knew that wouldn't matter. He had only one option.

Firing Agrippa Germanicus.

Valerian liked Agrippa, and thought he'd done a very good job as Chancellor, but if there were a vote of no confidence, the Senate had the right to "recommend" a replacement, and Decimus and the Pecuniares controlled the Senate at the moment. The last thing Valerian wanted was Decimus as Chancellor. He'd almost certainly get some kind of role in the new cabinet, but as long as it wasn't Chancellor, Valerian could live with it. Agrippa accepted Valerian's decision with grace'and aplomb, but he knew the leader of the Provincares would not go quietly in the Curia. Valerian shrugged. That was for his new Chancellor to worry about: Publius Tullius Cicero, the head of the Militares.

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He was scheduled to meet with the new Chancellor in a couple of weeks, as he put his cabinet together. Publius was confirmed with flying colors, as even the Provincares respected his service as Minister of Trade and Industry.

Valerian hoped respect would be enough.
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Thanks for reading! In case you're wondering why I chose the states I did for the NFs, it's because they're my two largest that don't already have 4% clergy.
 
Arturo's story put a smile on my face, nice to see him get his way! At his size he is the perfect mule, but hopefully he can earn a better lot in life someday.

Wallonia really gave you a bloody nose, those are horrifying casualties. Let's hope all of the Imperium's battles don't end similarly!
 
Arturo's story put a smile on my face, nice to see him get his way! At his size he is the perfect mule, but hopefully he can earn a better lot in life someday.

Wallonia really gave you a bloody nose, those are horrifying casualties. Let's hope all of the Imperium's battles don't end similarly!

I was surprised by the casualties too; it didn't help that d'Absburgo has a minus to attack, but with AHD, you can't insta-teleport good generals around the map.

again the meshing of stories and themes is impressive, at least the liberals are getting less militant which must help, but the Legions are no longer just sweeping away their enemies (well you are winning but a quite a cost)

Agitation isn't quite gone yet, but the Jacobins plummet in numbers, so that's a positive.
 
How does this work then?

AHD introduces leader prestige. The more successful a leader, the higher his prestige, and the higher the bonuses he confers to troops. If you move him around, you take a prestige hit. This makes you move the army, not just the leader.
 
AHD introduces leader prestige. The more successful a leader, the higher his prestige, and the higher the bonuses he confers to troops. If you move him around, you take a prestige hit. This makes you move the army, not just the leader.

OK. That makes sense, as it seems more likely. Thanks ;)
 
Great update!!!

But I do not understand why you humiliate Wallonia instead of conquest. What did you get with it? (Besides a good background for the story):cool:
 
OK. That makes sense, as it seems more likely. Thanks ;)

No problem!

Great update!!!

But I do not understand why you humiliate Wallonia instead of conquest. What did you get with it? (Besides a good background for the story):cool:

Humiliate is a prestige hit. Actually, it was enough to kick Wallonia out of GP status, a position taken by Zanzibar. I went with Humiliate because that's the CB the game gave me. Conquest is way too expensive in BB, and I promised not to break the limit in the original post. There will be more wars in the future, but conquests? I can think of one off the top of my head. I kind of wish I had a jingoist party, since they get more events for border disputes more frequently, but I don't. Oh well.
 
Awesome update. I love how you make it so detailed and bring the characters to life.

Same question as Varetta above; isn’t the humiliation wargoal really only worthwhile for Great Powers and Secondaries who are turning into Greats? Did you need to keep your infamy low?
 
Awesome update. I love how you make it so detailed and bring the characters to life.

Same question as Varetta above; isn’t the humiliation wargoal really only worthwhile for Great Powers and Secondaries who are turning into Greats? Did you need to keep your infamy low?

Thanks for the kind words! I still did have quite a bit of infamy from taking out Yemen, which was the main reason I just stuck with Humiliate, which is the free CB the game gave me.
 
I haven't been by the Vicky side of the boards in ages -- I've been singlemindedly focused on HOI3 for a long while. Good to see this up! I'll be following along!

Welcome aboard! I probably follow way too many threads for my own good :cool:

EDIT: I'm upgrading to the new beta; that Great War mechanic just sounds too awesome to ignore, and would be absolutely perfect for this AAR. I'm confident any problems will be minimal.
 
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Good stuff, good updates. The war with Wallonia did not go quite as easily as I had expected but you gained victory nonetheless. With said victory a lessening of the threat posed by the liberals too, which is very handy.
 
Good stuff, good updates. The war with Wallonia did not go quite as easily as I had expected but you gained victory nonetheless. With said victory a lessening of the threat posed by the liberals too, which is very handy.

Thanks, as always, for the kind words. I was kind of shocked at how badly the war went too. I think some of it was terrain, some of it their leader, and a lot of working out the kinks in AHD (among them: terrain imposes a lower combat width).

I'll almost certainly update tomorrow.