1837: Entangling alliances
The charge of deviating from the principle of non-intervention all turned upon this. This charge came from two quarters. It came from the opposite benches, and it also came from a quarter which entitled it to great respect, namely, from many thinking men, who thought that it was unwise to interfere in the internal affairs of another people; that the treaty was a deviation from that principle, and that they, therefore, were induced to look with suspicion upon anything which exceeded the precise terms of the engagement of that treaty. Now, he distinguished the quarters from which this attack came, because he could not suppose that Gentlemen on the opposite side were converts to the principle of non-intervention, seeing that they were the party who for twenty years and upwards were interfering with the internal affairs of France—who made this country pay for subsidizing one-half of Europe also to interfere—and who were parties to an alliance which was based upon the principle of interfering with the affairs of every country in Europe.
State opening and Emperor's speech
In contrast to 1836 the Court party began the year in a more confident mood. The war in Morocco looked certain to end in Japanese victory and the budgetary catastrophe that confronted the treasury last summer and autumn was now little more than a bad memory.
True, reserves had fallen from over £110,000 to just £34,000, and debts now stood at £75,000, but despite this, day-to-day budgets were in surplus and the Finance Minister confidently announced that the outstanding loans would be paid down by the late spring. Officially the debt was blamed on too-optimistic forecasts, which had predicted tax revenues of £2.4 million a year: current projections for 1837 were for only £1.4 million in income tax, but gold from Caozhou would add an additional £250,000.
For this reason, it was decided that the budget would remain unchanged for 1837. With elections not expected until 1840 the Cabinet felt no need to cut rates for the time being. More good fortune was to come in March when gold was discovered in Kobe. Although the find was not on the same scale as the deposits in Caozhou it added to the increasingly positive atmosphere at the Finance Ministry.
Better was yet to come in the shape of the conclusion of the Moroccan war. Diplomats had been meeting in neutral Fez throughout late 1836 and by January 1837 the Sultanate was ready to concede to Japan's terms.
To the Cabinet the affair was an outstanding victory. To the men of the Moroccan Expedition it was a less triumphant affair - of the 15,000 who had landed in 1836 less than 8,500 remained. The Empire stood down its forces and the Kongo Expedition was ordered to return to Italy having spent two months afloat and having taken no part in any of the fighting. To the bedraggled columns making their way south to Japan's new African colony this seemed like a good deal.
Japan's African adventures aside, 1836 had seen an international move towards disarmament as the costs of modern warfare became more widely known. From its peak of 137 brigades the Russian Empire had cut its army down to just 68, leaving France the chief military power of Europe. Japan now fielded the third largest army of the Great Powers, but in the Empire's case its geographical dispersal diminished its impact.
At sea it was a different matter, with Japan mustering more ships than the next three powers (the UK, France and Russia) put together.
Beyond the civilised world, Sindh and Madurai were considerable powers in southern Asia, both with larger - if less professional - armies than Japan. This suited the Empire's policy of resisting European encroachment as each would present a formidable obstacle to all but the Great Powers. Japan had been working to agree a treaty of co-operation with Sindh which would give the Empire's traders priority access to Sindhi markets while guaranteeing the Empire’s aid in the event of foreign aggression.
Even as the treaty was being negotiated, Sindh took advantage of its new found security to declare war on Khorasan. Previously restrained by fear of Madurain aggression while its attention was diverted, the Sindhi court calculated that in the worst case Japan would protect its new interests. It was not to be the last time in 1837 that the Empire's friends would take advantage of it in this way.
With Sindhi attention focused northward, Madurai looked to solidify its control of the mouths of the Ganges by striking against Deva Bengal, whose repudiation of its alliance with Khorasan left it suddenly vulnerable. The Foreign Ministry was not unduly perturbed by these developments: two strong states in India would be less difficult to control than a handful of squabbling minnows whose disorder could only invite the predations of the Europeans.
In Europe itself the British had tired of their efforts to subdue Gelre and re-conquer Ireland, much to the delight of the Diet. However, almost as soon as peace was signed Britain launched a fresh war against Leinster, which had shaken off British influence at the start of 1836. Ireland too was to have little respite, as Scotland declared its intent to unite the Scots settlers of Ulster with their homeland.
The Foreign Ministry responded to these announcements with less alarm than they had to the British wars of 1836. Leinster would receive a subsidy, but following their failure against Ireland a British success here was thought unlikely. However, instead of extending the subsidy to Ireland, Japan would instead fund Scottish efforts. A counterweight Great Power in the British Isles was seen to be very much in the Empire's interests.
An Emperor at bay
When ambassador Teramachi was summoned to the Palazzo Pitti on March 5th he little suspected the nature of the discussion which was about to take place. Instead of the anticipated exchange about the state of Europe and the resurgence of Austria, Teramachi was bluntly asked if Japan would support Milan secession from the Holy Roman Empire.
To add insult to Modenan emperor’s injury, the d’Este family were not only claiming their right to leave the empire, but sought the ‘return’ of the city of Nice as compensation for past services. At best the Milanese claim to Nice was obscure, and the territory itself only reachable from Milan by sea, but nevertheless the Duke would not relent.
The timing could have been worse, but not by much. Japanese forces in Milan, which had stood at 45,000 men at the beginning of 1836, currently stood at one-third that number. The Kongo expedition was shortly to return, but the remainder of the European Army was still in Morocco and was barely one-half of its original 15,000 men.
Ambassador Teramachi temporised: secession would mean a war with Modena at the very least, and he would have to confer with the heads of the military mission before a decision could be made. The Milanese foreign minister replied that he understood, but added that Duke Ascanio d’Este would publicly announce his intentions later that day whether or not Japan reached a decision.
Both men knew the situation that this put Japan in. Milan alone had insufficient resources to beat Modena, but Japan depended on the Duchy as a bulwark against Austria. In 1819 Milan had taken advantage of this fact to subjugate Tuscany. That war had seen Japanese forces defeated by Modena at the battle of Romagna, which had taken place after Milan had concluded a separate peace. Only Modenan war weariness and its willingness to agree a ceasefire had prevented the destruction of a major part of Japan's European forces.
Now Milan was acting in the same rash manner, confident that Japan needed its European ally as much as it needed the Empire. Teramachi was eventually forced to admit that they were right, although the decision was made easier by the fact that Modena's allies refused to honour their commitments. Although nominally subject to the Holy Roman Emperor, they argued that such obligations only pertained to conflicts north of the Alps: this war was a purely Italian affair.
Even with this good fortune, it was clear that Japan would be hard pressed. Modena alone fielded 24 brigades against a combined Tuscan-Milanese force of just nine. Japan had five brigades in the Army of Italy, another five on their way back from the Kongo expedition and a final five at around half strength in Morocco. In total, the allies could field perhaps 24 brigades of their own, but the final five were at least three month’s sailing from Italy.
On hearing the news from Europe the War Office arranged for new levies to be raised to shore up Italian defences and to garrison Morocco. However, the prime minister forbade the dispatch of any existing forces, insisting that the security of the Empire must come first.
Even at the soonest, new troops could not leave their depots for three months – four in the case of the artillery – and the voyage between the port of Hainan and Italy would take longer still. The Cabinet authorised an increase in defence spending in an effort to increase troop morale, but the money would have little immediate effect.
In Milan, the Army of Italy was ordered to reinforce Florence where Milanese general Vittorio Giardino was defending against a Modenan army of almost 30,000 troops. Any hopes that Japanese sea-power could offer a decisive edge were dashed when Urbino announced that it would permit the Holy Roman Emperor to march through its territory. Modena could now bring all its forces to bear against Milan: forces augmented by 9,000 militia who rallied to the imperial standard.
Despite the bad news, victory in the battle of Florence went to the allies. With the Japanese command lacking a clear leader, General Giardino was free to conduct the defence as he saw fit, and against the poorly-led Modenans he was able to inflict a decisive victory, made the more certain by the devastating fire from the Japanese field guns.
General Giardino followed up his victory with a drive towards Modena, hoping that the capture of the enemy’s capital would bring the war to a swift end. He easily brushed aside the remnants of the army which had attacked Florence, while Japanese troops drove off the smaller Modenan columns which had invaded Milanese territory. The arrival of another 30,000 Modenan troops in Tuscany was a cause for concern, but as they seemed intent upon the siege of Siena they were left warily alone.
Late April saw the arrival of the Kongo Expeditionary Army: 15,000 fresh Japanese troops to reinforce the 11,000 survivors of the Army of Italy. The return of the navy allowed Japan to set up a close blockade of the peninsula, providing a boost to allied morale and adding to Modenan concerns.
The remainder of the fleet was split into two. The transports, escorted by two warships, would return to Morocco to bring the troops stationed there to Italy. Admiral Osumi would remain in Leghorn with the rest of the fleet in case the enemy attempted to break the blockade.
With Japanese forces now numbering ten brigades it was decided to appoint an overall commander to improve co-ordination and avoid those questions of seniority that had at times threatened to paralyse operations. Brigadier General Shinsaku Suzuki was chosen for the job: despite his reputation as something of a ladies’ man he was a competent soldier who commanded the respect of his men.
Suzuki’s first move was to break the siege of Siena. Although some criticised the general for not attempting to link up with the allied force trying to dislodge the main Modenan army from its siege of Florence, it was widely recognised that committing more troops to a battle which looked a long shot from the outset risked the success of the war.
Although Suzuki’s first victory was far from stunning, his instincts proved correct. The allied army was soundly defeated at Florence and forced to retreat. Meanwhile, the Modenan army moved to recapture their capital from its Milanese garrison. This gave Suzuki the initiative. In a series of forced marches he drove Modenan forces from Florence, Lucca and Leghorn.
As Milanese forces attempted to recapture their fortifications in Lucca, the Modenan army, fresh from the liberation of its capital, attacked in force. General Giardino’s battered force of 14,000 faced 25,000 Modenans. General Suzuki, marching to the sound of the guns, brought his remaining 24,000 Japanese to bear and by September 1st had secured a devastating victory.
Modenan forces never recovered from their defeat at the second battle of Lucca. Within days of the fight Emperor Ennio Gonzaga sent word that he would accept Milan’s terms.
However, the war had been so costly to Japan that it was felt that to simply allow Modena to walk away without making some form of reparations was unacceptable. General Suzuki’s victory in the battle of Massa ensured that Japan was in a position to dictate terms.
The toll the blockade was taking on the Japanese navy had highlighted the urgent need for European bases. Establishing a presence in Morocco would help, but as the war had illustrated the distances involved meant it could take months to bring troops and ships to the front. Milan's lack of suitable anchorages and the d'Este's erratic approach to diplomacy made a powerful case for an independent Japanese presence in the Mediterranean.
No-one in government believed that such a demand would be well-received in Europe. The conquest of Morocco had awakened memories of the Great Austrian War and Emperor Higashiyama's interventionist policies. In light of the likely uproar it was decided to limit territorial demands as far as possible. Japan would ask for Sardinia, a poor territory outside the Holy Roman Empire and separate from mainland Europe.
By early December Modena accepted the inevitable. With no army, abandoned by its nominal vassals in Germany and under blockade it seemed that nothing could improve its position. Milan's secession from the Holy Roman Empire was formally acknowledged and it gained possession of the city of Nice, while Japan received Sardinia.
For the navy, the peace could not have come soon enough. Once again Japan's overstretched supply lines had proven inadequate to the strain of nine months of war. Of the 22 ships which had taken part in the blockade not one had escaped damage. As they limped back to Sardinia it was clear that it would be years before they could be brought back to full fitness. Construction of naval facilities on Sardinia was ordered to begin immediately, but even optimists thought it unlikely that these would be completed until the early 1840s. Japan's naval dominance in the Mediterranean was more questionable than ever.
On land too the war had sapped Japan's ability to fight. From a force of 45,000 just over 26,000 remained, and some brigades had been destroyed completely. The Empire's ability to respond to a fresh crisis in Europe would depend upon the arrival of reinforcements.
Domestic affairs
Despite the turmoil in Italy, 1837 was a quiet year for the majority of the Empire's subjects and citizens. A bumper tea harvest promised increased prosperity, while the expedition of the Japanese Botanical Society to Makassar provoked a flurry of interest amongst the scientific societies of Kyoto and Edo.
In June the heavy-handed tactics of colonial police in Legazpi caused an outburst of protest that was taken up by liberal members of the Diet. Called to answer for police actions, the Colonial Minister's promise of a full inquiry did little to calm matters, but the act itself made both sides more cautious for the time being. Allegations concerning another Chinese bank were largely ignored by the Cabinet, who believed that people would learn to accept their place in the Empire given sufficient time.
Of greater concern was the growing problem of unemployment. Japan's venture into industrial production had created a demand for jobs that its few factories were unable to satisfy. Poor farmers and labourers began to move to the cities seeking work, and though in most cases the numbers were small, in some areas thousands had gathered.
Officially, the Cabinet held that as new factories were opening every month the problem would soon disappear. Unofficially, the Interior Minister was asked to ensure that every city had a contingency plan to deal with possible unrest.
Foreign affairs
Bohemia's woes deepened in 1837 as Magdeburg seized Posen from the ailing Duchy, whose control of its own territory was now limited to the shores of the Baltic and a few scattered outposts.
Magdeburg’s gains were welcomed in Japan as it was plain that Bohemia was unable to resist Austria. The more territory that could be kept out of Austrian hands the better.
In India, Sindhi forces had successfully expelled Khorasan from the Indus valley tributaries of the Satluj, Chenab and Jhelam. In the east, Madurai had also seized control of the upper Ganges delta, although Deva Bengal had retained the south-western mouths for the time being.
Having successfully concluded a treaty with Sindh, Japanese diplomats had been directed to conclude a similar agreement with Madurai. Such a deal would give the Empire an effective monopoly on the output of nearly the whole of India.
Perhaps the biggest change of the year was the eclipse of the Ottoman Empire. Its defeat to Russia had been only the latest in a long line of military defeats that had seen it driven from Anatolia and the Levant. In their stead, diplomats now spoke of the rise of Brabant, whose lack of military power was compensated for by its cultural achievements and growing industrial output.
By the close of 1837 the Cabinet had good reason to be satisfied. The only cloud on the horizon was the success of Austria's Bohemian war, but after two years of fighting it was thought that Japan's old enemy would be too exhausted to take advantage of the Empire's weakened European position.
Best of all, with two wars successfully concluded the Court's policy of involvement in European affairs and pro-military leanings seemed vindicated. Support for the isolationists in the Diet seemed to have abated somewhat, and prime minister Ito could breathe more easily for the time being.