Pride of the Middle Kingdom - Grand Campaign

Narwhal said:

Still trying to follow, but without image it is a long read. For me at least I am that sort of person.

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My explanations/excuses:
- If I read correctly in the middle of the night, the size available on the hosting site amouints to only a few images.
- Fastone doesn't allow rotation of text or objects (that I can find) to make labels and arrows more useful, and the shameful quality of my "handwriting" is shown on the map.
- I thought about when a map would be necessary or helpful to understand the situation. The first map showed the overall picture of rebellions, although it turned out to be premature and did not contain some important information. The second rebellion was more extensive and pretty well shows the range of revolt risk and the forces at that time, plus the province names for easy reference (with a better text tool I could curve region names on the map as well).

Nothing that I thought needed showing has changed since then - the rebellion affected all of Hunan, Guangxi, and most of Jiangxi and parts of Guangdong - shown in the picture but much better reviewed using the actual game where the province details and topography are visible. The Second Rebellion picture highlights the garrison at Hengzhou that was a key struggle of the war. It shows the force of Guanwen, whose skills have increased as a result of so much fighting. Other than the siege, the rest of the war felt mostly like guerrilla fighting, details of which would bore the Emperor and all under heaven.

I do try to provide locational cues in the text, at least by provinces that may become familiar by repetition. So much military history is just text that needs to be imagined into a map, so I suppose I'm used to that. The Narwhal Loki WIA AAR is excellent and inspiring, and the situation is so complex that indeed frequent maps are needed to show what could not adequately be described in words. There is not yet much complexity in China except for the confusion of the petty war. I expect another picture will be needed if there is another war or similar dramatic action.

Something that would raise National Morale. Maybe something easy where there is an existing claim, like Annam? How hard could a war in Vietnam be?

Stuyvesant said:

Hi Narwhal, I personally find it well worth following along, pictures be damned, but to each his own. The narrative tone is excellent and the difference in gameplay (since China does not have the power and options of the traditional Great Powers) makes it very interesting. To me, this AAR more than any other on PON makes me want to play the game. Though I'll probably start with an easier country.

Sir Garnet, just wanted to say this continues to entertain.

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loki100 said:

I'd agree, as I've not had time to do anything but play the battle scenarios (which are fun but you learn not much if you've a few AGEOD games under your belt), one thing I really like about this AAR is seeing the playing out of economic and social decisions over a longer term

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Thank you all for your kind words. It's interesting to see what the AI has to deal with and to face a challenge with limited tools (though less limited would be nicer!). For me the choice of country and experience includes a lot of role playing a country in ways consistent with its character and leadership, trying to see things from its perspective. It's easier in PON because the default rules favor the balance of power approach and work against paint-the-world-green conquest. I may be overstepping by looking for ways to cause negative relations selectively to try to generate some crises.

Stuyvesant said:

One quick game-related question: why does your National Morale steadily decline? From the other games, I assumed it was tied to military defeats, but that does not seem to be the case right now.

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I am not certain. I think it has to do with being at war (with the Taiping) and the balance of losses. Except for the last year or so, Imperial victories tended to be costly and defeats even more so. There is ample manpower to replace losses - as the British military observer at the 16 battles of Hengzhou later reported to his Parliament, for a British general to lose 100,000 men in battle would be a catastrophe, for a Chinese general it would be an indiscretion.

However, the National Morale may be disregarding the relative effect of losses in its calculations (if so, this may be designed as a balancing factor to help small countries?).


P.S. I hope someone recognized the pun-ishing literary reference in the title of the 1850 chapter.

Taiping Raiders Crushed - Resolution Against Dishonor and Disharmony!

July 1854 – August 1854:

Economy: China’s population continued to increase. The Cereals Farm in Korea opened with appropriate ceremony to provide a greater volume and variety of Food, the ability of China to improve rice production having reached its limit and the purchase of imported Food from the Western coastal traders being impossible. A Silk Orchard was approved near Beijing, it being both an efficient location and convenient for the Imperial couturiers in order to be able to provide more rapid service. This would not exhaust the limit of available locations for Silk production, and further expansion was not considered necessary because the Empire already derived a satisfactory revenue as the world’s sole exporter of Silk.

Rebellions: The Taiping emerged stealthily from their mountain lair and appeared at the same moment in many places. Most disruptive was a battalion of regulars at Changde, which was defeated by the regular warband garrison but crossed the Yangtze to Jingzhu and seized control of that small town. This was part of the Yangtze Military District and Sengge Rinchen’s cavalry banner rode west to deal with this incursion, but the Devils were elusive and the survivors escaped north, requiring further pursuit. Often, in remote rural regions, bandits would set aside their wrongful ways to rally to the Imperial cause against the Taiping Devils. These were small and weak forces, but willing men and stealthy ambushers that proved a useful supplement and impediment to the Taiping.

To the south, a mounted battalion that appeared at Yung An was driven back into Luizhou by the large Levy garrision. Other battalions appeared without engagement in Baoqing near Changsha and in the line of provinces Nanpang-Nanning-Beihai close to the Tonkin border. The timing of the attack was typically Devilish, as Shuai Liu in Nanpang was fixed and Guanwen was inactive, both thus caught unable to respond to these attacks. However, local non-Levy forces did engage local opponents and Jiang Wang Jung on the coast moved northwest to relieve Liuzhou and catch the rebels. At the same time, Jiang Zhou Tengso in the southwest mountains had recovered cohesion and received supply wagons and stood ready to march his traditional troops of the Guangdong Banner against Sonia, where the Devils were reported to be few and in short supply.

Therefore early August was crowned with further successes, the Taiping rebels retreating, dying, or surrendering everywhere, although they did put Baoding to the torch as they fled. Despite victory after victory and many of these Devil bands being chased to their doom (though the Sonia Devils escaped to Luang Prabang), National Morale continued to decline to 75 in July and then 74 and 73, even though Militancy was everywhere 0 or 1 and Contentment a tolerable 46 to 72 (61% overall).

Foreign News: Denmark identified a casus belli against Holstein, which was explained as being somehow significant to most of the other powers of Europe. This the European states might have their interest and energy diverted.

National Morale: This continued to decline, to 75 by the end of July, despite lower taxes, more products for the market, and positive results against the Taiping Devils. Wisdom said no country ever benefited from a long war, still less an internal struggle with ebbs and flows that had repeatedly unsettled the expectations and hopes of the people for harmonious peace. The suppression of the Taiping was no longer a severe struggle, but it was fatiguing and none could say in which month or year it might reach a final conclusion. Successive victories against the rebels were too small and inconclusive to make a positive impression on popular morale. Efforts were made to rally the people and inspire the troops with a righteous fervor, but these made no impression on the morale of the Empire as a whole.

The onset of tensions with Tonkin was thus seen as an opportunity by both the warlike and pacific but alarmed to provide a tonic to popular and military morale through a short victorious war. This would also appeal to the traditionalists who regarded innovations with suspicion and disdain, but who did not hesitate to hearken to the call of the dynasty’s past successes in extending its borders by force of arms as exemplary for the current situation. However, a wise ruler does not commence a fresh war except as the conclusion of full investigation, careful calculation, and diligent preparation. There must be certainty that the cause is righteous and that the fruits of victory are worth the risks and costs of misfortune.

Summer 1854: Tributary Relations

Reference to the tributary system and historical tributaries is for convenience, noting that the fixed formal structure of tributary relations during the middle-Ming Dynasty had thereafter developed more variation and flexibility to address the substance of each relation and the need for diplomacy to serve Imperial goals. What must however remain inviolate is that the formalities and ceremonies of diplomacy at all time respect the superiority of the Emperor to all others in the world, and for such reason the Western barbarians however demanding are not granted ambassadorial residence in Peking – for that may be interpreted as an acceptance of equality of the nations and unsettle the aweful reverence and obedience to the Emperor rendered by China’s 420 millions.

Tonkin Incidents

At this time the attention of the Grand Secretaries of Rites in foreign affairs was focused on Viet Nam (the name contrived five decades earlier by the Secretariat to replace “Annam” as the official designation of the lands from the south of Cochin to the border with China). The Taiping rebels in Sonia were weak, as were the forces it could raise in rebellion within China, but it was an affront, and one neither Annam nor Tonkin appeared interested in redressing. The local population was loyal to Annam, but the region was in the scope of Tonkin province, so each sought to disclaim full responsibility. Past diplomatic evasions were viewed darkly in the current circumstance.

The promise of support for one year from the Emperor to his Tonkin tributary had expired. This had not improved relations as might have been expected. Indeed, they appeared to have declined, and certainly Tonkin’s attitude had worsened. Before making these annual promises, China had proposed a formal defensive treaty. Such a treaty was desirable and necessary – it would enable establishment of proper Vassal status and serve to defend this area that had for centuries been part of the Empire’s sphere of influence. The proposal had been worded so that Tonkin could respond in a manner that would honorably decline the honor. This rebuff caused concern, but a promise of support had followed. The defensive treaty could now be re-presented in such form as to force a clear choice between grateful acceptance of a tributary alliance and an insulting and ungrateful rebuff that would affront the Empire, in which case the stubborn water buffalo would learn the power of the Dragon Throne. It was decided that such a final offer of alliance be sent to Tonkin immediately after command arrangements for a possible invasion were determined.

Campaign Arrangements for Viet Nam

Tonkin’s army was more creditable than that of Annam, but not sufficient to withstand a proper force including many cannon. Campaigning in Tonkin would be expected to be the responsibility of SouthWest Army Group (or its predecessor, Guangxi Army), but substantial numbers of men were held down in detachments and garrisons through Southwest China, and it was said that the attention of such a capable commander as Yuan Shuai Guanwen could not be safely diverted from Taiping outbreaks. This at least was the opinion of the staff around Yuan Shuai He Guiqing in Peking and was taken up in the Forbidden City.

Pointing out that SouthEast Army Group was responsible for naval and overseas affairs, as well as for Hainan Island across the Gulf of Tonkin from Hanoi, and that Fukien was quiet and free from rebels so in need of few troops, He suggested that, at least for the duration of the Taiping emergency, Her Chyun’s District assume responsibility for operations in Viet Nam and that his forces, to be reinforced, would be used. A unified land and naval command would ease naval landings. Reinforcements could be drawn from the quiet Manchurian and Mongolian sectors if necessary, although a concurrence on the need for a stronger army led to the commissioning of another “modern” Regular Banner in Kunming to provide the core force for invasion by land. Jiang Zhou Tengso’s Banner in Sonia would be directed to continue to focus against the Taiping rebels but otherwise provide requested support for the SouthEast Army Group.

Yuan Shuai Guanwen in Guangxi was unpleasantly surprised by this turn of events, rightly considering himself the most suitable choice for a foreign war in the south, being the most experienced and skilled of the Qing field commanders as well as the one responsible for the territory from which the invasion would be launched and sustained. However, he had no idle forces and could not promise that he could prevent further depredations by the Taiping Devils in the southwest in any event, so was in no position to object.

Imperial Policy for the Southern Tributaries

In the event that Tonkin saw wisdom and made proper obeisance, the alternative plan of the Secretariat of War was to occupy Annam and secure it against continuing French penetrations. Clearly Annam could not defend itself. If Tonkin required direct discipline and occupation, the same course might also take place in Annam, but that should be determined later.

As a consequence of these resolutions, it was quite likely that Imperial troops would cross into Luang Prabang, of little value except as a buffer state, and Cambodia, a more substantial country and one that appeared fated to fall under French control absent intervention. Unlike the case of Tonkin and Annam, there was no strong historical claim for holding Luang Prabang and Cambodia. Honorable impulses of reverence for the Emperor had conjoined with events to lead the Empire insensibly to the brink of an offensive war in Viet Nam, but these would not extend to conquest of Luang Prabang or Cambodia unclothed by grounds of provocation, cultural affinity, or historical tenure. It was decreed that Imperial troops might by right pursue their enemies across any boundaries, including French-occupied Cochin, but making war or deliberate pillaging in Cambodia or Luang Prabang was proscribed.

The evaluation of the Secretariats extended beyond Viet Nam. Burma was long a tributary, with good relations after the treaty of 1788 concluded operations of Imperial troops in that country and confirmed the proper state of relations with the aggressive Burmese empire. Burmese expansion into India had been reversed by defeat at British hands in 1826, and the British had shown further interest in the country as they had in Nepal (though not its neighbor Bhutan). Chinese colonial activity in these tributaries would only serve to dilute Imperial prestige, but this did not preclude military support in the future if there was a reason for it.

Siam had also enjoyed tributary relations, but it did not adjoin Chinese territory and while a potentially useful ally it did not appear to excite any Western interest. It was neutral as to the Qing sphere of influence, and currently of only marginal strategic interest. The ancient tributaries across the South China Sea had only ceremonial relevance at this time.

Looking West

In the West, the British would have no interest in remote Tibet and China had nothing to gain from its occupation. The most China might need would be assistance with transit and supplies, if for some unforeseen reason it was necessary to cross Tibet. Xijang to the north was already a Qing Protectorate, but Xinjiang, the sweep of mountain and desert north of Xijang but south of the Chinese protectorate of Altai, was not a vassal although under full Military Control. It would surely be an object of Russian intrusion eventually if not properly secured.

One might have thought that merchants might venture and trade profitably in the untapped markets of the country, but those that tried returned with word that another country’s colonial status was too high – although no known nation had any presence in such regions. The capital at Urumqi was a stranger case. It was 101% penetrated by “Xinjiang” and claimed as a Xinjiang national province, but no such country existed. Yet it could not be denied that the Chinese governor’s residence had been mysteriously destroyed in early 1850, leaving the capital ungoverned but in China’s Military Control. The people seemed strange and unresponsive, as if in their own world cast out of time, and proved immune to attempted colonial actions. This was rumored to be the work of evil spirits, though there were those who ascribed this behavior to a disease spread by a local bug. In the Forbidden City it was suggested that the same obstacles that prevented China from asserting authority might also bar the Russians if they extended their interest across the frontier.

Looking East

On the far side of the Middle Kingdom there were islands – the tiny Ryukyus, nominally tributaries but of little current significance – and the extensive islands of Japan, a populous state and one that like Korea had been blessed with the benefits of Chinese culture but also the most troublesome and arrogant of vassals. They had been defeated over 250 years ago when they impudently invaded Korea and sought to challenge China as if an equal or superior. It was said that the only good news from Japan was no news, and fortune had favored the world by leaving Japan a society closed even more than China to foreign contact and influence.

Recently, however, tidings had come that Japan was admitting foreigners and beginning to consider use of foreign technologies, policies and practices – would they abandon civilized culture for the temptation of foreign arms? Would they resume their ancient presumptions and again seek to ravage Korea and challenge the Emperor? None could know, but the question was squarely laid. Already Japan registered among noteworthy military powers of the world, above Piedmont and below United States, which itself was reputed to have less than half of China’s military power.

If Japanese impudence required instructive discipline, China (if not too committed to suppression of revolts) had the means to deliver a massive force against Japan either on the mainland or on Japanese shores. The Navy reported that recent construction had raised naval transport to 272, which could easily land 10 banners plus ample artillery and supply wagons on the Japanese coast and conquer the capital before the Japanese could respond – assuming that such forces could be made available, and that unanswerable grounds for war were established. Meanwhile, let the intermediaries in Korea use their own initiative to caution and if necessary reproach the misguided Japanese for exposing themselves to the subversive and corrosive effect of foreign influence and ideas. They could offer the rising of the Taiping Devils as sobering evidence of the consequences of subversive foreign ideas.

Such were the deliberations and determinations of the Imperial government on matters relating to tributaries.

Betrayal by Tonkin Usurpers - Imperial Army: Crush Insurrectionists, Restore Order

September 1854 – November 1854

In September Qing forces were occupied in suppressing revolts in an arc from Guiyang down to Nanning and also at Nanchang and the important industrial center of Wuchang on the Yangtze. These movements appeared on the map to be a complex and artful dance, but in fact had the military purpose of covering as much territory as possible and moving to cut off anticipated escape routes of the Taiping Devils.

In mid-September the leading commanders in the Southwest were fixed in place, and others were inactive, limiting the Qing response so with the small garrisons needing to take a greater role there were stalemates in addition to victories, and in Beihai the garrison fled the region, but the rebel mixed band was too weak to claim the town, which urgently clamored for reinforcement. As this was the main assembly area for the Tonkin expedition, it provided some embarrassment for SouthWest Army Group.

In mid-September an insulting diplomatic response was received from Tonkin, stating that no agreement could be reached until China stopped threatening their nation. Although the response was expected, the sharp and derogatory tone and resulting magnitude of the affront and Tonkin’s dishonor was nonetheless a shock and the language embarrassing to even discuss, so was not publicized and was often spoken of directly only in hushed tones and indirectly.

The Imperial government prepared to declare Tonkin to be a tributary in a state of insurrection against the Imperial authority, and submitted to the Emperor a memorial along with the terms of a formal Proclamation to be timed for mid-October, which time was deemed to be auspicious and strategically favorable. Some strategic moves were initiated. Zuo Zongtang in Gansu Province commanding Kunlun Army was ordered to take his musket-armed Regular division (i.e., Warband) and travel south to Kunming where he would assume command of the new modern Banner forming there, under overall authority of command of Her Chyun, who himself would be receiving reinforcements of two modern Regular Banners from the Yangtze District (in exchange for a Traditional Banner under his command) as well as supplemental artillery and supply wagons from Manchuria by sea.

In early October the Taiping were mostly cleared away, and more troops started to arrive in position against Tonkin. In late October the remnants in the Yangtze area that had besieged Changsha were wiped out or captured by the Mongolian cavalry banner and the Taiping riders in west Hunan were pursued west into the mountains. The band that in Beihai briefly seized the town and then slipped east to Zhanjiang, heading for Canton, but was caught by pursuers and local troops. Jiang Zhou Tengso remained fixed in Sonia through the month of October.

Except for specific military garrisons, other than in Yunnan and the range of Taiping rebellion few regions had any garrison, so great was the expectation of tranquil and harmonious order (above the level of the usual incidents of criminality and mischief that are the work of at best a handful of miscreants at one time). The Devil bandits of the Taiping traveled in dedicated bands of hundreds or more and with their stealth and evasion took opportunities to enter and raid rich and peaceful regions. Establishing a garrison in each region would be a formidable expense and commitment of manpower and was thought unnecessary. Instead, the Secretariat of War commenced in October a program of Provincial Protection by commissioning formation of 6 musket Levy brigades, one musket Levy division, and two Cavalry brigades. These would be used to garrison the most strategic cities and respond to incursions, focusing on the provinces bordering those with Taiping loyalists.

It had been found that being able to deliver initial volleys of musketry was critical to the performance of brigade-sized units, especially levies, against the fierce Taiping, since traditional spear/sword/bow troops faced being overrun at the first onset, the musket armed brigades were intended to take the field, while the traditional garrison brigades would remain behind town walls unless supporting other units. Traditional divisions and full banners faced the same tactical situation but did not lose due it because they substantially outnumbered rebel bands.

International news in early October reported Japanese road building (in late November it would be mass transportation, and later sewers, which must mean many wagons for those roads, and the waste of many horses to be cleared away), while Austria and Prussia continued to strengthen their relationship and Russia continued to emit flurries of state bonds in repeated offerings over the course of the year. This suggested fiscal challenges, and the use of the funds was evident in road building and outpost construction in the regions north of China’s frontiers.

In late October the British triggered an economic crisis, but China took no notice. China’s economic development comprised a second Korean fishery and another tea field, to be followed in December by a third Korean fishery – these only produced a single measure of fish apiece, but did provide useful variety in diet and materials for preserved foods that were eagerly consumed by the population as an alternative to the rice which was limited in quantity.

In Late October the Proclamation of Insurrection and War was issued. National Morale had steadied at 73, only to fall to 72 in early November despite further victories against the several Taiping bands in the south and the west. The invasion orders were issued at the beginning of November, and may be seen in the attached map: Tonkin Invasion Plans Early November 1854.

The strategy was simply for SouthEast Army Group to seize military control and overwhelm the defenders with great and converging force, the focus being on seizure of Hanoi. This would be attempted by an amphibious landing near Hanoi, well behind the main identified enemy corps entrenched at Lang Son. SouthWest Army Group had detached some units in support and Zhou Tengso would conduct a parallel attack against the Taiping rebels in Louang Phrabang and then turn east against Tonkin and end as an occupation force in Thanh Hoa once its defenders left to rescue Hanoi or were defeated in place.

SEArmyGroup’s invasion plan consisted of 5 Forces that were expected to arrive at their objectives in Tonkin in the following order:

Late November:
1. Amphibious landing on the coast near Hanoi by a the newly raised Shanghai modern Banner. It was not ordered to assault the capital if defended; it would serve just to place it under siege and tempt forces from other regions to abandon their positions and march to its rescue.

2. A Mixed brigade and some bandits would march from Nanning into Caobang and attempt to seize Military Control.

Early December:
3. After sweeping through Sonia and engaging any Taiping that might enter in flight from Zhou Tseng’s attack on Louang Phrabang, Zuo Zongfang’s regular division reinforced with an artillery regiment would arrive at Hanoi to assist the landing force already there. The new regular banner being raised in Kunming would follow when fully organized.

4. Yuan Shuai Her Chyun would link the Force of cavalry and 3 attached artillery regiments as well as two supply trains he had assembled with the column consisting of the Fanatical Banner and its additional artillery regiment and advance as a single force into Langson to engage the defenders. This force would total 13,000 fierce foot, 5500 horse, and 72 guns.

5. At the same time, the traditional Kwangsi Banner, having rested after its long march to the region of war and defeating the Taiping on arrival, would also advance into Langson. This would bring the total forces entering Langson in early December to over 30,000 men and 96 guns.

Langson would be quickly crushed and then Hanoi would fall while Caobang and Thanh Hoa were also secured and rebels hunted down. Military occupation would eventually dispose Tonkin to accept vassal status, if the legal means existed to accomplish that, or face direct re-annexation by China as the final option.



My apologies for typos, I find Fastone tricky - one false step in editing can ruin the image

As matters actually unfolded, the landing near Hanoi was successful but 10,000 old-style Tonkin infantry appeared in the open field to contest the region on the 13th. The luck of the battle was strongly against the Qing Force, so it lost 2716 men to the Tonkin 2306, but nonetheless exerted all efforts and drove back the Tonkin defenders away from the city and claimed the capital for the Emperor. Its force was spent, however, its cohesion lost and troops fatigued – they anxiously awaited reinforcement, for the countryside was controlled by swarms of Tonkin troops already recovering from their defeat. The Imperial Banner retired into the city and the men were told they must hold at all costs and sacrifice their lives or be dishonor their ancestors and themselves before the Emperor and the nation.

Zhou Tengso’s effort to penetrate the rough jungle terrain held by the Taiping in Sonia had not been successful. He was unable to engage and his troops fell back to Sonia, exhausted, and was then fixed in place in Sonia – unable to assist Hanoi. Zhou Zongtang’s army was en route but 11 days away, 4 days behind schedule.

Her Chyun’s maneuver to the north had not eventuated as planned, the eager Fanatics forging ahead and due to arrive in Langson on November 25, the Kwangsi Banner due on November 27, and Her Chyun’s column, slowed with transport, was unable to link up with the Fanatics. Even in Fair weather the climate was Harsh, and the struggling column would be due in Langson only on December 12. Rather than arrive piecemeal, Her directed the forces to halt, regroup and recover while still in Beihai, postponing the attack on Langson.

The nearest troops able to relieve Hanoi were the bandits and mixed brigade in Caobang, whose enterprising commander headed immediately toward Hanoi when called – a journey of 5 days. Of course, the first to learn of the results of the Battle of Hanoi were the naval forces offshore. Dispatch boats were sent to summon detachments in Hainan to be landed in Hanoi as soon as possible. The new Banner raised in Kunming was no ready to march by the southern route through Sonia on Hanoi, but it would take a month to arrive.

Tension was high in Hanoi, for the enemy outside were fresh if not as numerous as the defenders, but the Tonkin army delayed and then melted away as Qing reinforcements started to arrive to establish full control, including construction of a depot and an attempt to commence the pacification expeditions necessary to raise Imperial penetration and reduce Tonkin to proper vassal status. After arrival, Zuo Zongtang then took the fresher troops and though inactive started on a march south to Thanh Hoa due to arrive in December. Langson enjoyed its respite – the garrison simply waited. Zhou Tengso, fixed in Sonia, commenced pacification. Guanwen, resting at his base and hearing the first reports, considered moving to the coast and taking naval transport for a landing in Tonkin, but abandoned that bold and politically disharmonious idea when news came that Hanoi had been secured. With the relief of Hanoi, it seemed clear at the end of November that the elimination of the Tonkin forces in Langson and Thanh Hoa was only a matter of time.

In December the Taiping in Louang Phrabang were overrun by Kunming’s Regular Banner as it marched through on its way to Hanoi. Zhou Tengso in Sonia and Zuo Zongtang were both fixed in place, giving some opportunity to recuperate but leaving Thanh Hoa undisturbed. In Hue, down the coast, Annamite hordes were reputed to be “liberating” the area–what it meant was not clear. Farther north, Her Chyun organized and rested his 44,000 men and 112 cannon in early December and launched a further invasion on December 16 as one cohesive force due to arrive in January. Meanwhile, Tonkin troops believed to be those from Hanoi arrived in Caobang and expelled the Qing detachment there.

In Hanoi, the French ambassador informed Zhou Zongtang that France was assuming control of Tonkin’s customs, an action for which he and the Qing civil representatives were unprepared. As the disloyal government of Tonkin had departed and no longer held authority, the legal status of the diplomatic note to Tonkin and its relevance to the empire were unclear. They therefore forwarded the formal notice to the Forbidden City for guidance.

Dali Falls to Sudden Revolt – Heavy Losses in Tonkin - Nanning Massacre

January 1855 – February 1855

Hopes that the capture of Hanoi would revive national spirits were disappointed. National Morale fell to 69 as all China was unsettled by a sudden fresh rebellion by Hui and Muslim separatists in Yunnan. A large force of 17,650 rebels with 72 cannon assaulted Dali and killed or captivated the gallant 2000 defenders. Rebels gathered in the countryside outside Kunming, whose large garrison had largely been drawn south during the Tonkin campaign and was held by a levy brigade. Taiping revolt risk existed in Hunan and Guangxi but there were no Taiping forces detected in the field in early January. Yunnan was the responsibility of SW Army Group, so Guanwen set out west with his banner from Luizhou towards Kunming, and other nearby divisions and Banners moved on the city to join forces and suppress the insurrection.

In Tonkin, Her Chyun’s army lost almost 7000 men in the first assault upon the Langson entrenchments on January 9, inflicting loss of 2500 men and 18 cannon on the Tonkin defenders – this left barely 2000 men and 30 guns in the defenses. The exhausted and disorganized attackers retired from the enemy defenses and tumbled back to Beihai to recover. On the whole, however, the events of early January did raise National Morale to 70.

The demands of military expansion had drained the treasury, and a subsidy of military technology was dropped and taxes were substantially increased to restore financial stability while also allowing continuation of the Province Protection policy. Favorable trade news reported that the USA was offering large volumes of Fish, an excellent way to increase the Chinese food supply and conversion into preserved foods – substantial orders were placed.

Late January saw the Taiping appear again, a full regiment driving the Foshan garrison away to Canton, while another force seized Nanpang in SW Hunan under the nose of Shuai Liu Jian-Ling, others fought for Zhenyuan and Yongchun in central Hunan, and a Cavalry battalion engaged in Changde but retreated across the Yangtze to Jingzhu, where the garrison attacked them. Central and SouthWest Army Groups coordinated to target the Taiping concentrations and cover the open regions at the same time as Guanwan mobilized his military resources to secure Yunnan. He was authorized to raise another Regular Banner in Kunming for SW Army Group.

While Guanwen paused in Kunming to recover cohesion, the rebels in Dali quickly moved south to capture Longing, from where they could strike either at undefended Geiju or Kunming itself. Zhou Tengso was in Sonia and active, and marched back to Geiju while leaving the Geiju garrison he had called south to remain in Sonia. In early February the towns taken by the Taiping were recaptured, except for Yongchun which was burned as they fled. The cavalry that had crossed the Yangtze ran free in Wuhan and occupied the attention of several units in pursuit.

Late in the month, there was a tragedy at Nanning where a Taiping rising forced the local policing unit to surrender, and Langson finally fell, its powerful defending artillery wiped out at great cost and the supply wagons captured. National Morale fell by 1.

Unity Against Rebels – Panthay Stronghold Besieged – Tonkin Rebels Repulsed

March 1855 - May 1855

The Qing had not embarked upon a large and successful foreign campaign in decades, one reason the Tonkin invasion had awkwardly not gone as planned. Although the plan appeared clever, the execution did not burnish Her Chyun’s reputation. Guanwen’s partisans in Peking gently let it be known that Yuan Shuai Guanwen (5-5-3) would have done better, arriving promptly at Langson and with a more coordinated attack that would have saved many casualties. Also, it was emphasized that the general area of the southwest was confronted by a potential resurgence in Tonkin, the Panthay Rebellion in Yunnan, and Taiping uprisings in Guangxi, Hunan, and neighboring regions. Therefore, it was argued, the efficient and coordinated use of the Imperial forces demanded a unified command.

This argument carried the day, and it was proclaimed that, until further Imperial decree declared a reversion following the conclusion of the current emergencies, Central Army District would continue as an administrative organ but would for all practical purposes be merged into the SouthWest District, with Shuai Liu Jian Ling and Jiang Zhang Guoliang (who had performed well) assigned under Guanwen's command. It would be responsible for anti-rebel campaigns in Tonkin as well, but SouthEast Army Group would control the policing garrisons and any expeditionary forces in central Viet Nam (the state of Annam) or other points south. At this time the major formations and support regiments were already on their way north, except for the Kunming 72 Grand Banner, which had suffered few losses but had arrived exhausted from its march down from Kunming. It had been proposed to recover them in Hanoi for later disposition, and by Peking’s decree it appeared they passed to Guawen’s authority though ensconced in Hanoi, where they supplemented the regular division already designated to keep the city secure. However, for his purposes Guawen was happy to exchange them for the Fanatical Banner and Her Chyun obliged, feeling the need for a corps of musket-armed regulars for the missions he might be called upon to perform.

At the start of March, the Yunnan rebels held Longing with their main army approaching 20,000 men with many cannon and the Dali garrison appeared to be about half that force. Rebels were also detected across the Burmese border in Putao, but it was not clear whether they were part of the Panthay. Dali was besieged by 29,000 men and 24 cannon under Guanwen and Jiang Wang Jung, but with the march they had undertaken were weaker than the besieged and simply dug in around the city to rest while awaiting reinforcements, or the main Dali army. Facing that Dali army to the south in Geiju was Zhou Tengso, whose impairing ailments seemed to have abated, with 14,000 men but these were traditional troops with no cannon. The Fanatical Banner along with extra guns and supplies would take almost two months to work up from Langson to Kunming.

In early March 10,000 Tonkin in hidden camps in Caobang were found by Imperial troops who were driven back. The same day in Beihai, the returning Imperials under Her Chyun fortunately caught a large force of almost 6000 Taiping horse and foot that had started a new major uprising and had driven off the garrison, but did not expect the returning Tonkin army. The Devils lost heavily and destroyed Behai as they fled to Nanning, where they caused the fatigued reinforcements for Yunnan to pause and Her Chyun to follow them in an exhausting hot pursuit, for the Taiping were far more mobile and aggressive, and therefore a greater threat, than the remaining Tonkin forces hidden in Caobang. This destructive band of Devils was wiped out along with their artillery in early April.

The most sensational Taiping-related news was the mixed regiment loose in the north, which Sengge Rinchen was too fatigued to engage in Baoning so he could only follow behind them as they rode northwest toward Kunlun. This so alarmed the tranquility of the northwest that in early April Xiang Rong sent a cavalry division south to intercept the raiders should they penetrate farther. Sengge Rinchen’s division contacted them first, overrunning some infantry and taking many prisoners near Dabashan on April 23. They retreated, substantially diminished, north to Gongchang.

Taiping regular infantry also continued to evade pursuit west of Nanking, where they seized the town of Heifei in Late March and prepared to defend it against an artillery regiment escorted by a Mixed Brigade coming from the west and later the Anhwei Banner coming south. Bombardment commenced in early April. In Late April they withdrew and took over Changzhou where Anhwei Banner annihilated them May 7. Elsewhere, the Taiping did well avoiding contact with Imperial forces. For example, they lost barely 100 men in two defeats by Qing forces at Chungking and for a time dodged garrisions back and forth across the Yangtze, which was not wide enough this far inland to station flotillas.

Commanders were asking for more garrison brigades, but only one had been raised in the past two months because the Secretariat of War had been conserving its resources in order to build a great Shipbuilding facility starting in May to help improve the Imperial navy, show Imperial power, and elevate China’s prestige in the world. What weakened the case of the generals was that National Morale drifted up to 70 in Early April, although in May it turned down again, reaching 67 in early June.

No breach was made at Dali, but reinforcements arrived and the troops prepared themselves for battle and awaited the siege train of artillery coming with the Fanatical Banner in May. Kunming’s garrison was reinforced in April by the arrival of Zhang Guoliang’s 3700-strong Cavalry banner, where it was hoped the Dali rebels would remain on the defensive in Longing rather than descend on the provincial capital. News came that the rebels had been busy setting up their own rebel nation in Longing, though they remained unclear on the details. The residents of Kunming were relieved when the Kunming 27 Regular Banner became fully organized in May and they learned it would remain in the city unless called forward by Guanwen.

Although reducing Caobang was SW Army Group’s duty, Her was not about to get too far away from Hanoi until that happened, and in March offered his forces to assist Zhou Zongtang, now at Langson, to reduce the region. Unfortunately, the 10,000 Tonkin rebels emerged in early April at Langson. While Zhou summoned reinforcements, the Tonkin corps regouped briefly and attacked Zhou’s 5300 men on April 18. Zhou lost 871 men, including a full Cavalry brigade, but the attackers lost 2300 men and retired to Caobang. They returned for another attack on May 14 with lighter losses but a similar loss ratio, and disappeared in late May as Imperial reinforcements from Hanoi struggled slowly through the jungle into the inhospitable region. An Imperial battalion was already in Caobang to secure the area, so it was not known where the Tonkin force went – maybe they had dispersed? Zhou decided that Nanning was a better base both for attacking Caobang or assisting against rebel forces, and would start for there in June, leaving just a garrison at Langson.

At sea, in Late April Admiral Peng Yulin made a grand patrol to seek pirates reported near the Ryukyus but sighted no hostile ships.

China had ample Private Capital in early 1855, growing regularly from domestic sales and high exports but little opportunity to make use of it. Importation was difficult – finding sellers a challenge. The key goal was to meet domestic needs, and with the investment in the 4th and last possible Pusan fishery in Korea, the only options for more Food were trade, but that was difficult to arrange, foreign investment in agriculture, or conquest of suitable regions with adequate transportation. China had enjoyed no success with Commercal Agreements. Another one was requested with Siam, but was declined in March. Siam was nonetheless happy to accept the same offer from the British the next month. It appeared that the only reliable diplomatic actions were providing support or declaring war. It was interesting to note that the American Congress, after repeated rejections, eventually agreed to issuance of State Bonds in May.

Kunlun Raiders Die – Fresh Troops Raised – Longing Pledges Loyalty

June 1855 to October 1855

The surprising appearance of a strong but undersupplied Taiping brigade in Mengzi prompted Zhang Guoliang to march south from Kunming with his Cavalry Banner as well as the fresh Kunming 27 Banner to blood it in actual combat. The unsupplied Taiping forces retreated, growing weaker, but not before ravaging the small town. As Mengzi appeared clear, the Taiping dispersed or gone to their hides, so in early July Zhou exchanged his cavalry for the infantry that had come down from Kunming and headed to Nanning while Zhang moved back to Kunming.

In the northwest Kunlun area, converging forces wore themselves out chasing the Taiping raiding unit that had made its way so far from friendly territory and continued to dodge from region to region, this leading to some “friendly” pillaging for supplies in this large and generally poor area. The final 250 were eventually wiped out near Nanshan. This had diverted the energies of over 10,000 troops – arguably an extreme example given the size of available units, but illustrating the manpower requirements of a rebel suppression campaign.

Questions were asked by the civil officials about forming more of the small levy brigades as garrisons for use in their jurisdictions across the country, and the use of fortifications, and the impracticalities and costs of both on a large scale were detailed. “Attempting to defend everything defends nothing. Defenses are costly – they will protect a city, but lose the countryside. Only mobile forces can catch the bandits.” A greater focus on blocking raiders along the Yangtze was decided.

The question of how internal defense could be continued at the same time as a potential foreign war was raised. The Emperor was assured that a foreign army might make a lodgment on China’s coast but could never conquer the country–the people were surely loyal to the Qing Dynasty and would rise in force against invaders from abroad. However, the Imperial army if occupied by rebels would be weakened against invasion, so a further increase in strength was imperative for security.

In routine operations, the Taiping in Luizhou were defeated in successive skirmishes but not driven out immediately, although eventually followed to Kuangsi and finished off. Rebels in Guiyang were wiped out. In a remarkable action in Sonia, the 2000 traditional Regulars encamped in the rugged country there drove off an assault on their entrenchments by 3900 Devils Sonia, inflicting 1100 losses to only 150 lost themselves.

In July, Chyun’s mobile forces withdrew by coastal craft to Hainan and Canton from which they could readily deploy by sea. Late July saw rare quiet, with no combat with Taiping throughout China.

Against Dali, Guanwen now had 60,000 men and now 82 cannon, but the defenders had guns as well and no breach had yet been made. The Panthay in Longing seemed quiescent, so Guanwen decided to continue to wait and force a breach or a surrender through starvation. Having waited so long, a bloody assault would be seen as rash, and the high casualties at the great siege of Hengzhou were still remembered in conjunction with Guanwen’s name and he did not wish to refresh the assocaition. In order to support the Yunnan campaign and the southwest in general, a depot was constructed in Nanpang just east of Kunming, where it could supply troops in Hunan and Guangxi as well as Yunnan. A Levy musket division raised from local Chinese loyalists was commissioned in Hanoi for the purpose of placing military control on a long-term footing, while others were raised in the important Wuchang-Nanchang economic and military center to bolster garrison strength and release detachments for use elsewhere. Additional Supply Wagons and Artillery were also ordered.

Be it noted that the total Qing armed forces at this time stood at an army of about 690 elements (including 21 full-size Banners, which might be compared in number and combined arms to a small Western corps or large division) and 85 naval elements – over one half million men in arms (Chinese elements typically standing at 1000 foot or 250 horse). Even in such numbers, China is a large country and so many may yet seem few on the ground in most regions.

In early August there were increased reports of unrest in Annam – Annamite tribes “liberating” the lands around Hue “despite resistance of Chinese troops.” Although the details were unclear, this clearly implicated some kind of local hostility to the tributary relationship. What to do about Annam and when had not been fixed. The short victorious war that had been anticipated in Tonkin had not worked out well from the National Morale perspective, and the reasons were not understood. What kind of conquest must be made to raise National Morale?

Having walked halfway across the bridge in Vietnam, it made sense to continue across to the other side rather than remain suspended in the middle. Yuan Shuai Her Chyun was asked for and submitted a proposed plan of campaign involving amphibious landings all along the coast of Annam, followed by commitment of reserve troops in a second landing. Her noted that proper reconnaissance of Annam’s dispositions was needed as were more troops than Her Chyun had under his direct command. He Guiqing graciously volunteered to ship his reserve forces by sea to join in the invasion. This would add a modern Banner and its ancillary troops plus He’s vast experience and wisdom in support of the invasion. The earliest date for invasion would be in October, after He’s troops had arrived in the south.

Early August’s only Taiping activity was the Devils in Sonia being wiped out by the garrison with many prisoners taken. In Dali, the weather fair and clear, the troops rested and ready, cannon up to 94, and with a large strength advantage over the rebels, Guanwen favored increasing the bombardment to weaken the enemy and considered a conservative assault in the event of extremely bad weather that would disfavor the enemy’s strong fortress artillery with its destructive advantage at range.

The shipyards in Shanghai were opened with great ceremony in early September, which would provide learning in the ways of the naval architecture as well as global prestige (and some Commodity General Supply). September was otherwise uneventful other than a fleet patrol against reported Korean pirates and some hits and breaches inflicted in the siege of Dali now that more cannon had come up. Meanwhile Coal extraction was commenced on Taiwan, to be expanded further later when resources permitted. National Morale remained at 67.

In early October the Tonkin rebels appeared as if from the soil itself in number 10,000 strong and put the unnerved Caobang garrison to flight, then disappeared again from Imperial view.

In late October Imperial forces moved back into Caobang in force and a stronger occupation in Tonkin was adopted. This affected forces available for other campaigning and action against Annam was deferred. Some rain came to Dali, but attrition from ombardment was having its effect on the garrison infantry defending the place so Guanwen decided to continue the siege and gradually wear down all the infantry supporting the fortress batteries.

There was further hope of victory without battle when Longing restored itself to Qing rule. A force of 20 units of rebels comprising 33,000 men, including some cavalry and mixed units but mostly levy brigades, pledged its loyalty to the Empire and delivered the city. This may have been related to a message received by a Qing commander: “The time has come! A revolt against the cruel oppression of Annam is happening in Sonia!” but Longing is two provinces away from Sonia and Sonia appeared calm. It was decided to march 22,000 of the levies, whose true loyalty was suspect, to Dali in case they might be needed to lead a testing of Dali’s defenses or forwarded on to service in distant parts of the Empire.

Annam Inspection Tour – Rebels in Burma – Tonkin Resistance

November 1855 to December 1855

The small observation corps that had been long stationed in Hue had reported few active forces from its perspective, but active reconnaisance led by cavalry with higher detection abilities on a friendship inspection tour of China’s tributary would be conducted before invasion (once these troops were no longer diverted). These troops would pass over into Cambodia or Cochin China prior to proclamation of war to avoid having Imperial forces in Annam at that time. Southerly troop presence might also prove useful in the event of a crisis over Cochin China, where Chinese merchants were quickly closing the Colonial Penetration gap with the French. Cochin was not a place where Chinese possession would enhance prestige – indeed, the reverse was the case as there was no legitimate claim to these lands – but the French had no rightful claim to justify their presence and quiet acquiescence would only encourage them to further pursue interests farther north. Indeed, Imperial claims on the coast extended only past Hue to Tourane, and did not embrace the two southernmost provinces of Annam.

With the Longing recruits on the way, Guanwen determined meanwhile to eliminate the rebels lurking with unknown purpose across the border in tributary Burma. He left Wang Jung in command of the siege force while taking the Fanatical Banner and a Regular Division – first contact was a stalemate, Guanwen losing 435 of almost 17,000 men and 20 cannon while the 11,500 rebels lost 1896 men. These rebels retreated away north into the frigid snows of Lhodrak region in the sparsely inhabited Chinese province of Qinghai. The nearest Chinese city was Yazhou to the east, held by a garrison that had been posted there earlier in the year. Guanwen returned to Dali and directed the construction of a depot in Kunming, the size 7 city proving unable to send out enough supplies for the large forces at Dali even with additional supplies forwarded by the depot at Nanpang.

In Tonkin, Zhou Zongtang entered Caobang in force with the Kunming 27th Regular Banner looking for the elusive Tonkin rebels. Other troops shifted from Hanoi to Langson, which faced a definite revolt risk. The result was a stalemate followed by Imperial retreat from Langson when Tonkin forces appeared from the jungle.

In December, He Guiqing and Her Chyun decided to begin their new Vietnam campaign by first consolidating its strategic base in Tonkin. They landed in Langson to crush the resurgent Tonkin force there. The Tonkin forces retreated to Hanoi, where the Imperial garrison troops held the city but the other garrisons that had taken refuge there from Langson and Caobang decided to retreat, only to be ordered back while on the march to support Zuo Zongtang and his Regular Banner when they marched in to relieve Hanoi. The Hanoi garrison prepared to sortie when Zuo arrived. Zuo’s army arrived in late December and forced the Tonkin Banner out of Hanoi and Tonkin entirely, into Louang Phrabang, but casualties were heavy. He Guiqing’s large army including Her Chyun at Langson was fixed.

In Dali, Guan Wen decided to retain the Yunnan levies and Hupeh Banner there with the cannon to maintain the siege while sending the excess troops down to Kunming. This would relieve the strain on supply lines in the mountains during poor (but not severe) weather and allow their use elsewhere. Guanwen preferred to hold the 7 artillery regiments he had mustered at the siege brought his remaining total to 104 cannon, with which he could expect to eliminate the mobile forces in Dali by bombardment, leaving the fortress cannon to wither on the vine as supplies ran out. Though at times he felt an assault was tempting, the Battle of Hengzhou had shown the horrendous losses that 48 heavy fortress guns supporting determined Taiping infantry could inflict on the attackers, even when the assault was supported by numerous friendly artillery.

Once the few remaining garrison infantry were wiped out, Dali would remain formidable on defense but could make no sortie. This meant it could safely be left to starve until surrender, for which Guanwen would assign one of his own banners so they might receive that honor. Let the infantry be reduced, then the guns would go to the coast so they might be shipped south to Annam.

Reconnaissance in Annam was revealing divisional or larger formations concealed in the depths of the 3 regions other than Hue, meaning stronger forces than anticipated might be required – particularly given effect on Imperial troops of the low state of National Morale. Hue itself had 48 fortress guns, which meant siege by starvation or a bloody assault. Whomever held charge over the reduction of Hue would want those field artillery regiments.

China will survive all challenges - whether the Qing Dynasty does is another story.

I have further updates, but I hesitate to post as it may become at best alternate history: I have a save game technical problem with the AI files not processing properly. I hope there is an answer (other than going back to an older save or, as PC tech support experts have in the past suggested, the surefire solution "reformat and reinstall Windows").

EDIT POST: Generalissimo's advice worked- it was a matter of adding the right number for a new setting intended for PBEM.

World Affairs – Tonkin Builds for Future – Xinjiang Pledges Loyalty

January 1856 – Early March 1856

The Secretariat of Rites was pleased to announce a Commercial Agreement with Korea. With 100 relations, this was to be expected. Little Brother Korea, the most favored and culturally advanced of tributaries, can always be relied upon, and can always rely upon China!

In other international news of a curious nature, it was reported that Puerto Caballas joined the rebel nation – a long look at the British maps and the reports revealed that such region was in a country called Nicaragua and in fact uncontrolled, its loyalty split between the British and Rebels, while the rest of Nicaragua was loyal but the capital under rebel control. How confusing and disorderly! These were former colonial peoples of Spain, a now declining empire – the reason for such decline must be poor governance as well as rapacity, as was proven by this legacy of rampant disorder.

Confucian principles had not yet taken firm root in European thinking, yet surely those in darkness would open their eyese to the dawn and the dissension-ridden peoples of Europe would benefit from the tranquility and order that would result from such enlightenment. If European missionaries could so greatly affect with misfortune an Empire as mighty as China with their outlandish notions crafted to appeal to the mad and anti-social, could not agents of Chinese civiliation to the barbarians bring to Europe that enlightenment and drain away the arrogant aggression that so troubled the world? The question was asked, and the answer was surely yes, but the idea failed upon the essential practical question - which learned men would wish to leave China for the outer darkness of their own volition, or which official could dare to inflict so severe a cruelty upon a scholar as to compel him to go?

A coaling station was started in Hanoi, a priority for transporting troops although Her Chyun would have preferred additional depot construction and a port farther south at Thanh Hoa. A river squadron was sent to the Gulf of Tonkin to determine if it would be able to use its transport capacity to provide supplies to troops in Tonkin. Uninterrupted pacification of Hanoi was, however, essential for the Colonial Penetration required for future vassalization of Tonkin (if that was possible under military occupation rather than annexation, unknown since the matter was without precedent). If uninterrupted, CP of 50 would require almost 4 more years of pacification. In late January a Hanoi depot extension commenced.

On the battlefield, Zhang Guoliang’s cavalry penetrated Louang Phrabang and inflicted a defeat on the Tonkin Banner, which made its escape – Sonia was the suspected destination. After detaching some horsemen to remain in Louang Phrabang, Zhang rode back north to Sonia, where achieving military control appeared difficult.

In Yunnan, Wang Jung was ordered by Guanwen to assemble a force to leave upon the first good weather for Qinghai province to quell the rebels from Burma spreading subversion there. In late January, however, there was good news from Qinghai – the rebels who took control in Chemdo now pledged loyalty to China.

Recent intelligence reports in Annam indicated that Hue was defended by a regular garrison brigade, 48 fortress guns, and supply wagons. Tourane had held a mixed force of horse, regular foot and cannon with the strength of an Imperial Banner, but in late January these had moved to reinforce Hue. Pleiku held a Regular and Levy division and some additional levies, while the town of Dongquai in the south was defended by a corps consisting of a regular and levy division plus a levy brigade, and 4 further units equal to about 2 divisions were reported present but not identified.

February and early March saw patient siege work but no hits in Dali and hunting for rebels in Tonkin. Despite increasing Imperial forces present in Sonia, and without revealing troops, Tonkin had gained 100% Military Control of Sonia, a fact which baffled Qing commanders and further unnerved Qing troops, afraid of “the invisible enemy”.

War between nations was rare, yet in early March Persia declared war upon Afghanistan, while a nearby but unique and probably unrelated event led to all of Xinjiang province becoming Chinese national regions. More artillery was ordered raised and more cannon were sent to Dali in hopes of resuming the infliction of damage on the defending infantry – there were also concerns that the town might have more supplies in store than expected.

Desperate Dali – Taiping Armies Crushed – Bloody Jinhua - Debate on Diplomacy

Late March 1856 – May 1856

On March 16 a small force of Dali rebels that appeared in order to relieve the town was routed, losing 1742 men (including some horse). Imperial casualties were few, in large part thanks to the 140 cannon present for the siege. On the ground, however, it was accounted a stalemate because the town’s defense was unaffected. The Dali Rebels reappeared outside the besieged city on April 2 and retreated after a skirmish. The rebels that had penetrated north into Qinghai from Burma had seized some regions and gained adherents, but in each case they within a month or two repented their offenses and pledged fresh loyalty to the Qing Dynasty. The expedition to chastise them was cancelled.

At the same time there was a Taiping outbreak through the south with major widely separated fresh revolts in Foshan and Jinhua. In Jiangxi province, there was a draw in Hangzhou with losses in favor of the larger Imperial force, but leaving the rebels in charge of the city where they installed more of their Devilish fortress artillery (one might suspect a foreign power had a hand in securing this equipment, or corrupt officials). In adjoining Jinhua, a large Taiping force captured the town.

In Hunan province a small cavalry raid was driven across the Yangtze by the Changde garrison. This force escaped and even drove off the pursuing detachments for some time, beating off a fatigued Chinese Mixed Brigade at Runing on May 1but its remnant of 50 men eventually succumbing at Anging on May 13. The threats posed by the appearance and marauding of such evasive forces occupied the attention of large numbers of pursuing troops. Another Devil battalion besieged Guiyang, and yet a third occupied Baoqing (which had no town, so the 6000-man Levy division there saw fit to retreat in the face of a mere 1250 Devils).

The situation in Guangxi was more serious, with Foshan and Zhanjiang, both bordering Canton, under siege and Kuangsi between them also fallen – in each case to small Devil divisions (of 25-52 CE). The Taiping farther south on the coast in Beihai were soundly beaten, but at Kuangsi the garrison had orders to engage but after emerging from the town retreated all the way to Canton. With this poor performance, the end of March left the Taiping besieging or in full or partial control of 6 regions in south China and present in 3 more. Obviously an Annam Campaign would be premature. Confusing the situation with Annam, there were more reports of Annamite savage hordes liberating lands around Hue despite resistance of Chinese colonial forces, but what this meant was hard to explain as there remained no Chinese forces in the region - yet another mystery from the southern jungles.

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Despite these temporary reverses, China’s might was increasing, now ranking as the 6th Military Power, only a little distance behind France and the two leaders at only 173% of China’s strength. China was in 9th or 10th position in many of the measures favored by the Western diplomats, though they belittled China’s commerce and technology and feared to even rank culture as there would be no choice but to rank China first.

China was, of course, last in National Morale among the powerful countries of the world, and was closing upon but not yet surpassing Japan in Prestige. It is important to note that for effect on National Morale and Prestige it is inflicting more hits in battle that matters in deriving benefit from a victory or a draw. This meant that typical victories over the Taiping involved no benefit to the Empire, and correspondingly no detriment to the Taiping National Morale. It was being discussed at this time that better troops would mean lower losses relative to the enemy, and thus better National Morale. Unfortunately, the Levies remained by far the most numerous and available source of detachments suitable for garrisons, and they were generally traditional forces – firearms units in general having already been raised and deployed.

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In April a dramatic campaign was waged in Guangxi Province in the regions of Zhanjiang and Kuangsi. It began inauspiciously with an Imperial Cavalry Brigade of 500 men being savagely wiped out by Devils at Kuangsi. Shortly thereafter, however, in 175 Taiping mounted scouts in Zhanjiang had to sell their lives dearly when the Imperial 62nd Regular Banner entered the region from the west to clear the rebels. This Banner continued and engaged the enemy main force. With five times the men of the 3100 Devils as well as 24 cannon, the Imperial force won but unfortunately suffered more casualties than the defenders, so the battle was rated a stalemate.

Nonetheless, the Devils were driven out to Kuangsi and the Banner followed on the march. In Kuangsi, it became badly battered and utterly exhausted in the process of taking the region by defeating in turn a Taiping division, using its cannon to inflict more loss than it took, annihilating a brigade of 2000 Taiping Levies that fought to the last ditch of the town in 6 rounds of combat, and then driving another Devil brigade of 1850 Regulars into Foshan after a last engagement. Spent and battered, it was forced to halt and assume the defensive to recover and these heroic Regulars had to leave the goal of liberating Foshan to troops coming down from the north. These were the men of the traditional Kweichow Banner. They arrived and won a victory over an unusually strong force of 11,425 Taiping on the 22nd, but suffered twice the enemy’s casualties in the process. This did drive almost all of the enemy out of the region, and on April 27 a last Devil detachment of 475 men was caught and destroyed - Foshan was secured, but the Taiping remained in the field.

Elsewhere in April in the southwest, Taiping withdrawals with losses before battle were the general order of affairs save in Hunan where they lost a skirmish in Anshun and a mounted company annihilated in Guiyang. In late April Chinese cavalry defeated mounted Taiping in Luizhou while an infantry division defeated mixed Devils who sought to control nearby Yongzhou.

Although Yuan Shuai Xu Youren (5-1-2), commander of Army Group Yangtze, was at Huizhou near the center of the Jiangxi revolt, he was otherwise occupied and too inactive in late March and early April to lead an attack himself, but in April he did have his troops advance on Hangzhou, to be joined by the Levy 84th division that had previously abandoned that place and whose spirits had been elevated by attachment of a field artillery regiment. Meanwhile the traditional northern Honan and Anhwei Banners that Xu had called down into Jiangxi were summoned to march south to Jinhua and Huizhou respectively, it being believed that the garrisons of the 3 Yangtze south bank provinces of Nanking, Suzhou and Shanghai, each given orders to fight to the death, would secure them from possible Taiping assaults.

The concern in Jiangxi was that the Taiping forces might move south into essentially undefended Fukien and despoil the territories of SouthEast Army Group, whose troops were almost all now in the field in Viet Nam. To allow such depredations would be a loss of face for Xu Youren, so he finally recovered from a rare spate of rare inactivity and set upon the nearest rebels. This resulted in a convincing victory at Hangzhou. He had 21,212 men and 36 cannon vs. 1200 men and 12 cannon, and losses were 743 to 1332. Advancing on to Jinhua, however, although he had been reinforced with more infantry he faced a corps of 8600 Taiping and 60 cannon in good entrenchments and suffered a defeat, taking 3690 lost while the rebels lost 794. Xu fell back to Hangzhou and the Taiping held the field, rejoicing in their devastating fortress cannon.

Despite this setback, National Morale had risen to 70 by the end of May. Xu realized his skills did not lie in the attack and he did not wish to tempt disaster. He was willing to undertake a siege of the kind being used against Dali if the Taiping could be pinned within in Jinhua town itself, but the Taiping army remained defiantly in its field fortifications though growing short in supply. The Imperial forces were enormously disadvantaged in artillery against this force, and so unsettled were the command personnel that messages were sent to Peking, Dali, and Thanh Hoa suggesting the Dali siege train be sent to help crush this rebel army, and to Her Chyun personally to request the return north of river squadrons to be stationed permanently on the Yangtze to attempt to prevent any possible crossing of the Yangtze by the Taiping.

Xu remained at Hangzhou in early May to recover cohesion while from Nanchang the Honan Banner with a Levy division and Supply Wagons advanced into Jinhua with defensive orders to bypass the Taiping and seize the town if possible. SouthEast Army Group moved Hunan’s Traditional Banner from Hengzhou in Guangdong province through the industrial center of Ganzhou to the city of Jianchang to position it southwest of Jinhua to block incursions in that direction. The Levy musket division at the town of Guangxin south of Jinhua moved east to defend the port city of Wenzhou. To the west, Sengge Rinchen’s Mongolian Cavalry Banner plotted a journey that swept several Taiping-leaning provinces and ended with a juncture at Jianchang that could respond to any Taiping movement to the south of Jinhua.

On May 9 the 33,525 men and 24 cannon ordered to enter Jinhua defensively were drawn into battle by the much smaller Taiping force. Casualties were about 3000 on either side, the Taiping cannon once more wreaking great slaughter at range but the numerous Imperial troops causing great damage in close combat. The battle continued on the 10th, with 1358 Imperial and 512 Taiping losses, but in terms of the portions of each army lost the Taiping suffered the worst of it. The Taiping had been weakened somewhat for this fight by detachment of a force of Cavalry and Levies sent to take the port town of Shaoxing, threatening the more important port of Ningbo on the coast.

Xu considered that the Taiping had been seriously weakened, and planned further attacks at Jinhua. The first arrival in Jinhua was the Taiping levy division of 6000 which arrived on May 21 and stalemated the efforts of the 2225 Taiping remaining in the region. The next day, Xu Youren arrived, bringing the Fukien Traditional Banner and some field artillery for a total present of 37,000 men and 36 cannons (although only part of these could be brought to bear in the fight). In 6 rounds of combat Xu lost 2255 men but the defenders between the fallen and captives taken were reduced to scarcely more than half the artillery batteries. The next day the remaining 28 guns were quickly overrun. In the process, however, Jinhua town had been once again destroyed, a further embarrassment for the Yangtze Military District. At this point the only remaining Taiping detected in the field in southeast China were the levies and horse who had seized Shaoxing on the coast.

To the southwest, the Taiping suffered another nightmare beginning May 2. Battered and its cohesion largely gone from prior defeats, the 8,000 men of Taiping Guangxi Army were fought to a stalemate at Yung An by a mere Mixed Brigade of 1000 foot and 250 horse, although the latter were spent by the effort and retired. This yielded the original Taiping capital. The Guangxi Army attempted to enter Kuangsi but were beaten at the border by a reserve force of 4 Imperial cavalry formations with nearly 3000 horse who inflicted some loss but, of more importance, took 1200 prisoners. Falling back into Yung An they were soon assailed by Sengge Rinchen’s Banner, which arrived with nearly 4000 veteran horsemen. The Mongol charge felled 3000 Devils and gained a thousand prisoners, after which the Mongols proceeded on their course toward Jiangxi, leaving a tattered Taiping brigade in charge of Yung An but ripe for destruction. Taiping in Kuangsi and Zhanjiang also retreated from Imperial units, but the survivors remained in the field in Zhanjiang, where the garrison had been ordered to remain safely in the town. Taiping strength in Guangxi was broken – it only remained to chase down the remnants.

In late May the Imperial reserve Cavalry corps chased the Taiping Guangxi army remnants out of Yung An to Baoqing, where the cavalry followed in early June to destroy them while local garrisons disposed of the few Taiping roaming Zhanjiang on the south coast.

In Indochina, the Traditional Regular brigade sent to Vientiane from Louang Phrabang was forced to withdraw on May 25 against enemies who were not identified but believed to be Tonkin rebels, becoming known now to the Imperial rank and file struggling through the mountains and jungles as the “ghost soldiers.”

Upon news of these events, Guanwen conceded to himself that the artillery train could not long remain at Dali – it would be needed to defeat the Taiping army or to help restore proper order in Hue. It was in due course sent out by the beginning of June - Dali would remained besieged and starved out. The memory of Guanwen’s battles at Hengzhou several years ago had been blurred by Xu Youren’s recent bloody repulse at Jinhua, and Guanwen expected it to be extinguished by the battles it now appeared would be needed to subdue Annam. He hoped He Guiqing enjoyed recognition for those victories!

In economic news, ample supplies of Wood from overseas were available for import to allow a modest but important increase in Mfg Goods production. Late April saw another Furniture Factory commenced in Nanchang, it being found by the Imperial commissioners to be most suitable by reason of having the highest level of transportation and development among the regions of highest contentment. A traditional division was also commissioned to greatly strengthen the garrison force there as was another in the neighboring industrial and mining center of Wuchang. High taxes supported erratic investment in military research as budgets allowed – focused first on Military Decorations and second on the more advanced Explosive Shells project.

Diplomatic Affairs

The Qing had decided in early May to promise support Great Britain in order to raise relations and reduce the risk of unnecessary conflict. Approaches to the more menacing French or Russians seemed a futile waste of diplomats, while gestures toward the USA were precluded by their hostile and disrespectful criticism of China’s government in response to earlier contact regarding a commercial agreement.

As part of a longer-term strategy, the Secretariat of Rites had made a study and favored approaching Prussia with offers of support. Both the Qing and Hohenzollern dynasties had ruled their peoples for centuries with firmness and strength, so Prussia would not have the foolish objections of the Americans. Starting relations were positive. There was a Prussian trade fleet off China’s shores which made a Commercial Agreement a means of improving relations and imports in the future. Of great importance, France and Prussia were opposed over Prussian plans in Germany, and Prussia was a natural adversary for Russia. Of most importance, it could have not interest in intruding into the sphere of Qing influence.

There were those who suggested consideration of a change of policy to favor improved relations with Russia. This was urged based on a variety of different arguments, generally agreeing in the need for Qing efforts to focus in the south and on internal control but differing in rationales and policies. Some said the period during which direct action against Russia might succeed would pass before China could be ready for a contest, and that peaceful relations were the only long-term security in the north. Some suggested that autocratic Russia was a natural ally against the Western European powers that sought to constrain it in Europe and the Near East – peace in Asia would allow it to press its claims in Europe and force the intrusive French and British to attend more to European affairs. Others urged a temporary watchful peace with Friendly relations to be maintained only until war became necessary or desirable. The diverse views were too at odds to present a coherent case. In any event, it was said attention must focus south for now.

French Arrogance Rebuffed – Prussia Supported – Shame in Shaoxing – Sengge’s Triumph

June 1856

June brought word to Peking of a diplomatic incident with France. Governor-General Yeh in Canton, whose natural and understandable contempt for foreigners had been increased by their routine presumption, arrogance, and disrespect, consequently rejected their communiques showing improper respect, informing them it was beneath the dignity of a high official of the Celestial Empire to treat with foreigners in such cases and referring them to junior officials.

After 15 months of making proper entreaties, the French minister was granted audience. He soon had the gall to abuse this privilege with an absurd complaint. He claimed that a French Catholic missionary, Father Abbe Auguste Chapdelaine, had been captured by the Taiping Devils. Incomprehensible and absurd as it might seem, he had been tried by these missionary-inspired Devils for the crime of practicing the very Christianity that had inspired the original Taiping mischief, and then executed by the rebels. Even more incomprehensibly, the Minister advised that France was outraged at China. His Excellency the Governor-General responded that while it was proper for the loss of a valued subject to bring sorrow to any domain, this priest was in violation of the treaty permitting preaching only in the treaty ports, he had ventured at his peril among criminals and traitors in rebellion against the Emperor to preach among them, and the Imperial forces had and would continue to pursue and punish these villains and their kind. Beyond that no more could be said.

The fuming French minister, however, responded intemperately that this was an outrage and casus belli and was immediately dismissed from audience. Relations with France fell to -48.

This prompted no great alarm in Peking, for France and its forces were far away and not a major threat (for some reason they were not even listed in the military rankings, but when they had last been seen there it was not much above China despite their prized and over-esteemed equipment and mechanical devices). Their foothold in Cochin China was near and vulnerable, a hostage against any foolishness. With no immediate Crisis or Declaration of War from France, the matter was closed and the Qing diplomatic program accelerated. Local support was promised to the King of Prussia, with whom the Qing dynasty now felt some affinity as well as a sense of common affront at French presumption. The Secretariat of Rites reported to the Emperor that the Japanese reckless adoption of Western culture had sacrificed honor and civilized traditions without the reward of achieving its aim; this was shown by China’s Prestige nearing that of Japan in Western esteem. This showed the folly of succumbing to Western ways.

Word having arrived of the defeat of the Taiping in Jinhua, Xu’s “emergency” appeared illusory to Guanwen and the artillery train at Kunming was put under command of Wang Jung with the escort of a Regular division plus some mixed and levy troops and sent on its long way to Thanh Hoa. These 11,000 men and 96 cannon could be expected to arrive not earlier than the end of August, depending on the weather in the mountains and jungle and the lack of opposition.

In early June the 27th Levy division at Wenzhou was ordered north along the coast to Ningbo and then west into Shaoxing to attempt to forestall a further Taiping move toward Ningbo, while a Levy brigade from Taiwan would be arriving as a replacement garrison in Wenzhou. This division proved so fatigued when it entered Shaoxing that it decided to fall back in late June to defend Ningbo but to evade the Devils was forced to cross south back to Wenzhou in Late July. Xu Youren had regrouped and with part of his forces undertook the slow march across the FuShang River toward Shaoxing while a Levy division moved to reinforce Hangzhou garrison, where revolt risk remained, and the remainder recovered in the field in Jinhua (the ruins of Jinhua itself containing the hazards of death). On arrival in Shaoxing through the rains and mountain torrents, Xu’s column was so incohesive that he retired back when faced with engagement by the Taiping. In comparison with the thrusting and aggressive techniques employed in the Southwest, Yangtze Army Group’s operations seemed plodding and hesitant.

In the Southwest, the 3000 reserve cavalry fell upon the 3100 Taiping on June 13 and defeated them again, with several hundred casualties on each side and 800 rebels captivated. The chastened rebels evaded into Hengzhou. When pursued they attempted to retreat into Dijan to the north on June 19 but were turned back by the Wuchang division that came south to block them and on June 25th were attacked were forced back into Hengzhou and annihilated after losing 1025 casualties and 500 prisoners in a rout against another of Sengge Rinchen’s famous charges. For this decisive action and his other accomplishments, the Shuai was honored with greater seniority.

Despite the failure at Shaoxing, the cumulative effect of other Imperial successes lifted National Morale to 71 – admittedly impressive only in the recent context.

In Indochina, cavalry patrols revealed Tonkin units in Savannakhet, and in late June He Guiqing commenced a slow advance through the hostile jungle against them from Thanh Hoa. He took only a modest portion of the large army encamped on the border of Annam.