Thanks for the comments everyone. We will see how Germany's former territories will end up though in due time.
I apologize for the really late delay here. I had been busy for much of the previous week and never really got a chance to sit down and write up an aar, though I had already gotten the screens and gameplay sometime before.
So we'll just chalk this up as a Halloween Special. I know the whole premise- and outcome- of this aar is enough of a nightmare for some :laugh:
Debout les damnés de la terre!
Radio Rome Broadcast from June 6th said:
The sun dawns on a new Vienna. Just a year ago this city was the center of reaction, the heart of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The Ancien Régime continued to thrive here, when it should have been extinct decades ago.
The workers of the Austro-Hungarian Empire can see what their future holds for them. The workers of Vienna have risen up and seized control with the flight of the Habsburgs, and have established a new socialist order in this city. Now it is asserted over the whole of a new Austria that will stand together with its fellow brothers in Central Europe.
While the remnants of this bloated empire continue their futile fight in Hungary, the new Austrian syndicate has taken the next step and joined the Third International, joining with workers around the world to fight for a new world.
In other news, a special meeting in being held Venice to determine the fate of the Balkan provinces…
With it clear that the Habsburgs would be unable to reassert themselves in the region ever again, the Italian government turned its attention to the territories it was currently occupying- the remnants of the Balkan provinces that formed the frontier of the old empire.
Back in 1937 during the renegotiation of the Ausgleich between Austria and Hungary, agreements were made for territorial adjustments that saw the end of the Croatian and Bosnian units of the Austrian empire, which were directly annexed into either Austrian or Hungarian governance. The result was a massive crackdown on both nationalist and socialist organizations in the region, both of which ultimately ended up banned after organized resistance against occupying Hungarian forces in Croatia turned into a low-level resistance.
It was this experience that saw Josip Broz and a number of other pro-Syndicalist elements in the region flee into Italy where they were welcomed by the Anarcho-Syndicalist bloc in particular, granting them aid and training.
During this time, Josip Broz, now referred to as ‘Tito’, formed an umbrella group of opposition parties to the Austro-Hungarian occupation of the Balkans, all of them of a radical persuasion. Under the direction of the Italians, the group became decidedly pro-Syndintern and advocated for a full destruction of the monarchy and the establishment of a socialist government, putting itself into opposition of the nationalist groups that only desired a parliamentary system.
Even though tentatively the Italian People’s Republic agreed to what territories a potential ‘Yugoslav’ state would cover, the travails of the Italian military had caused some rethinking of the agreements- one that both sides knew going into the Venice conference.
The conference began on May 28th. While it was agreed that most of the Dalmatian coast would go to Yugoslavia, the proceedings over the Istria Peninsula went less than smoothly. While Tito’s forces had managed to lead militias that handily defeated the occupying forces distracted by Italian forces further north, there had been virtually no activity related to them in the Istria peninsula. As such the Italian government, particularly those related to the military, was not willing to turn over the territory completely to Yugoslav control. Rather they wanted to annex it directly to the republic, in return for relinquishing all claims on the Dalmatian coast.
The nature of the proceedings did draw criticism too, though from two completely opposite perspectives. On one end, the nationalist platforms headed by Mussolini’s National Syndicalists desired the whole of the Dalmatian coast and protested the Italian government’s willingness to not regain the whole of Italia Irredenta. On the other was the internationalist position held by the Chairman of the House of Commons Bordiga, which blasted such conferences as a waste of time and completely detached from the real and essential aims of a socialist revolution.
Both camps had more or less abstained from the proceedings of the Venice Conference, not agreeing with its outcome. The Italian government had in the end managed to secure the agreement of Tito and others in the resistance in exchange for the Italian forces to recognize the full sovereignty of the new government over the regions. Essentially this meant that while Italy would continue having a close partner in Yugoslavia, it would not be as indebted to Rome as Austria was.
The Italians did not like this but ultimately recognized that their forces could not afford to have a Yugoslavia that would not agree with being in the Syndintern, much less creating a pretext for the Kingdom of Serbia to position itself as the ‘real’ independent authority for the Slavs in the region.
With the oncoming battle with Russia that would come after an already exhausting battle with Central Asia, there really was no desire from Italy to replicate the troubles Austria-Hungary had experienced before them. A friendly Yugoslavia, with its resources and manpower contributing to the Syndintern, would be a better contribution to the war effort in the end. Thus on June 10th the formal creation of Yugoslavia was marked and control handed over to Tito and his Yugoslav committee.
The state was not recognized by the Kingdom of Serbia- which saw itself as the rightful ruler of the Balkans, and this was repeated by other members of the Balkan Pact and the Russian Empire, as well as other members of the Entente.
The French gave their approval to the agreement, and encouraged the Italians to continue their campaign into the realms of Hungary to finish off the ancient empire. France was continuing to focus on its own battle with Germany however.
By June 20th the city of Berlin was surrounded and Syndintern forces began to make their move capture the heart of Mitteleuropa, but had narrowly missed the Kaiser and his entourage who escaped before the city became completely surrounded, going with the military now attempting to make a last stand in Eastern Germany. The city of Kiel, where much of the German navy was operating from, was also surrounded, from British positions in Denmark and French positions from the south.
Berlin and Kiel Surrounded
The battle lines by this point had become merged. Syndintern forces were spread throughout Europe now, such that no one country was completely alone in any area. With the Balkans mostly cleaned up, the front decreased slightly though was still fairly long, stretching from near Berlin down to Budapest. Italian forces were in Germany, and French forces were in the realms of Austria-Hungary. It had truly become a Syndintern-led effort. [1]
On July 5th, Syndintern forces finally captured the center of Berlin, moving the war into another phase. Newspaper and radio broadcasts from all across France, Italy, and Britain announced the news proudly to their peoples, and the French in particular lauded the event as finally having ‘corrected’ the French defeats of the Great War and 1871. French papers such as L'Humanité had their front pages lauded the fall of Berlin as the ‘greatest blow to reaction everywhere’ and pictures of the red flag over various structures in Berlin were plastered on the front pages of the French publications.
The war’s three year anniversary- May 24th- had come and gone in the midst of the Battle for Berlin
The fall of Berlin would also mean that workers in the other parts of Germany were now further emboldened to seize control of their cities. Military officers sympathetic to the aims of the Syndicalists opted to put themselves in the position of popular militias that would assert control of a new order in Germany, and with it wipe away the old rule of nobility.
With Berlin gone the war had definitely turned in full favor of the Syndintern, and now pressure was on the German monarchy to surrender or keep up a doomed fight against a vengeful Commune of France. Germany would only find even more problems facing it as it underwent collapse.
The Russian Empire had been watching the war intently since its formal entrance earlier that year. Unable to move through the eastern regions of Mitteleuropa, it had opted to build up much of its forces on its western borders preparing for an eventual clash with Syndicalist forces as the fronts edged nearer to the Russians.
The fall of Berlin however came quicker than the Russians had anticipated. They had hoped the war might drag on inconclusively through the interior of Germany, but the Imperial military had failed to muster the sufficient counterattack against the onslaught of the Syndicalist forces. For Russia, things had just gotten much more complicated.
With that, Russia began to enact a plan it had probably made years before during the resurrection of the empire [2]. Acting under the pretext that Russia had to protect its ‘rightful subjects’ residing within the various states in the eastern parts of Mitteleuropa, Russian forces began to enter into Ukraine and the Baltics demanding local authorities recognize the sovereignty of Petrograd over their cities.
As one could expect though, the local garrison forces there were thrown into confusion over what to do. Some decided to recognize the authority of Russia while others resisted the ‘invasion’ of Russia into their territories. An incident in eastern Ukraine resulted in the Russian Empire severing connections with Germany and moving into Eastern Europe with the aim of a hostile takeover.
Russian forces now poured across its western border into Ukraine, White Ruthenia, and the Baltics, sweeping away forces in the latter two but facing resistance in Ukraine. The remnants of the German military were now wedged in between the Syndintern from the west and the Russians from the east. With regards to the latter, it was more troubling because the Germans knew that certain officials in their frontier states would be likely to cut a deal with the Russians to retain their positions, albeit under a different government.
The Union of Britain for its part began to reorganize its government, calling a long-overdue Congress of the Trade Unions on July 2nd, focused more on reorganizing the existing positions in the government rather than the makeup of the CTU.
While the war raged for much of that month, the British quickly set about the debates for the new face of the government. Against all odds, President Horner managed to retain much of the departments in the hands of the Federalists and appointed G.D.H. Cole, a close pupil, to the rank of General-Secretary. This was a surprise to those involved with many thinking Mosley and the Totalists would finally be able to push the government in their favor. They had retained certain war and industry ministries, but had been unable to secure any of the upper-level posts. Snowden had certainly proved his ability to withstand political tides and secured his position in the Union of Britain for the time being by the end of the month.
The Italian People’s Army had begun to move into the outskirts of Budapest by mid-July as the British TUC congress was underway. The Austro-Hungarian forces had put up a stiff resistance in the realms of Hungary, attempting to keep back the Italian attacks where they were launched along the lines. But with Germany on the ropes and Hungary dealing with the Iron Guard Romanians occupying nearly the whole of Transylvania, the battle’s conclusion was only a matter of time. However, the remnants of the Austro-Hungarian Empire would make the battle their last stand, their last mark on Europe.
The Entente faced a major defeat in North America the following August. The Combined Syndicates’ relentless assaults finally broke the defensive lines and American forces quickly occupied Toronto and Ottawa while capturing Vancouver shortly afterwards. Syndicalist forces also found it easy to make its way into the Quebec regions due to the unpopular conscription law which regional politicians blasted with placing undue burden on the people of Quebec. Due to the nature of fighting a war for the British monarchy- an entity detached from Quebec in the first place- draft riots broke out as the Canadians attempted to hold onto the Toronto region as the forces of the Combined Syndicates advanced.
On August 10th the Canadian government surrendered to the Combined Syndicates of America. Just a few days before the royal family evacuated Canada via Halifax, the remnants of the Royal Navy just large enough to discourage Syndicate raids on the fleet. The fleet just managed to squeeze through the Panama Canal before a pursuing Syndicate navy force seized the Canadian base there. The royal family would resurface in the Australasian Confederation some days later, and they, like the rest of the world, would bear witness to the Combined Syndicates’ final plan to its northern neighbor.
Connecting the struggles of the Combined Syndicates to the United States before it, President Reed discussed how the Canadians to the north of the United States had always presented a ‘threat’ to the early Republicanism of the country, with the relationship between London and Washington often being rocky. It became more so once the British monarchy fled to Canada and centralized the powers of the crown away from parliament. It had been a threat to Republicanism and later socialism, as Reed summarized.
There had been calls from some within the Combined Syndicates to annex the whole of Canada to begin the process of a genuine North American supranational entity, though this option did not gain much traction with the debates in Chicago. Ultimately the question was whether or not to create a strong, Syndicalist Canada or one made in mind with Quebec autonomy in mind. Those in favor of the former argued that a weak Canada would hurt the Combined Syndicates more than help it, while those aiming for the latter pointed out the help radical Quebecois gave in organizing draft riots.
On August 12th the Continental Chamber of Syndicates reached a decision for the final fate of Canada. A new socialist Canada would be created, but the territories of Quebec would exist as an autonomous region. For all intents and purpose, there was now Quebec and Canada to the north of the Combined Syndicates, both loyal to the aims of Chicago.
Back in Europe, the Italians decided to create yet another nation out of the ruins of the Austro-Hungarian Empire as its forces besieged Budapest. On August 15th the House of Commons debated the proposal for the northern frontier regions of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Notably the areas covered by Bohemia, Moravia, and the northern portions of the Kingdom of Hungary would be converted into a single state, referred to as “Czechoslovakia”. The Italians reasoned that intelligibility between the people contained in the regions would aid in the creation of a single nation.
There were previously suggestions to transform the whole of Austria-Hungary into a socialist union, but with the early declaration of independence by the Austrian syndicates, the entire plan was thrown into disarray. It was suspected though that Rome desired to keep Vienna humble, and a supranational entity occupying the old empire would be fraught with difficulty.
On August 17th, while only controlling Bohemia and Moravia, the Italian government liberated a new Czechoslovak nation based from the old Bohemian capital of Prague.
The new government would adopt a different flag, incorporating pan-Slavic colors. The Syndintern was unsure of whether the people would accept having to ultimately fight the Russian Empire- the champion of pan-Slavic ambitions. Only time would tell.
The Kingdom of Hungary, and with it the Austro-Hungarian Empire, ceased to exist following the fall of Budapest on August 25th. Italian forces, like they did in Vienna some months before, triumphantly entered the city center and accepted the surrender of the remaining Austro-Hungarian military forces, though the whereabouts of the Habsburg Emperor Otto II and his entourage was unknown.
On August 26th, acting in agreement with socialist opposition to the old empire, a new syndicalist Hungary was created, adding yet another member to the Third International.
The only component of the Austro-Hungarian Empire that remained was Galicia-Lodomeria, which had for all intents and purposes broken free of the destroyed empire and gravitated towards Poland. This would mean little though, due to the advancing Syndicalist forces preparing to breach the last of Germany’s defensive positions.
The Russian Empire was proceeding readily into Ukraine and had occupied the entirety of the Baltic States, with White Ruthenia mostly conquered as well. It also turned its attention southwards and moved into the Ottoman-held Caucasus and annexed Armenia on September 15th, a client state of the Ottoman Empire.
The Ottoman Empire could do little against this, having a hostile Kingdom of Egypt attempting to cross the Suez Canal and attempts by the Balkan Pact to attack it from its European territories. However the Ottomans did manage to keep the Russians in the Caucasus range, and made its own progress in the Caucasus against the Balkan Pact.
Ottoman advances into Bulgaria
Germany had established strong defensive positions along the Oder and Neisse Rivers, trying to prevent a crossing of the emboldened and now numerically superior Syndicalist forces. With the Russian Empire barreling down their eastern borders however, they could not last through the endless onslaught of the Syndintern. On October 3rd the Syndicalist forces finally breached the defensive lines and made their first crossings into Eastern Germany, sweeping aside resistance and clearing the way for other forces down the front. A week later, the Syndintern had essentially captured the whole of Eastern Germany and was threatening the Polish capital of Warsaw.
Commune of France’s advance into Poland, October 12th 1943
The Battle of Warsaw would take the rest of the month, though Syndicalist forces would proceed into the Baltic regions and would engage in the first real battle with the Russian Empire on October 25th. Unfortunately for France, it was definitely in the advantage of the Russian Empire which had caught one of its advancing divisions off-guard.
With the Russian Empire from the east and the French from the west, Germany had essentially lost the entirety of its European territories. Still unwilling to surrender to Paris, the German Empire fled to its Mittelafrikan holdings and continued the fight there, gathering the remnants of its military, colonial forces, and the imperial navy and regrouping at Dar es Salaam.
This now shifted the war to one with Germany to one against the Russian Empire. And in that respect the Syndintern recognized it would need the entire strength of Europe behind it to overcome a resurgent Russia bent on reclaiming its place in Europe. With National France facing threats from joint Republican British-French attacks in Africa and the British monarchy in exile in Australasia, Russia had ascended to the head of the Entente’s war effort.
The first major decision Paris did was the creation of a friendly Poland, giving it territories the German Empire had taken from it in the past and hoping to gain the sympathy of the Poles living in the country by utilizing Greater Polish ambitions. On November 5th, the new Polish Republic was founded.
This was followed up with the restoration of Belgium as a socialist republic on November 8th, with France deciding to liberate the country instead of directly annexing it as had been thought earlier.
As Syndintern forces prepared to establish lines against Russia for the winter, the thought on everyone’s mind was what would happen to the former realms of the German Empire, much of which was still occupied by the Commune of France. Choosing Frankfurt as a venue, all nations of the Syndintern were invited to a conference to determine the fate of Germany. With the Russian Empire coming from the east, it would have to be done quickly and done with the potential challenges ahead in mind.
Eastern Europe at the end of November, 1943
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[1] Though it was known that the Commune of France was shouldering much of the burden of the war.
[2] Even during the periods of the Russian Republic there was discontent among the military and government officials over the losses Russia incurred as a result of the First World War. It was rumored that the Tsar had entered into talks for membership in Mitteleuropa in exchange for territory in Eastern Europe which was rejected by Germany, possibly due to the later feeling the Russians should have been indebted to Germany for ‘rescuing’ them from the Bolsheviks.