The First Congress of the Third International
With the major affairs of the Third Congress of the Greater Italian Union settled on April 15th, the government set out to prepare for first congress of the Third International  that the Commune of France would host in the first week of May. It was an ambitious project- while the Third International had been formed between the Socialist Republic of Italy and the Commune of France all the way back in 1921, it remained an irrelevant organization until the revolution in the United Kingdom that led to the creation of the Union of Britain. In the succeeding 10 years the International still found itself a fringe group- Germany’s new world order had essentially squashed revolutionary sentiment and apathy had set in among many of the socialist groups.
Originally Posted by portion of L'Internationale
By the mid-1930s though, the Commune of France found its prestige increasing the world, in time overshadowing the government-in-exile in North Africa. The lack of reforms in the new world, and in many cases a roll back of reforms, led to an increase in discontent among the working class. With their lack of faith in social-democratic parties to achieve anything, many chose to join radical organizations that looked to the Syndicalists in France for guidance.
An economic crisis and potential signs of weakness in the aristocracy and bourgeoisie were present- for the Commune France, this was the perfect opportunity to make its intentions known.
The Socialist Republic of Italy went about setting its affairs in order before departing for the Third International. The first major decision was to increase the research and development of new technologies in Italy. With the expanded industrial capacity and efficiency gained from the last Congress, it was decided that research in new agricultural machinery and techniques was necessary in order for Italy to back its industrial growth. Aided by cooperation with agricultural scientists from the Commune of France, the R&D wing of the Ferrovie Repubblicane Italiano  were given the task of developing new machinery, farming techniques, and more importantly to integrate it with the existing railroad networks to deliver produce to market and relevant factories and ports.
Improvements in agriculture would also help to make more efficient use of existing land and thus a smaller plot of land could grow a lot more food. Labor in the countryside would be freed up for the growing factories and the military as well, where the Republic was looking to expand. Moreover, more food meant it was possible to sustain population growth as well.
With new reports of resources present in the republic, the government began the construction of factories in the Campobasso and Syracuse provinces, to gain valuable rare minerals and oil respectively. These two would be necessary for more advanced industrial applications and could provide a better trading position with the Commune of France in the meantime after their completion.
The Socialist Republic of Italy also saw the creation of a new paper, La Repubblica, set up as a competitor to Liberazione, to comment on global affairs and power relations in the Republic. La Repubblica also allowed commentary from “progressive”, though not necessarily socialist, commentators- a break from the positions of Liberazione. To that end it carried columns from the Italian philosopher Benedetto Croce and the “leader” of the Futurist art movement, F.T. Marinetti.
In the German Empire, economic conditions made themselves more damaging on the vast population of neglected workingmen and women. The Freie Arbeiter Union Deutschlands  grew strongly in the past few years and got a massive boost with the ongoing economic crisis in Germany. The FAUD was influenced in particular by Anarcho-Syndicalist thought and in turn looked to France as a guiding light. As its activities became more radical, the German Empire saw it as an organization bent on the destruction of the monarchy and a potential fifth column in the event of a war with the Commune of France. It took the move to shut down the organization and arrest what leaders it could while driving the entirety of its operations underground.
This was a clear sign of the German Empire’s war against the working class, the papers of Italy and France declared in its pages. Contact was lost with many of the leaders however, and reports came out from communication networks that many were executed in an extrajudicial manner. The German Empire made its position clear- the workers should appreciate its paternalistic governance, but avoid asking for more “handouts” like spoiled children, as the pro-government papers declared.
As developments in Europe began to reveal the conflict that was building up between the Commune of France and the German Empire, the Ottoman Empire found itself dealing with discontent with agitation from its Arab population. In particular, notions of a pan-Arab state of some sort gripped the imaginations and hopes of the Arabs in the empire, who looked to either Egypt or Hashemite Arabia as the center of this new Arab state. The situation was exacerbated with the crash of the Berlin Stock Market. Egypt, sensing a potential for it to make inroads into the core of the Middle-East from this wave of Arab nationalism, announced that it would host an “Arab Conference”. While touted as a cultural event for “Arab Identity”, much of the world knew it was more or less a declaration of Arab independence from the various colonial powers in the region- among them the Ottoman Empire, the German Empire, National France, and the Kingdom of Spain.
While disappointed that there was no socialist power in the Middle-East, the Italian papers saw it as a sign of resistance against the imperialism of the great powers in the Middle-East. It would certainly frustrate efforts of the old aristocracy and bourgeoisie in their attempts to exploit the region.
On May 1st, the International Workers’ Day was marked by large civil parades in Naples as well a day off for the citizens of the Republic. During this time France officially sent out its invitations to relevant socialist nations for the First Congress of the Third International. On May 4th, General Responsible for Diplomacy Pietro Nenni received a telegram from Paris asking for the Socialist Republic of Italy’s participation in the Congress, which he accepted.
President Togliatti and General Responsible for Diplomacy Nenni, along with an entourage of members from the Chamber of Commons drawn the different ideological platforms, boarded for Paris on May 5th. They arrived with delegates of other nations- the Republic of Mexico, the Democratic Republic of Georgia, Centroamerica, and the Bharitya Commune as well as delegates from socialist organizations within other countries, notably the Kingdom of Spain and the United States of America.
After an opening ceremony to mark the First Congress, the delegates gathered in the chambers of the General Labor Council to discuss the pressing concerns for all the major socialist nations. Daniel Guérin, the chairman of the Committee of Public Safety, opened the Congress on May 8th with a speech regarding the international situation and the potential for an international revolution. He proclaimed that the global economy led by Germany was showing signs of weakness and emphasized that the members of the international should use “any means available to them” to overthrow the “international bourgeoisie”. The speech was greeted by applause by the delegates in the Congress, though it had essentially made public the positions of many of them regarding the international revolution.
The German Empire chose to use the speech as a way to further spread the danger the Commune of France and the International shows for the existing world order. Even going so far as to reach out to the members of the Entente, the German Empire warned of the hostility shown by the International and the disorder they would bring.
While discussions regarding party organization and trade unions were under way, the delegates were interrupted by an update by the Commune of France’s Delegate to Foreign Affairs Sartre, who announced to all present that the people of Bolivia had overthrown the government, and the socialist and trade union movement of Alfonso Gumucio Reyes assumed control.
The delegates of Mexico and Centroamerica welcomed the news of another socialist nation in Latin America. The Socialist Republic of Italy saw it as a useful blow to the Italian Federation’s sphere of influence in Latin America. All involved knew it would be a great boon to revolutionary movements across the region, notably in Brazil where agitation by trade unionists and socialists were becoming more and more pronounced.
Delegates from the Kingdom of Spain took the stage on May 9th describing the massive state repression of trade unions and socialist parties, and imploring the nations of the International, in particular the Commune of France, the Union of Britain, and the Socialist Republic of Italy, for help. All the nations implied they would, though Spanish delegates would have to meet with each nation individually to hammer the specifics.
On May 10th, presidential candidate of the Combined Syndicates of America John “Jack” Reed took the stage and described the challenges facing the unions and socialist groups in the United States. He described the “decay” of capitalism in the United States and the increasingly desperate moves by the bourgeoisie to retain control. He gave a moving account of the collapse of industries in the Midwest and Pennsylvania while the bosses that controlled them lived in luxury, and contrasted that with the dire situation of the workers in the “rust belt”. He also exposed the “insulting” luxury of the wealthy west coast centered in California, in startling contrast to the rest of the country. He proclaimed that the workers were apathetic at lack of progress in labor reform and were aware of the completely failure by the bourgeoisie to address their concerns. To this end he raised the success of the Combined Syndicates in rallying and organizing the workers, building a presence in the House of Representatives, and hoped for success in the elections and on the streets.
John "Jack" Reed- leader of the Combined Syndicates
Reed’s speech was welcomed by the Union of Britain and the Commune of France who promised cooperation with the Combined Syndicates in the event of a victory at the polls. Mexico too promised their support for the Combined Syndicates in their quest to help the workers by promising to do what it could among Mexicans living in the United States. While Italy was not consulted, there were already networks open between the Socialist Republic of Italy and the Combined Syndicates, particularity due to Italy’s influence among unionized Italian-Americans  and the two’s opposition to the mafia’s influence in Italian-American communities.
On May 11th, France opened the floor to delegates from Centroamerica and Mexico, who discussed the potential for syndicalism among the working and rural poor across the region. They described the promising growth of trade unions and class awareness among the people. Mexico discussed its challenges in creating socialism and asked for delegates to have a moment of silence in remembrance of President Emiliano Zapata.
Centroamerica discussed its efforts to unify the workers of Central America under one banner and highlighted its struggle with the “bourgeoisie” in the United Provinces. To that end it described the belligerent behavior of the Untied Provinces in the region after the assassination of President Madrid of Panama. The United Provinces in turn began to occupy Panama to “restore order”, which the government of Panama saw as an attempt to annex the country and resisted the move. The United Provinces entered into war against Panama, and made its intentions clear on integrating the nation into the federation.
All the delegates from Latin America however reiterated the problems the Roman Catholic Church was causing them- to which the Italians proposed greater cooperation against the Church by forming popular cultural groups to counter that of the Church. France promised full aid in helping form unions and political training to interested groups.
The next major discussion was over the role of women in the syndicalist and socialist states, and more importantly what role that should be in the International Revolution. Women had the right to political participation in all the member nations of the International, though there was still a long ways to go. The stage was taken by the Russian émigré living in the Commune of France and Bolshevik Alexandra Kollontai on May 12th with a speech regarding feminism and the revolution.
She had gained a lot of respect from the delegates due to her position as one of the few surviving Bolsheviks, but had become a radical feminist herself, encouraging the growth of the Congregationalists in the Union of Britain. She again emphasized that women needed to break free of social norms, of the traditional family, and break free of the constraints of the old world. The speech was greeted warmly by the delegates, though special attention was paid to how the delegates from the Bharitya Commune would react. Luckily, the Indians also accepted the role and promised to tackle the old social order still present in its rural communities.
Following Kollontai’s remarks, the delegates took debated the fall of the Soviet Union as the fifteenth anniversary drew near and its importance. Radio Paris during the time played a series of special segments of the significance of the Soviet Union and recollections from the few Bolsheviks that survived. Seemingly to counter this, the publication of “Mein Kampf”, a collection of diaries and accounts by German soldiers from the Great War and in particular from one “Adolf Hitler” , was released at the same time to high sales. Of all of the accounts, Hitler’s was the largest and provided the most nationalistic and “patriotic” sentiment at hat the German Empire desired in an attempt to recapture the patriotic feelings from after the Great War as a means to sweep class war under the carpet- already two movies were being created to herald the life and sacrifice of the young Imperial war hero Hitler.
On May 15th, delegates from nations outside of the International described the massive state repression against worker movements in fighting for labor reform. The accounts out of Spain in particular disturbed the delegates as accounts came out of violent break ups of rallies and assassinations of union leaders by paramilitary groups operating outside of the government. It was indeed a “White Terror”. The Union of Britain and the Commune of France were the first to condemn such actions and asked other nations to help where they could with aid requests from union leaders.
On May 16th Togliatti took the stage to discuss the progress and challenges of the Socialist Republic of Italy. He felt that like all the members of the International, Italy was striving for a world where “no man can exploit another man”. He raised the issue of the Church’s influence in their populace and emphasized the importance of battling and countering its influence by any means- a position that the Latin American delegates and the French agreed too. He also raised that in order to solidify the position of syndicalism in Europe, the Italian unification would serve as a great boon in providing a solid opposition to Mitteleurope by removing the Italian Federation as a buffer to Germany’s weak spot on the south, and obviously avoid the risk of France fighting a force entering through its Mediterranean regions. He asked for help from the International when the drive for unification came, to finally end the oppression of workers in the north. France agreed and urged others to follow suit.
The real discussions however were done between Nenni and his counterpart Sartre over French aid in the event of a war with the Italian Federation. These meetings took place outside of the Congress and its occurrence was not known until sometime later . Like Cavour before him , Nenni offered to recognize French claims on lost territory- notably Nice, Corsica, and Savoy- that were ceded by the Third Republic to the Austrian-controlled Italian Confederation after its surrender in the Great War.
French claims on the Italian Federation
This deal was accepted by the Commune of France, who in turn offered full aid for Italy when the time came.
On May 17th the Congress was wrapped up by a final speech by Makhno over the ongoing economic crisis and the International’s role in it. “The time is now”, he began, “for the proletariat to free the peoples of Europe and the World and end the tyranny of old order! The Congress was closed by a singing of L’Internationale by the delegates in their respective languages.
The plane carrying Togliatti, Nenni, and delegates from the House of Commons touched down on Naples on May 18th to a clear afternoon in the city. They proceeded out on the tarmac and were relieved to feel the warm Mediterranean breeze from the Gulf of Naples- nothing beat home. This good aura was shattered when they saw Gramsci, waiting with a rather stressed look next to a car. The Chief of Staff of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Military, Camillo Berneri, was in car behind Gramsci, speaking into a radio set though none of them could hear what he was saying. Gramsci walked up to meet Togliatti and Nenni, and after a few brief words welcoming them back, then abruptly told them to get in the car.
The car bounded away from the airport and made its way towards the Congress of the Republic. Gramsci turned towards Togliatti and Nenni in the back row and told them: “Since you were away at the International, certain events have developed rather quickly beyond our control. We might be on the verge of war with the Italian Federation if we do not watch our steps”.
“What!? How did that happen? Why did you not inform us back in Paris?” asked Togliatti, shocked.
“We were not comfortable with sending a telegram that would have to go through French intelligence. We would rather not have them involved, yet “, said Gramsci calmly, “you will need to be brought up to speed on the events of the past week while you were away at the Congress. It shouldn’t take but a moment”.
The car raced down the street, and the Congress of the Republic loomed ahead. The returning delegates did not feel so consoled by the Mediterranean breeze anymore.
 The “Third International”, or the Syndicalist International (often abbreviated to the Syndintern), was formed between the Commune of France and the Socialist Republic of Italy as a successor to the “Second International”. The Second International was a similar body of socialist parties that existed before the Great War, though was ripped apart by divisions between Reformist and Revolutionary Marxists, as well as pro-war and anti-war positions.
 Ferrovie Repubblicane Italiano, or the Italian Republican Railways, was the nationalized train system in the Socialist Republic of Italy. It had largely been built up from nothing to an impressive network, at least for a country like the RSI, and was under the directorship of the General Responsible for Transportation Benito Mussolini. The organization also ran an research and development wing that helped further advance the train network but also other machinery- farming technologies included.
 Freie Arbeiter Union Deutschlands, or the Free Workers Union of Germany, was formed as an independent trade union founded on anarcho-syndicalist ideals. Unlike the other existing trade unions, it had no connection to the Social Democratic Party, and also took a position of opposition to the German government. It had experienced rapid growth and in time was able to hold its own against the traditional trade unions.
 While divided politically like their brothers back home, the RSI found the greatest amount of cooperation by Italians affiliated to more radical oriented trade unions. Working the connections here, the RSI got a healthy degree of support from some sectors of the Italian-American community- many of whom were from the south of Italy. Political figures like Congressman Vito Marcantonio who was affiliated with the Combined Syndicates and trade unionists like Arturo Giovannitti were public in their support for the RSI and socialism. The Church and Mafia also worked their connections in the Italian-American community, which often led to violent confrontations and divisions among the community.
 As far as archives show us, Adolf Hitler was born to a German family in Braunau am Inn in the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1889. Hitler had always felt more kinship and attachment to the German Empire than the Austro-Hungarian empire, and refusing to enlist in the multi-ethnic Austro-Hungarian divisions, petitioned the King of Bavaria to be allowed to enter into a Bavarian division of the German Imperial Army. Hitler went on to serve on the western front and lived to see the surrender of Paris in 1919, much to his joy. He had been able to go on despite receiving leg wounds in 1917 and complications from chemical gas in 1918. He was promoted to Feldwebel and received an Iron Cross, second class (1914) and an Iron Cross, first class(1918), despite his lowly ranks, in recognition of his efforts during the war against France.
In 1920 he and his division were moved from occupation duty in France to fight in the German intervention in the Russian Civil War. According to official papers, Hitler died later the same year during a gas attack unleashed by the Red Army, though recent evidence indicates that it was possibly an accidental deployment of gas by the German military, unaware of the presence of Hitler’s division due to the chaotic and rapidly shifting front lines in Russia.
Hitler’s possessions- his diaries included- were sent back to a sister along with his Iron Crosses. The diaries lay virtually unknown until a half-niece sent them in to a Greater German Party-backed publication of accounts by war veterans, “Mein Kampf”. Hitler’s accounts of patriotism, German pride, and anti-socialism were precisely what the Party wanted, and the Imperial throne gave its approval to the publications.
 When the details became known, the national-Syndicalists in particular, due to their subscription to “Italia Irredentia” beliefs, blasted the protocols as a betrayal to Italians.
 Camillo Benso, conte di Cavour was the prime minister under the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont as it embarked to unify Italy under its banner. In July of 1858 Cavour and Napoleon III met in secret to discuss French support for Sardinia-Piedmont against Austria. France’s conditions were the territories of Nice and Savoy (the namesake of the ruling House of Savoy) in order to guarantee Sardinia-Piedmont aid. This was accepted by Cavour and France indeed came to Sardinia-Piedmont’s aid during its war with Austria in 1859, though France prematurely halted the war and only allowed for Sardninia to gain Lombardy, fearful of a strong Italy. Unification occurred afterwards, though Venice still lay beyond Italy’s grasp. Cavour felt betrayed and resigned from his post as Prime Minister.