Chapter Ten: Benevolent Powers (8/24/38 - 9/11/38)
Chapter Ten: Benevolent Powers (8/24/38 - 9/11/38)
As soon as Athens fell and Greece surrendered, the entire army from the northern front immediately headed to the trains, and all of the men and equipment started moving north. The marines were left to garrison Athens. This gave these new units an opportunity to regroup and to figure out what went wrong and how it could be avoided in the future. Mussolini was more disappointed than angry, and tried to be understanding. Although the mistakes turned out to be fatal to those unfortunate marines on the beaches, it had not been fatal to the enterprise of the State. What was important now was that the mistake not be repeated in the future. The marine divisions were to be reorganized as pure marine divisions made up of three marine brigades only, no artillery support. This special force was also to be expanded into an entire four division corps, then eventually, a two corps army.
The deployment orders had been given, and the marines were squared away in Athens. So, Mussolini took this opportunity to fly to London in his specially equipped luxurious Savoia-Marchetti S.83.
The United Kingdom had submitted a diplomatic protest to Italy’s annexation of Greece, and Mussolini wanted an opportunity to speak directly with Chamberlain and explain to him face-to-face what he was trying to achieve and precisely what the United Kingdom did not have to fear. He arrived in London on August 28, 1938, and the two men held three days of one-on-one meetings.
Mussolini frankly told Chamberlain that the entire Balkans belonged in Italy’s sphere of influence, and Italy intended to maintain the peace in its sphere as it saw fit. (Mussolini was intentionally vague with Chamberlain in his use of the term “Balkans” and did not specify which countries he included in that descriptive term). He continued that the minor powers in this area were quarrelsome, tribal, and prone to petty disputes, and that those disputes had more than once engulfed the major powers in destructive and unnecessary wars. Italy intended to get all the minor powers in the area to submit to a central authority that will have the effect of sublimating all the petty border disputes between the minor fiefdoms. Not unlike the United Kingdom’s political dominance of India and her other overseas territories, Rome's dominance in the Balkans may not be to the local’s liking, but it is nevertheless in their best interests. To that end, Mussolini warned that there may be additional campaigns to which the UK may object, but Mussolini gave Chamberlain his personal assurance than none of Italy’s designs were directed at those areas in the Mediterranean under current British control. He was specific: Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, Egypt and the Levant. Italy had no problem living side-by-side in peace with another benevolent colonial power. So long as that power respected Italy in its sphere.
Chamberlain respected Mussolini’s directness and apparent sincerity, but it was difficult to read Chamberlain’s position on Italy’s stated Balkan plans. Chamberlain remained noncommittal. Rather, he seemed more obsessed with Hitler and Germany. Germany had remilitarized the Rhineland, violated the prohibitions on rearmament, annexed Austria, and voiced designs on the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia. Germany was also asserting diplomatic influence on the expansion-minded nations of Europe in an effort to get those minor powers to join Germany in the Axis. Chamberlain was obviously in grave fear of an impending war with Germany -- the same war that Mussolini knew to be inevitable. What Chamberlain most wanted to know was whether Italy intended to join the Axis powers.
Mussolini assured Chamberlain that Italy had no intention of joining the Axis, unless attacked by the United Kingdom or its allies.
As they parted, Chamberlain stated that the United Kingdom's official position was that it was “totally opposed” to Italy’s adventures in the Balkans, but he cryptically noted that those nations forced to submit to Mussolini’s "central authority" would not be able to join Germany’s Axis. Mussolini took that last comment to be the most important statement of the conference. He re-boarded his plane and returned to Rome.
The keystone of the Fascist doctrine is its conception of the State, of its essence, its functions, and its aims. For Fascism, the State is absolute; individuals and groups, relative. -- Benito Mussolini
Chapter Ten: Benevolent Powers (8/24/38 - 9/11/38)
As soon as Athens fell and Greece surrendered, the entire army from the northern front immediately headed to the trains, and all of the men and equipment started moving north. The marines were left to garrison Athens. This gave these new units an opportunity to regroup and to figure out what went wrong and how it could be avoided in the future. Mussolini was more disappointed than angry, and tried to be understanding. Although the mistakes turned out to be fatal to those unfortunate marines on the beaches, it had not been fatal to the enterprise of the State. What was important now was that the mistake not be repeated in the future. The marine divisions were to be reorganized as pure marine divisions made up of three marine brigades only, no artillery support. This special force was also to be expanded into an entire four division corps, then eventually, a two corps army.
The deployment orders had been given, and the marines were squared away in Athens. So, Mussolini took this opportunity to fly to London in his specially equipped luxurious Savoia-Marchetti S.83.
The United Kingdom had submitted a diplomatic protest to Italy’s annexation of Greece, and Mussolini wanted an opportunity to speak directly with Chamberlain and explain to him face-to-face what he was trying to achieve and precisely what the United Kingdom did not have to fear. He arrived in London on August 28, 1938, and the two men held three days of one-on-one meetings.
Mussolini frankly told Chamberlain that the entire Balkans belonged in Italy’s sphere of influence, and Italy intended to maintain the peace in its sphere as it saw fit. (Mussolini was intentionally vague with Chamberlain in his use of the term “Balkans” and did not specify which countries he included in that descriptive term). He continued that the minor powers in this area were quarrelsome, tribal, and prone to petty disputes, and that those disputes had more than once engulfed the major powers in destructive and unnecessary wars. Italy intended to get all the minor powers in the area to submit to a central authority that will have the effect of sublimating all the petty border disputes between the minor fiefdoms. Not unlike the United Kingdom’s political dominance of India and her other overseas territories, Rome's dominance in the Balkans may not be to the local’s liking, but it is nevertheless in their best interests. To that end, Mussolini warned that there may be additional campaigns to which the UK may object, but Mussolini gave Chamberlain his personal assurance than none of Italy’s designs were directed at those areas in the Mediterranean under current British control. He was specific: Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, Egypt and the Levant. Italy had no problem living side-by-side in peace with another benevolent colonial power. So long as that power respected Italy in its sphere.
Chamberlain respected Mussolini’s directness and apparent sincerity, but it was difficult to read Chamberlain’s position on Italy’s stated Balkan plans. Chamberlain remained noncommittal. Rather, he seemed more obsessed with Hitler and Germany. Germany had remilitarized the Rhineland, violated the prohibitions on rearmament, annexed Austria, and voiced designs on the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia. Germany was also asserting diplomatic influence on the expansion-minded nations of Europe in an effort to get those minor powers to join Germany in the Axis. Chamberlain was obviously in grave fear of an impending war with Germany -- the same war that Mussolini knew to be inevitable. What Chamberlain most wanted to know was whether Italy intended to join the Axis powers.
Mussolini assured Chamberlain that Italy had no intention of joining the Axis, unless attacked by the United Kingdom or its allies.
As they parted, Chamberlain stated that the United Kingdom's official position was that it was “totally opposed” to Italy’s adventures in the Balkans, but he cryptically noted that those nations forced to submit to Mussolini’s "central authority" would not be able to join Germany’s Axis. Mussolini took that last comment to be the most important statement of the conference. He re-boarded his plane and returned to Rome.
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