Chapter III: A New Dawn
After the success of the diplomatic missions to Beijing, Heonjong decided to cement the long standing friendship with Edo, and thus dispatched a mission there. When the diplomats returned, they reported that they met with success, pleasing the Japanese court and receiving guarantees that the alliance would stand and Japan's great armies would leap to Korea's defence should the need arise. The diplomats were also taken on a tour by the Emperor, showing off the immense size of his well trained samurai armies. On a more sour note, the diplomats had also encountered Chinese ambassadors. One of the diplomats was versed in the Han dialect, and he overheard them discussing their alliance with the Japanese. This was somewhat troubling, but on the otherhand, it did place Korea in a position of strength, as Heonjong believed that China would not want to risk angering Japan by attacking their Korean ally.
The beginning of 1845 was otherwise quiet, which Heonjong was thankful for. This changed in June. Heonjong took Caroline on a retreat to idyllic Jeju island. Whispers abounded of a highly scandalous and improper affair, though the details of what happened on the island were never fully known. What was known, was that while Caroline was there she witnessed first hand the plight of the slaves in Korea. She had known about it previously, and had even encouraged Heonjong to emancipate them, but never had she seen it, or any slavery for that matter, with her own two eyes. When she did, she departed Jeju island with her French handmaidens in a furore. She arrived back in Seoul a day before Heonjong and locked herself in her quarters. Whispers of a lover's tiff echoed throughout the halls of the court, and even sinister plots to 'remove' the troublesome French dame from some of the more hardline Traditionalists, now that she was supposedly out of favour with Heonjong. When the King returned the following day he proceeded to her chamber where he was permitted to enter. This quelled the rumours that she was out of favour, but only served to exacerbate rumours of an affair. Either way, the Traditionalists were growing increasingly enraged. Taejong and many of his Royalists were also, to a lesser degree, fuming at the King's relationship with the royal tutor.
This anger would come to a boil the following day when Heonjong called the court together. After the traditional ceremonies that marked the beginning of court, rather than preparing to make an address himself, Heonjong announced that Caroline would be making an address. To cries of anger and excitement, though mostly the former, Caroline proceeded to passionately present a case for the abolition of slavery. When she finished she turned upon Heonjong and angrily demanded what he was going to do about this grave injustice and heinous sin against mankind. Heonjong was infuriated at her impudence. She had requested the chance to put her case to the court, but had not suggested she would be making any demands upon the King. This put Heonjong in a most difficult position, as the majority of the court was clearly grievously upset at the gall of Caroline, and for Heonjong to look weak would no doubt turn a large proportion of the courtiers against him. Heonjong rose from his throne and bellowed at the young woman, reminding her that
he was King.
Feeling that she was sufficiently cowed, Heonjong lowered his voice and cleared his throat, then proclaimed that while her manner was unacceptable, her proposition may have merit, but he would permit his advisors to argue for their own positions before he would make a decision. The court erupted in loud and vociferous argument, with many Modernists and even some Royalists arguing in favour. In the end, the pro-slavery arguments were far too prevalent, and Heonjong felt that things were unlikely to have changed radically from the last census of the people where the results were strongly in favour of slavery. Taejong, as Prime Minister, first declared that no change to the law would be made. The court's eyes turned to Heonjong, and he nodded slightly. Looking to Caroline, he thanked her for her suggestion and expressed admiration for her passion and dedication, then turned to Taejong and thanked him for his wisdom in understanding that slavery was necessary in Korea, at least at this point in time.
Caroline was infuriated by the outcome and retreated to her chambers again. Over the next week she would scarcely be seen in the palace halls. This was the least of Heonjong's concerns, however. Caroline's anger paled in comparison to the outrage of the Traditionalist's. It was not enough the the motion had been overturned, the mere fact it had been raised at all, and moreover raised by a French woman, was in their eyes a clear indication that Korea was on the path to oblivion. Just three days later Traditionalist insurgents launched the biggest riot against the Europeans to date. Thousands swarmed the European quarter on the morning of June 15th. Several were killed and hundreds beaten before the army managed to disperse the crowd and cordon off the quarter. For the next two days the people rioted, setting buildings on fire and assaulting the army. In the end the army prevailed, but the damage was incredible.
Artist's impression of the June Day Riot.
Heonjong was shocked in the aftermath of what became known as the June Day Riot. Disturbances were not uncommon, but such an explosive demonstration, with so many dead, had never before been seen. Taejong was becoming increasingly distant from Heonjong as the young King's support for these contentious issues alienated him from his previous mentor. This was creating a second split within the Royalists, between the more conservative who gravitated towards Taejong, and the more progressive who sympathised with Heonjong. Still, Heonjong felt that his support in the court was waning, and so he looked to make amends with the Traditionalists. He pledged that the issue of slavery would not again be questioned, and the Traditionalists in turn gave their word that they would encourage their network of supporters to raise their grievances peacefully and legally in the future.
Heonjong next sought to make amends with Caroline. He explained to her that Korea was not yet ready for such radical changes, but that he highly valued her tutelage and her friendship. In a pleading manner he made it clear that he would be most remiss if she returned to Paris. Reluctantly she agreed to stay. Over the next week Heonjong worked with Caroline and his supporters amongst the Modernists and Royalists in repairing his waning popularity. A new propaganda campaign was started, akin to the campaign launched by the Royalists back in 1835, spreading pamphlets with the King's face and a positive message all over Korea.
After the week had passed, Caroline had become less indignant. She apologised for her behaviour in court and admitted that she would have been heartbroken had she stormed off to Paris in a rage. She did not, however, let the issue of slavery rest. The day after her apology, as she tutored Heonjong again she brought up the issue of slavery. She suggested that he bring the topic up himself with support of the Modernists. Without the suggestion coming from a foreigner, she explained, it might not be such an outrageous proposition. The topic made Heonjong angry, but he discussed the issue with her nonetheless. She remained adamant that, despite any consequences it might entail, it was the best path to take. Heonjong agreed with her sentiments, but in the end dismissed her suggestion, unwilling to deal with the repercussions it would entail.
In August another ambassador arrived from France. This time Paris wished to set up an enclave in the city of Inchon. Heonjong was, as always, receptive, but confused as to how best proceed. The June Riot had been terrible, and militancy remained on the rise. He was also curious as to why French would be willing to come over here with the threat of such violence. Taejong decried the offer, proclaiming that he knew precisely why: the French were preparing to make Korea a colony. The ambassador was insistent that this was not at all the case. Paris wished to see Heonjong, and the Korean Kingdom, succeed. Louis-Philippe and his ministers felt that the best way to help Korea adjust to the modern world was to help bring all its people into contact with the West. Once people were used to Europeans, they would be much less resistant to change. In the end Heonjong was convinced by the ambassador's words and overruled Taejong's decision.
November saw Taejong's recruitment plan to establish a large and efficient bureaucracy in Seoul province come to fruition. Taejong advised Heonjong that the levels of census and tax collectors were now sufficient, and efforts should be directed elsewhere lest the bureaucracy become bloated. Heonjong ordered that the dissemination of the new scholastic system that had been developed over the last 10 years should be the highest priority. Recruitment efforts were now switched to recruiting monks and other educated Koreans to take up positions within this new system.
The start of the new year heralded the close of Taejong's term as Prime Minister. In June Heonjong declared the elections open. This time three candidates stood for election. Andong Kims would stand as the Traditionalist candidate, Taejong Joseon as the Royalist candidate and Dae-Jung Ahn as the Modernist candidate.
As the court deliberated, more unwelcome news filtered in from the west. First the Chinese Empire expanded at the expense of the Kokand Khanate, then the United Kingdom pushed further into the Panjabi mountains.
In the countryside rumblings were heard once again as militant anti-European elements stirred up trouble. The court turned once again to discussing methods of dealing with the dissent. Dae-Jung used the opportunity to bring the issue of the press to the fore in Korea for the first time. The only semblance of a press in Korea was the state run propaganda system that disseminated pamphlets and messages when the King willed it. Of course the lack of a newspaper was also largely due to the fact that literacy levels were dismally low throughout the Kingdom, but literacy was improving. Dae-Jung argued that, with the new education system, it would not be long before the people of Korea could either read a paper for themselves, or at least find someone near by who could read it for them. Having an outlet for their dissent, he suggested, would help mitigate outbursts such as the June Riot. Caroline was quite enthusiastic about this idea, and caught Heonjong's ear once more, urging him to push through the reform, with government censorship, of course. Heonjong was convinced and ordered the incorporation of a government newspaper, and to allow anyone else who wished to do so.
Naturally, the Traditionalists were strongly opposed, and Taejong was too. Although Heonjong had overruled Taejong several times in the past, Taejong's position was not weak. Taejong felt that Heonjong was going too far, and for the first time decided to contradict him. Using his powers as Prime Minister, Taejong undermined Heonjong's proclamation. In court he offered no argument, but when he convened the bureaucracy to carry out the order, he gave them an entirely different direction to follow. Taejong felt that the best way to combat the Traditionalist militias was to create a rival organisation loyal to the Royalists. He based this organisation around the European concept of the trade union. These organisations would be tied to the industry that the people worked in, and would organise them to attend social events, meetings and demonstrations. They would, obviously, be government controlled, and as such would engender loyalty to the crown and the Kingdom. He hoped it would help people adjust to the European presence and continued modernisation, but also hoped it would give him leverage to prevent further European encroachment. After all, the bureaucracy was largely loyal to the Royalists, and a nation wide strike would cripple the economy, forcing Heonjong to negotiate.
Taejong attempted to keep this hidden from Heonjong, and was successful at first. After all, the King rarely ventured beyond the palace walls, and he only involved his most loyal supporters in the deception. In December, when the end of the allotted deliberation time for the elections came about, the court at large was still mostly ignorant of Taejong's actions. Still highly popular for his diplomatic nous and economic success, he was resoundingly voted in for a return to the position of Prime Minister.
By the beginning of 1847 it was no longer possible to keep the new institution secret, as news spread throughout the Royalist faction. When the Royalists most sympathetic to Heonjong found out, they immediately informed Heonjong. Many of the Royalists, outraged at Taejong's deception, rallied around the equally enraged King. It looked as though a new split would happen within the Royalist party. As Heonjong and Taejong tried to outmanoeuvre one another in court, the Traditionalists sought to take advantage of this weakness, and reneged on their earlier agreement with the King, inciting more violence against the Europeans on 6th January. The army was dispatched again to round up the ringleaders amongst the peasantry.
Heonjong, preoccupied by the need to deal with this anti-European sentiment, temporarily forgot his rivalry with Taejong. Still convinced by the French ambassador's plan for helping the Korean people accustom to European presence, Heonjong sent an ambassador to Paris to negotiate an increased rate of establishing French expatriate communities. The newest one would be built in Kaesong.
The rivalry with Taejong was quickly brought to the fore once more in April. When Taejong found out about Heonjong's plan to increase French migration, he deigned to take immediate action. Attempting to utilise the new unions, he declared a nationwide strike until an official ban was put on any further migration. The Royalists loyal to Taejong joined with him, whilst those loyal to Heonjong were angered at the Prime Minister, but hesitant on what action to take. When Andong Kims, pleased by Taejong's actions, approached him with the offer to mobilise the Traditionalist insurgents in aid of the strike, Taejong all too readily accepted. For all his brilliance, when Taejong was roused to anger, he became blind to alienating his supporters. Just as he had sent the Modernists running from him earlier, the Royalists in support of Heonjong would not abide aligning themselves with the Traditionalists. These Royalists obfuscated Taejong's orders to the unions, and the result was far short of a nationwide strike. Aside from a few strikes, mostly in Seoul, and minor riots encouraged by the Traditionalists, the insurrection otherwise failed. Many of the Royalists who were on the fence, and even some Traditionalists who thought that this insurrection was going beyond the usual insurgency towards treason, now rallied around Heonjong. The majority of the court was in firm support of the King when he burst into court on the morning of April 4th and sacked Taejong.
New elections were called immediately. The more radical Modernists were calling for Taejon's exile, but Heonjong decided to be lenient on his uncle. He was permitted to remain in politics, but had to step down from leading the Royalist faction. A brief power struggle erupted between the conservative and more moderate elements of the Royalists. In the end Buyeo Uiseong, of the Uiseong clan, emerged as the new Royalist candidate for Prime Minister. Buyeo was young, at just 22 years old he was scarcely older than the now 19 year old King, but had much clout within the Royalist party for his moderation and pragmatism. He supported the French involvement in Korea, though hoped to slow their migration considerably, and advocated for continuing modernisation without radical political reform. His ability to please both the conservative and moderate elements of the party made him highly popular, and this pushed Taejong into the background. Disgraced, and feeling old now at 46 years old, Taejong decided to retire from politics, returning to the ancestral home of Joseon clan in Chungcheong Province.
As the new election campaign wore on, Caroline approached Heonjong about slavery again. This time she tried a different tactic, advocating that after the actions of Taejong, Heonjong needed to assert his royal authority. She encouraged him to circumvent the court altogether, which would be most possible now with the Kingdom lacking a Prime Minister. Heonjong was finally convinced, and on April 14th he ordered the bureaucracy to work in tandem with the army in order to free the slaves. Around Korea the new law was posted on every corner, proclaiming all men to be free. When news reached the court, there was a great disturbance. When Heonjong arrived, there was much argument. The Modernists were overjoyed with Heonjong's proclamation, the Traditionalists infuriated, and the Royalists angered mostly by the fact that Heonjong had subverted the court. Fortunately, Heonjong's European tutelage served him well. Caroline had trained him in the art of oratory, and he delivered a rousing speech to the court. He reminded them that this was a monarchy, and Heonjong sought to bring Korea into the modern age, to resist the colonialism of Europe, hold off the ambitions of the Chinese, and benefit all Koreans. Moreover, Heonjong now had a not insignificant portion of the peasants who were devotedly loyal to their liberator. Heonjong's authority was asserted, and crisis, at least for the time being, was averted.
Riding on his success, with the support of the Modernists and some Royalists, including Buyeo, Heonjong pushed through the original press reforms he had intended previously. The bureaucracy was tasked with incorporating a government paper immediately. Another propaganda campaign was started with the task of advising the peasantry that they would now have a voice, as their landlords could found their own papers. It was successful in quelling many dissenters, even the pro-slavery portion of the population that was angered by the recent emancipation.
Not everyone was placated, however, as September saw a minor riot against Europeans, this time in Hamhung province. The army swiftly handled the situation with only minor injuries sustained by Europeans.
The end of the new elections came on 6th October. Heonjong had put his support behind Buyeo, and the court was overwhelmingly in support of his candidacy. The first non-Joseon took the position of Prime Minister in 1847.
The court, and the country at large, quietened down for the rest of the year as people began to adjust to the new changes. 1848 opened with news to sour this good mood with the Kingdom of Burma ceasing to exist as an independent polity, and the United Kingdom establishing a protectorate over the regions that hadn't been annexed by the Chinese Empire.
Strange news came in March when ambassadors arrived from Paris. This was a common occurrence, but these ambassadors had never been seen in Seoul before. Moreover, they dressed very differently to the usual royal messengers. They dressed rather plainly, had brazen and disrespectful mannerisms, and did not speak Korean. After speaking with the French living in Seoul, the Ambassador and his aides burst out in anger, speaking threateningly. Those who could speak French in the court looked concerned. When Heonjong arrived, Caroline in tow, he asked after the cause for the disturbance. These men brought news of revolution. On February 22nd the people of Paris had risen up in bloody revolt, overthrowing the government. Prime Minister Guizot and his cabinet were forced to resign, while Louis-Phillipe was forced into exile.
'La Liberté guidant le peuple' - Artists representation of the 2nd French Revolution
The Second Republic was proclaimed, and many were not happy. Caroline was stunned, sobbing softly. The Seoul ambassador chased the Republican ambassadors out, while the court looked confused and uncertain how to react. Heonjong took aside one of the Modernist courtiers and asked him to chase after the Republican ambassadors. The King did not want to offend their potential new allies. People in Korea were not the only ones upset by this revolution, however, as in March the United Kingdom declared war on the fledgling republic. Heonjong viewed this with a mix of hope and concern: he hoped the French would knock the British down a peg or two, but was concerned that the republic, in its youth, would be incapable of withholding a concerted attack from the world's greatest power.
June brought with it more Europeans wishing to settle in Korea, but this time it was the Turks. The Ottoman Sultan sent an ambassador to offer the establishment of a military mission in Pyongyang. The Sultan would send a group of Janissaries to oversee the operation and train the Korean army in modern warfare. Heonjong was eager to accept and asked the Ottoman ambassador to proceed as soon as possible.
The arrival of yet more foreigners in Korea flared tempers once more. Another riot broke out in Seoul, but the Traditionalists, with their position in court less secure than previous, kept the demonstration largely peaceful.
Encouraging news came in early 1849. The philosophical work that Heonjong had commissioned had been completed. The printers were ordered to begin publishing the work immediately, and the newly trained educators were told to expect a new text book to become central to academic discourse. After consulting with the court, Heonjong reached a consensus with how the government should focus its budget for research. A government stipend was to be given to Korean artists, to encourage the development of new and inventive styles. The court hoped this would bring great prestige to Korea, and lift it from obscurity onto the world stage.
An unfortunate incident erupted on 1st June in Seoul. The Traditionalists had been sufficiently cowed in recent years, and Andong Kims had switched his focus to building a respectable political party. Thus, the Traditionalist party proper had been downplaying violent insurgencies and encouraging peaceful, but angry, demonstrations against the Europeans. One such demonstration was held on 1st June, until it was interrupted. Jesuits had recently arrived from France, particularly since the recent revolution. When the mob marched into the European quarter, they blocked its way, confident that they were protected by Korean law, and declared that these sinners were not welcome. The Traditionalist leaders demanded that the priests move and allow the demonstration to proceed, and when they refused the mob turned violent. Once again the army was called in to disperse the crowd. Fortunately, noone was killed.
The Traditionalists now petitioned Heonjong to come to their aid. They claimed that they were provoked by the priests, and these Catholics with their proselytising did not belong in Korea. They demanded the expulsion of the Jesuits and a ban on their entering Korea. Heonjong refused to even negotiate on such terms, alienating the Traditionalists once again. Andong Kims withdrew in disgust, still attending court, but less often and more distant and hostile with each showing. Heonjong felt that he had acted too brashly, and that he had undone years of work in bringing the Traditionalists under control. There was nothing to be done now, other than begin to prepare for an inevitable showdown.
It was now a new decade, and Korea was changing ever more rapidly. Heonjong issued another census of the court to review the great political shifts of the previous five years. He was pleased to see that Royalist support remained strong, but less pleased to see that the Traditionalists were gaining in strength at the expense of the Modernists. Still, things were progressing strongly. Heonjong's position and influence had been reaffirmed, and the court was less preoccupied with internal squabbles. The future of Korea looked bright.