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Your early start must have sent the pre-designed colonisation off the track. I presume Portugal might lack the naval advisor to enact a colonial route decision.

Huh! This proves my point somehow. If Castile has Seahawks as its 4th NI, it means it has not enacted the colonial route decision either; otherwise it'd have Naval Provisioning (given automatically at opting for colonisation decision).

Fear not. This is still way too early. I've played 1399 starts before; the exploration events generally don't start kicking off until the late 1480s/early 1490s, and colonisation itself a decade or two later. I've actually played up to about 1490 in game time, and yes by that time Portugal (and Castile, I think) has the Naval Provisioning NI.

EDIT: Here are the 1490 NIs for the major prospective colonisers.

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And here are England's NIs circa 1490:

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I am having a hard time deciding what my 5th NI ought to be. I should note straight away that I am not aiming for MC&E as I feel I can generate enough explorers via event, and specialising in MC&E seems like too great a sacrifice of valuable NI slots.

Right now I am leaning toward National Trade Policy (to allow the awesome "Trade Supremacy" colonisation focus), or Colonial Ventures to boost the number of colonists I get—once I start getting them a decade or two down the road. Naval Provisioning is going to happen anyway via event so that's out of the running.

Would be interested in hearing everyone's questions/comments/tomatoes on selection of the 5th NI, and NI selection in general.
 
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I'm not an expert in MMU by any means, but I would probably go for National Trade Policy, since the Trade Supremacy focus sounds too good to pass up. Besides, more specialization is always better in an AAR than a generic boost like more colonists.
 
I feel eventhough I lack the mod and the later add on's, either a military idea to boost the English in the inevitable battles with the...well pretty much as I've said before the WHOLE WORLD,;) at one time or another or something that brings in the cash. Hence NTP...
Colonial Ventures to boost colonization a couple decades down the road versus something valuable from day one, I'd pick the latter.
 
I don't know enough about MMU to provide any specific feedback, but National Trade Policy seems like it would give benefits now rather than in 20 years or so, which is presumably how long it'll take for to get a positive colonist rate. Swapping out of an NI can be relatively painless providing your territory is sufficiently rich and cored, so it's not like you can't change later.
 
Not in MMU it isn't. Switching an NI in MMU is horrifyingly painful. Not just a stab hit but a series of events trigger.

That may be overselling it—slightly. NI switching in MMU can be done relatively painlessly provided you take precautions and set yourself up for a rapid return to +3 stability.

But I tend to think it ought to be done when one's nation is small and stab costs are not onerous. I would never try it with a huge globe-spanning empire. And England is probably beyond the size/threshold where it can be easily handled, right now.
 
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a military idea to boost the English in the inevitable battles with the...well pretty much as I've said before the WHOLE WORLD,;)
This is a thought! I'm not sure it's that necessary, but pbly if you want to hold onto you continental holdings (France has 2 land NIs and it tends to pick more), you might need at least one land idea. Grand Army seems the best choice, or if you feel you can spare one more slot for a land NI then Regimental System as a prerequisite to the very powerful Elite Regiments. I feel England needs land NIs giving better land forcelimits (Grand Army 50%, Regimental System 25%); the other bonuses seems nice too -3% land tech of Grand Army makes it worth taking early; Regimental System, considered weak by most players, helps replenish armies and this was the biggest issue during your last war. :p

Low land forcelimit is England's problem. Other handicaps such as discipline, morale and war exhaustion can be bypassed by other means than a NI (sliders, advisors, decisions)

Colonial Ventures to boost colonization a couple decades down the road versus something valuable from day one, I'd pick the latter.
I think Colonial Ventures are not worth it. You can get colonists through 'extractive prerogative' (or whatever its name) colonial policy, viable early when you have a handful of colonies; you'll get modifiers giving colonists as soon as you become a coloniser anyway. England can pretty much colonise without colonial NIs. Maybe Veceroys down the line; although I think you can do pretty well with just naval NIs. You'll get naval provisioning with a colonial decision and you can pick one more naval NI later, they do boost trade.

National Trade Policy is not a bad choice either. I can't see imediate advantages though. The 10% to TE, hmm... will it really increase your income? Since it'll take some time before England becomes a true colonial power the colonial 'trade supremacy' is not needed yet. NTP opens up National Bank and this is a worthwhile NI for England: boost to tax plus inflation reduction. But again I think it can wait. If you decided to ditch your continental territories, I might say; 'go for it'; but if not, don't you need a land NI?

I see one more interesting choice: Internal Security. There is a lot under the hood to this NI and it does seem to help with piracy (and, well, almost all your provs will be coastal). Administrative efficiency boost can't be overlooked either.

From your pic it's obvious both Portugal and Castile have taken colonial decisions. Portugal pbly even two (Viceroys). Castile managed to squeeze Seahawks, but Portugal must have taken the colonial decisions even earlier than in regular start as normally they manage to pick one more NI before the colonial one. Actually that's good for you, as Porugal has one NI less and is weaker (ooops, I forgot they're your allies! :)). Still, as they have 3 naval NIs and are your competitors you might need at least one more naval NI later, but it's not a priority.

Can't wait to see what you decide on. :)
 
Well, everyone has marshalled admirable pros and cons. I don't know right away what the answer will be, but I have been given a lot of food for thought.

Forcelimits are a concern, sure, but there is some room there right now. England's 1477 land force limit is about 59; I could sustain an army of about 42-48k in peacetime with reduced maintenance, but I would have to be uber-careful about saving because that army would bankrupt me after a year's fighting at full maintenance. The 36k army I had in 1470 was clearly way too small for the neighbourhood I'm in; I like to run a little bit below the threshold in order to pay for buildings/improvements, but this time the gap between the limit and the actual army was too tempting for the AI to ignore. Add that to the fact that I spent my war chest on domestic improvements and I was kind of screwed from the outset.

This is one of the features of MM that forces you to save like a miser in peacetime so you can afford a 5-year war 10 years down the road. You can't afford to run a forcelimit-sized army in wartime without having saved several years in advance. Hence the desire for an economic NI that would make that task easier and eventually lead to National Bank.

That said, even if I had a 59k army and 5 years of wartime funding, at some point soon France's land-heavy NIs will help their army outclass mine. So I see the logic and necessity of taking a military NI in the near future. I had Military Drill in mind, but Grand Army has attractive tech bonuses. I don't think I will ever be able to compete with the French army on quantity, so that is why I left the quality slider at it's starting position way over to the left. England's army will almost always have to be smaller but highly capable.

Internal Security does have some advantages too, but is somewhat antithetical to my roleplaying goals. That one I think I can rule out for certain.

In the long run I don't know if I can hang on to Normandy at all. I could probably manage it if I made friends with Castile again, but right now relations are sour and even bribery will not help as they soon acquire a serious anti-English attitude via random event. England's army alone is not going to master the French; that much is crystal clear. But they still need improvement in order to have increased odds.

So I guess it all boils down to an economic NI to try and boost income, or a military NI to try and increase the effectiveness of the army. Tough choice. :confused:
 
A belated well done for another excellent update. Sometimes it is more interesting to read of upsets than an unending string of successes.
 
XV. Mary Lancaster - 1477-1483: Early Life of Mary of Peterborough ~ Queen of Scots ~ Prince Regent
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Capitulum XV.
Repair those violent harms that my two sisters
Have in thy reverence made!

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The future Queen Mary was born at Peterborough Castle in 1417, the third child of Henry of Monmouth, Prince of Wales (the future King Henry V) and Katharina von Braunschweig-Lüneburg. With only a year and a few months' difference in age, sisters Jane and Mary generally got along well. Elder brother Harry was a decade their senior, and though quite busy with the training and studies expected of a future king, was tolerant and occasionally indulgent toward his younger siblings. When the sisters' antics incited their mother's wrath, Harry turned their tears into giggles through wickedly comic imitations of Katharina's German-accented English. Later the girls doted on younger brother Augustus (born 1419), who was also their mother's clear favourite.

Following his accession to the throne in 1420, Henry V's household moved to Eltham Palace, and the family remained there following his untimely death in 1421. The 15-year old Prince Harry (now King Henry VI) had to concern himself with the business of the realm, and 5-year-old Jane became heir presumptive. In 1423, a succession crisis in Lüneburg resulted in 4-year-old Augustus inheriting that realm (the Germans did not wish to be ruled from London by Henry VI, and the girls were ineligible due to Salic law). To ensure the regency's loyalty to her youngest son, Katharina and Augustus returned to Lüneburg; the girls remained in England under the care of their uncles, the Dukes of Bedford and Gloucester. On Henry VI's death in 1428, Jane became sovereign and Mary heir presumptive; the uncles served on the Regency Council that ruled until Jane's majority in 1431.

Though they learned the languages, arts and domestic skills customarily expected of noble women, the queen and princess also received training in archery, riding and hunting. Often they were able to prevail upon the castellan or master-at-arms for additional schooling in the arts of war; especially from those knights and men who had served with their father in Granada. Virtually everyone in the royal household felt a great deal of sympathy for the orphaned young girls, and were willing to indulge their interest in martial matters—especially if it kept the girls' focus off the grief of being separated from father, mother and brothers in such rapid succession.

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NON EST EI SIMILIS

Inevitably the confluence of young women, handsome knights and strenuous physical training led to some regrettable infatuations. Mary became enamoured with courtier Hugh de Camoys, 2nd Baron Camoys, who was four years older. When Queen Jane moved to reconquer Armagnac in 1432, Baron Camoys went to Gascony as part of Mary's army. During the war the infatuation developed into something more serious, leading to Camoys commissioning the infamous Venus portrait of the Princess of Wales in 1434. Jane immediately moved to separate the two, with the baron receiving a highly dangerous and undesirable posting in Gibraltar. Princess Mary was given an unusual and humbling public rebuke by her regal sister, and the incident created a serious rift in their relationship. Camoys was no rogue, but politically and socially he could add nothing to the Lancaster dynasty; Jane considered her sister's attachment to the baron an obstacle to her own plans.

In early 1443 the 26-year-old Mary was informed that, in the interests of English diplomacy, she was to wed Maximilian, Count of Gorizia—a handsome and charismatic scion of Austria's Habsburg dynasty. That union would eventually produce three children: Wilhelm (born 1445), Katharina (born 1447) and Cecilie (born 1449). Though the couple shared a love of hunting and outdoor pursuits, they were otherwise completely incompatible and fought constantly. The count was at a marked disadvantage, for in this realm his wife was mistress and he a mere drone. The stress soon peeled away the Count's charming facade, and both the princess and the nation were horrified to discover that the worst sort of haughty, grasping aristocrat lay beneath.

Dissatisfied with being given an English earldom, Maximilian regularly demanded to be created a Crown Prince—equal in rank and precedence to his wife. And as their acrimony grew, the Princess' husband wasted much of her annual income on his own retainers and favourites, leaving little for Mary to employ for herself and their children. Over time, Maximilian became ever more condescending and cruel to his wife, even at court—frequently leaving the princess and his children in tears. It was therefore not altogether surprising when the middle-aged Mary sought comfort in the arms of her old flame Hugh de Camoys, who had survived what was meant to be a lengthy (if not fatal) assignment in Gibraltar. The Queen's tacit acceptance of her sister's affair marked a reconciliation between the two and the beginning of the end for Maximilian.

Parliament too had seen enough. In 1455 the lords threatened to prevent Maximilian and his Habsburg-Lancaster offspring from ever inheriting the throne—unless he agreed to reconcile with his wife, renounce his Continental lands and titles, drastically curtail his spending, and dismiss the Austrian retainers from his service. He refused, and was forced to live under house arrest at Berkeley Castle in Gloucestershire. But after petitioning his wife and the sovereign, Maximilian was granted a rare reprieve from confinement in the summer of 1460; he was allowed to hunt in the Royal Forest of Dean, accompanied by his jailer Baron Berkeley. While there Maximilian became separated from his hunting party and was apparently mauled and decapitated by a bear. A subsequent search failed to locate either the animal or the severed head, but claw-like slashing wounds were clearly evident on the body. Public speculation at the time—not entirely unsympathetic—hinted that one or both of the royal sisters had a hand in the incident. Mary made no secret of the fact that she was glad to be rid of her husband; she even replaced her wedding portrait with one depicting her younger self as Judith beheading Holofernes—with the head of the Assyrian general strongly resembling that of the deceased Maximilian.


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The Princess of Wales as Judith with the head of Holofernes. Mary is depicted as she was in the year of her wedding, c. 1443. Recently uncovered correspondence suggests that Vienna's acquiescence to Maximilian's death was the quid pro quo demanded for Queen Jane obtaining a papal annulment of Archduke Joseph's first marriage.

In order to secure their right to the English throne and forestall any parliamentary opposition, Mary and her offspring issue a proclamation reverting the family's dynastic name from Habsburg-Lancaster to simply Lancaster, renouncing claims to any Austrian titles, and anglicising their names to William, Catherine and Cecily. With this action the main Habsburg line more or less ended, having also been supplanted in their native Austria by the Ascanians in 1450. Thereafter Mary's responsibilities at court increased, and it was always she that ruled England as regent when the Queen-Empress was away in Constantinople.
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ALIS VOLAT PROPRIS

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Mary I of England, c. 1477.

England's defeat in the Castilian and French wars has a profound effect on Jane; within a year of signing the peace treaties, Mary's sister will be dead (from a broken heart, according to poets and balladeers of the age). The nation that Mary inherits is still one of western Europe's major powers, but it has been enervated by the intense Continental wars (manpower 4,668, war exhaustion 11.15/26).

The coronation of a new Queen brings some new courtiers and radical ideas to the fore, but in the end Mary does not deviate significantly from the feudal norms established by her predecessors. (Government Technology level 9; allows Merchant Republic, Oligarchic Monarchy.) Not everyone is happy to see a new sovereign, however, especially one with Mary's wretched marital history. The English ambassador to Vienna, Baron Latymer, has spent many years in Austria and is rumoured to be a little too sympathetic to his hosts. When Mary desires to reproach the Archduke for his lacklustre war effort, Latymer wiggles out of the assignment by claiming ill health and resigning his diplomatic commission.


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The beginning of Mary's reign sees some dissent in the diplomatic corps, but an improvement in army leadership.

The Austrian war in Turkey is shaping up to be an unmitigated disaster for them, though less so for the English. The Turks abruptly ended their reconquest of Rhodes in a white peace just a few months after it had started, saving the Knights and the Byzantines from the travails of war. Instead the Ottomans focused their might on subduing the Principality of Moldavia, who in turn sought the help of the Holy Roman Emperor. By 1477 Moldavia has been completely overrun and occupied by the Turks, a fate that has also befallen the Austrian vassal of Wallachia. The Emperor's forces have been bested by the Ottomans on several occasions and are now fleeing in disorder; the losses have created ripples felt in every level of society (Austria's stability is -2, war exhaustion 9.43).

Things are less chaotic further south; the truce with Byzantium has allowed three reconstituted English armies to operate with near-impunity in Ottoman-held Greece. By December of 1477 the provinces of Corfu, Epirus, and Euboea are in English hands. In March of 1478, the Duke of Albermarle defeats 4,000 Turks outside Thessalonica, killing or imprisoning half. But these losses are a mere trifle to the Ottomans, who can still draw upon tens of thousands of men while English levies are approaching zero. In order for England to capitalise on her gains, the Ottoman advance into the Balkans would have to be reversed; Wallachia and Moldavia would have to be liberated.

In the end, the inexorable logic of supply and manpower dictate the result. England has no more chance of freeing the Balkans alone than an antelope has of turning back a pride of lions. A lengthy blockade might eventually bring the Osmanic Empire to its knees, but England's own population will tire of the conflict long before the Turks ever do.


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Despite tactical victories in Greece, neither the army nor the nation can afford to stay in the war.

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LUPUS IN FABULA

The succession of the Kingdom of Scotland had been contested in a low-grade civil war ever since 1402, when the Duke of Albany arrested and murdered David Stewart, Duke of Rothesay and heir to the throne. Albany had hoped to bring the crown into his own branch of the family, and connived with the Earl of Douglas to keep David's younger brother (the future James I) a captive in England for 22 years.

James I eventually regained his kingdom, but his twin sons by Joan Beaufort perished before their time—Alexander in infancy, and James the Younger in 1446 while serving with Anglo-Scottish forces in France. With no further sons of his own, the King of Scots had little choice but to consider Albany and Douglas candidates for succession. No less than three young noblemen became Duke of Rothesay between 1447 and 1460, though each died in suspicious circumstances. King James himself survived an assassination attempt in 1460 and the subsequent English invasion in 1464, but the succession was still in dispute when he died in early 1468. Since that time a Regency Council dominated by the Albany-Douglas faction has held sway over Scotland, selecting one of their own sons as King of Scots.


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But when the 13-year-old James II dies in April of 1478, old suspicions are roused and threaten to erupt into armed clashes once more. As Scotland's liege lord, Mary puts herself forward as a potential Queen of Scots, but is rejected by the Regency (Scotland refuses annexation attempt). Her ambitious new Lord Chancellor—Jonathan Howard, Duke of Norfolk—persuades the Queen to try a different tack.

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Rather than approach the regents, Howard outflanks them by negotiating directly with the Estates of Scotland. The Scottish aristocracy is offered the same "surrender and regrant" proposal that proved successful in Ireland: surrender their lands to the English crown and receive them back as freeholds, obligated only to pay a feudal levy. In return they will receive the protection of the English army and navy, be formally recognised in the peerage of the realm, and also gain a seat in a new unified Parliament. As an added incentive, England will grant the Scots preferential access to the major trading centres of London and Constantinople.

In the Scottish parliament, supporters of the Queen and union (known as the "Court party") are in the minority. But through diligent persuasion, greater discipline—and, it must be admitted, copious infusions of cash from London—the Court party grows in number, eventually outweighing opponents of the union (known as the "Country party").

On November 8th, 1478, the Estates of Scotland and the Parliaments of England and Ireland agree on the first of several statutes—known as the Acts of Union, 1478—bringing the three realms together under one crown and one legislature. A parliamentary commission with representatives from all three realms begins the decades-long task of harmonising their laws and customs into a unitary whole.


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Following passage of the act in all three parliaments, Queen-Empress Mary alters the Lancaster escutcheon to include the red lion rampant of Scotland on the dexter side, replacing the arms of France. Though the Queen still maintains a claim to the throne of France, it is the first tacit admission that England's ability to enforce it is much diminished.

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The performance of the Navy Royal in England's last set of wars was less than stellar, and opinion within Parliament (and the fleet itself) is that major reforms in tactics, doctrine and equipment are needed. The integration of Scottish noblemen and naval officers into the fleet provides just such an opportunity.

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In the spring of 1479, the Duke of Brittany's visit to London results in a diplomatic gaffe. As the Duke is being presented to Queen Mary in the great hall of Westminster, she abruptly rises from the throne and wanders off, chatting amiably with courtiers. An alternately mystified and horrified court looks on as the foreign prince sputters in indignation, but the Prince of Wales salvages the situation. William smoothly takes his mother's place, greeting the Duke and his entourage with all the homage, honour and effusiveness due a king or emperor; he begs their indulgence for his mother's absence, undoubtedly due to sudden fatigue or ill feeling. (Event "Diplomatic Insult", selected "Try to ease the tension"; relation between Brittany and England changed by 60.) When questioned later, Mary seems shocked to discover that any meeting was supposed to take place.

On the continent, the tiny Kingdom of Navarre is once again beset by a more powerful enemy. In June neighbouring Aragon declares war, though this latest attempt at military subjugation will prove no more successful than its predecessors.

July sees the beginning of a minor revolt by Maltese patriots, but the insurrection is quelled by the arrival of a constabulary force in the fall.


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England's defeat in the recent Continental wars can be chalked up to a complex set of interdependent economic, military and political factors. The basics are well enough understood within the halls of government, but little effort is made to communicate them to a wider audience. To the average man in the street and priest in the pulpit, there is a more obvious cause: England has turned from the path of religious obedience. The country's monarchs partook of both true Catholic and heretical Orthodox rites; Providence will not grant English armies victory until the heresy has been purged. By the autumn of 1479, a religious revival is underway in England, Ireland and Scotland with dangerous implications for the Byzantine protectorate.

Mary is no theologian, but she understands the art of government well enough. Heretical or not, any serious attempt to convert the Greek territories would run straight into the decrees of religious toleration granted by her sister. To override them is possible but would create great unrest, and any revolts would have to be quelled by troops—which happen to be in short supply, owing to the wars.

The Queen calls a special session of Parliament in order to correct the Lords Temporal and Spiritual. Mary declares in no uncertain terms that the age of crusading is over, and that the religious compromises made by her sister will stand. She pleads for understanding and amicable toleration of Latin/Orthodox doctrinal differences, coining what will come to be known as the Marian doctrine—In necessariis unitas, in dubiis libertas, in omnibus caritas ("in necessary things unity; in uncertain things freedom; in everything compassion"). Copies of the address are posted in every city, town and village throughout England, Scotland, Ireland and Greece. Such ecumenism is generally considered sensible to us today, but it was out of step with the tenor of its times and not well-liked by the clergy or commons; being the will of the monarch, it nonetheless had to be obeyed.


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But Mary's virtuoso performance is soon followed by a rapid decline in her cognitive abilities. During the winter of 1479-80, the Privy Council and Parliament are witness to signs of senility and increasingly erratic behaviour. The 63-year-old Queen's attention span is shrinking, and she often forgets words and the names of common objects. Most worryingly, she gets mixed up and confused carrying out simple tasks—forgetting how to sign documents, getting lost in the palace trying to find her private apartments. The country breathes a sigh of relief in the spring when the Prince of Wales assumes most of the burden of government—effectively acting as Prince Regent. (Stability increases, now level 0.)

William soon moves his own household into Sheen Palace (to be closer to court), while his mother will remain in the more tranquil setting of Eltham Palace and its surrounding parks.

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The Marian doctrine's focus on social harmony is beneficial for commerce in London—where one's religion is of lesser importance than one's ability to pay. Though finance and trade have suffered from the loss of Gascony, the expansion of markets, workshops and trading networks into Scotland will eventually offset those losses completely.

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THE THIRD ROME

When the Eastern Roman Empire entered personal union with England and Ireland in 1463, there was grumbling from some Orthodox noblemen and clergy in eastern Europe. It was posited that Nova Roma (Constantinople) had fallen to Catholic heretics, and that England—lacking an Orthodox state church—could not be Byzantium's true successor.

This is certainly the view of the Grand Duchy of Moscow, whose ruler likes to think of himself as the last stalwart of dwindling Orthodoxy. Moscow adheres to the true faith, and the city was even built upon seven hills—just like Rome—whereas London was not. In August of 1480, Grand Duke Vasiliy IV Rurikovich marries Zoe Palaiologina, daughter of a noble Greek family that had once ruled the empire. Vasiliy emphasises his claim to the Byzantine legacy by adopting the Empire's double-headed eagle emblem as his own, and having himself crowned Tsar (Caesar) of all the Russias.


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In London the pronouncement is met with a yawn and studied indifference. Russia is geographically extensive, but economically and militarily backward. It can barely fight off the Mongol hordes to its south and east, and cannot challenge English stewardship of Greece itself. In fact there have been no Byzantine rebellions against foreign rule, and local potentates are certainly happy with the autonomy they enjoy. Many Greeks are somewhat insulted by Russian pretensions, considering their own empire very much alive and intact.
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Despite having no obvious talent for government (like his aunt) or warfare (like his mother), the Prince Regent's steady hand upon the tiller of state has steered England away from the shoals of civil chaos. William may not have exceptional talents of his own, but his saving grace is possession of keen insight and brutal honesty, knowing exactly where his own abilities fall short. The prince has thus empowered a coterie of more highly skilled advisors who can better manage the machinery of state.

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William's personal reputation for forthright dealing ensures that the Privy Council is blessed by an influx of humble, guile-free noblemen who—though they may not be the absolute pinnacle of skill—are at least trying to do the right thing with a minimum of petty politics, squabbling and intrigue.

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Similarly, both monarch and commons are pleased when ecclesiastical lawyer Thomas Kempe—descended from a modest family in Wye parish, near Ashford—is elevated to Bishop of London in March of 1482. (Event "Peasant success story" in Kent, selected "hold him up as a model". Relations between England the Papal State changed by 30. Kent gets "Hometown pride" until 21 March 1484: Local revolt risk -1.00, Local tax modifier +5.0%, Yearly missionaries +0.05, Yearly prestige 0.5%.)
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In the spring of 1482, the Papal States conclude a war against a former French vassal, the Count-Dauphin of Auvergne. As compensation for the war the county is absorbed into the Church's French possessions, becoming a part of the diocese of Auvergne-Avignon-Dauphiné.

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At the end of spring, Prince William grants Parliament's lower house some minor legislative prerogatives, a move that—to the surprise of many—is unopposed by the House of Lords. (Slider moved toward Plutocracy.)

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In the early 15th century, the execution of religious reformer Jan Hus sparked a major uprising in Bohemia. Within a few years of his death there would be a Hussite revolution against the Bohemian monarchy, the German aristocracy of the Empire, and the Catholic hierarchy. For two decades the Hussite peasant armies successfully defied a series of international crusades; eventually king and church would be forced to compromise with the rebels at the Council of Basel. The subsequent Compacta of Prague saw the creation of a reformed church almost a century before it would occur anywhere else in Europe.

Some of this radical theology and its believers have migrated west over the years, eventually finding a home in Normandy. The summer of 1482 sees a faint echo of the Hussite rebellion as populist heretics in Évreux stage a revolt against the ecclesiastical authorities. The rebels expect leniency and possibly even toleration due to the Marian doctrine, but they are dismayed to learn that such toleration only applies in Greece. Within England proper, Catholic liturgy and practice are the rule of the day.

Unfortunately for them, the Norman heretics do not enjoy the successes of their Bohemian predecessors; the provincial garrison is able to extinguish the uprising in a few short months.


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On the 8th of December, 1483, Queen Mary's struggle with mental illness comes to an end. She passes away at Eltham Palace, aged 66 (the longest-lived of all of Henry V's children), having reigned just 6 years, 4 months and 7 days.

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Funeral procession for Queen-Empress Mary, c. 1483.

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ENGLAND c. 1483

William III Lancaster (ADM 5/DIP 3/MIL 4)
By the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland and France and Lord of Ireland
True Emperor and Autocrat of the Romans, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine,
Earl of Artois, Cambray, Picardy and Malta

Dynastic Links:
~ Burgundy (Duke Henri II Lancaster-Valois-Bourgogne)
~ Cyprus (Basileus Eudes III Lancaster-Lusignan)
~ Lüneburg (Duke Friedrich III Lancaster-Brunswick-Lüneburg)

Treasury: £6.4 million (64m ducats)
GDP (estimated): £101.36 million (1,013.6m ducats)
Domestic CoTs: London £48.84 million (488.42m ducats), Constantinople £23.54 million (235.49m ducats)

Army: 12,000 Knights (Chevauchée), 24,000 Longbowmen
Reserves (potential levies): 17,534
Navy: 24 Carracks, 24 Pinnaces, 21 Cogs
Discipline: 116.40%
Tradition: Army 37.20% Navy 38.80%

Prestige: Thirteenth (44.90)
Reputation: Tarnished (3.71/15.00)
Legitimacy: 100

Nota auctoris: How time flies, dear readers! It seems like just a short while ago we were voting on those AAR awards, and now appears that it is time again once more. Here are the details for the AARland Choice AwAARds, Q1 2011.

While I'd be pleased as punch to receive my readers' votes in the EU history book category for this quarter, I'd be just as happy if you voted for someone else, too. (No, really!)

Why? Well, it takes a lot of time and effort to fill out a ballot, and it's been said in other threads that participation is declining. So even if I don't eke out a win, I'm still happy that the awards survive and that enough people care to make sure somebody wins. There are many great AAR authors out there—for all the Paradox games—who would appreciate the encouragement and recognition.
 
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I'm a big fan of this AAR. It's very complex and well thought-out!
 
Very good AAR, I've been reading it all and I don't like aars too much, guess it's a style thing. While a mechanical gaming style would consider that nobleman, that general just a name, they have a story of their own.
Seems like your tuning up England after the last wars. Which direction going now? That Byzantium stuff looks like keeping one of your feet in the East. Will the other feet reach the Far West without major complications? Or you'll stay in Europe?
Anyway, good luck
 
Scotland's gone, Russia's rising, and England's in mourning. It just keeps getting better. :D
 
I'm a big fan of this AAR. It's very complex and well thought-out!

Very good AAR, I've been reading it all and I don't like aars too much, guess it's a style thing.

Scotland's gone, Russia's rising, and England's in mourning. It just keeps getting better. :D

Thank you gents! I try to keep it interesting even when—from a strictly gameplay perspective—things aren't as action-packed as the wartime years.

While a mechanical gaming style would consider that nobleman, that general just a name, they have a story of their own.

Some generals/advisors lend themselves to epic stories by pulling off impossible deeds in gameplay. Saunders dying at Pamplona while also thrashing the hell out of the Castilians, for example. An almost perfect analogue to General Wolfe at Quebec.

Other times it just boils down to pragmatism. Hmm, I have this screenshot... How can I cram it into the story? And also have it make sense with the sorta-related screenshot five years down the road?

Seems like your tuning up England after the last wars. Which direction going now? That Byzantium stuff looks like keeping one of your feet in the East. Will the other feet reach the Far West without major complications? Or you'll stay in Europe?
Anyway, good luck

England's being retooled for Atlantic colonial expansion with less focus (sorry blsteen) on kicking Continental behind. Mainly due to the fact that the current monarch and heir are just not suited for wartime heroism.

Byzantium will get jettisoned at some point. The only thing I am waffling over is whether to keep Thrace. It's not a particularly valuable CoT, but I get queasy when I think about selling it to Greece (after inheritance). It won't be their capital, and they probably won't think twice about giving it up to the Ottomans in a peace deal. Part of me is reluctant to see that happen.

The other struggle is whether to break the Byzantine PU by allowing prestige to fall into the sub-basement, or try to hold out for inheritance and then sell it off to Crete/Greece. Well, honestly, prestige is going to fall into the basement anyway, due to those un-owned cores in Gascony... It's not really optional.

Jane gone, now Mary gone and with them seemingly alot of English chutzpah...of course they now have Scottish bravado to fill the void...We'll see how well that works out!

The girls had much better MIL stats than almost all of their predecessors and successors (to date). They kind of lent themselves to ass-whooping. I don't know why my male monarchs can't get good MIL stats to save their lives.

My short-term strategy is to try to avoid a major Continental dust-up while colonisation and the Reformation kick off... Then pick a side and go at it.

As you'll see in the next update, most of the heavyweights of the early 15th century have experienced a significant reversal in the latter half, and other countries are coming to the fore.
 
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Just FYI, those last two quotes by me were actually by Nombre. :)
 
England's being retooled for Atlantic colonial expansion with less focus (sorry blsteen) on kicking Continental behind. Mainly due to the fact that the current monarch and heir are just not suited for wartime heroism.
Booo hisss
That's why you hire generals (if Wellington could fight for George the Third) I'm sure you could scrape up a couple