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I just read this and it is FANTASTIC! Not to take away from other AARs but the MMU history book AARs blow me away with their amazingness. Axzhang's Genoa, or Vishaing's A Tale of 2 Germanies are 2 among many that are great.

Thanks for the kind words wolfcity, and welcome aboard! It's a wonderful mod for a terrific game. Paradox and the MM team have done superlative work.

Likewise, there are lots of great AARs out there in each game's AAR subforum; in fact I just found out that there are quarterly user-selected awards! Here's the link to the thread for the Q4 2010 award:

AARland Choice AwAARds Round 4

If you guys can spare a couple of minutes to vote—and I won't be too heartbroken if you don't vote for me :D—there are lots of folks all around the world sharing their wonderful game experiences with us, and I'm sure they will be pleased to know that somebody out there is enjoying their writing.
 
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Brilliant AAR, with wonderful (and plausible) explanations for game events. Will certainly be adding this to my vote in the AARland Choice AwAARds Round 4.

I haven't played any EU3 for a while and not as England since EU2. I always had mixed feelings about beating the French. You kind of want to do it, but an English Kingdom full of French people loses the isolation from the Continent that was so important in shaping English national identity.
 
Brilliant AAR, with wonderful (and plausible) explanations for game events.

Thank you. Plausibility can be challenging, because the game often throws WTF events at the player (and we've all seen the AI behave stupidly). I hope I can continue to keep things believable as the game progresses.

I always had mixed feelings about beating the French. You kind of want to do it, but an English Kingdom full of French people loses the isolation from the Continent that was so important in shaping English national identity.

I know what you mean; overpowering France early is satisfying, but then you're Europe's 900-pound gorilla, and unless you are going to face off against the HRE or Ming, there won't be too many nail-biting moments. That is why I'm taking things slowly there and haven't sought to really incapacitate France as quickly as possible.

I am also finding that having Continental lands is both blessing and curse. They can be lucrative, but the gains are offset by having to maintain large garrisons (pressures which the English endured in the real Hundred Years War). This is about the largest army size I can practically maintain, and France can already afford a much larger one. It won't be long before they have their own moment in the sun.
 
Really great AAR. So great in fact, that t'was the first vote I put down in the ACA's.

PS. Shall we see a new update anytime soon?
 
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Really great AAR. So great in fact, that t was the first vote I put down in the ACA's.

PS. Shall we see a new update anytime soon?

Thank you. Updates are on the way! Believe it or not I am having a... plausibility problem. I'll get by it, but I had to do a lot of reading in order to figure out how a certain something might have unfolded, had any such thing ever occurred in real life.
 
Thank you. Updates are on the way! Believe it or not I am having a... plausibility problem. I'll get by it, but I had to do a lot of reading in order to figure out how a certain something might have unfolded, had any such thing ever occurred in real life.

Oh the joy of implausible game events. :D

I have the utmost trust in your capability to get past it, and look forward to the next update.
 
Believe it or not I am having a... plausibility problem. I'll get by it, but I had to do a lot of reading in order to figure out how a certain something might have unfolded, had any such thing ever occurred in real life.

Oh, my! MM turned out implausible! :D
I ask myself what this implausibility might be...
 
It's not MM's fault, it's my own.

The short version is that I made a minor in-game decision that I did not write into the storyline; now that "minor" decision has come back with fairly major consequences... :D

This will be a fairly long update, like the last one, so it make take me a few days yet to finish writing.
 
I've been away too long, but I'm back as well with my Florence AAR - glad to see another update from you, with very interesting developments as well! A very early Scandinavian Union is in the works and I am glad to see Jane help out Byzantium.

And you... a plausibility problem? Surely not. I'm certain you will make me believe it actually happened in real life.
 
I haven't really been actively following, but from your last update I can see that England certainly flourished. Being able to fight effectively so far away from home in the Balkans is no small thing. You are definitely making one of the best history-book AARs on the forum. Congrats on you ACA-win, it's very much deserved.
 
Long time lurker in this AAR, just wanted to say that I'm delighted to see that you've resumed it. Love MM AARs and this is one of the finest History Book style AAR's I've ever read. Keep up the great work!
 
The short version is that I made a minor in-game decision that I did not write into the storyline; now that "minor" decision has come back with fairly major consequences... :D

In Dallas-style, will everything since the missed decision have been a dream? Or will there be a story-line reason were we not told about the 'minor event' before (e.g. coverup of scandal)?
 
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In Dallas-style, will everything since the missed decision have been a dream? Or will there be a story-line reason were we not told about the 'minor event' before (e.g. coverup of scandal)?

I like this.
Someone book Larry Hagman now!
:rofl:
 
CJL78, Qorten, Avarri, Agent Fransis: Thank you fellas; I try to do the best I can.

And thanks also to everyone who voted for this AAR in the ACAs! I know the value of these things can only be measured in electrons, but it means something to me. :p Everyone likes to have their efforts recognised, even if it's just a pastime or leisure pursuit.

Oh and CJL78, Scandianvia may be unified but I don't know if it will actually become Scandinavia in title; Denmark's got all the required cores (I think?) but hasn't pulled the trigger on the decision.

In Dallas-style, will everything since the missed decision have been a dream? Or will there be a story-line reason were we not told about the 'minor event' before (e.g. coverup of scandal)?

I like this.
Someone book Larry Hagman now!
:rofl:

LOL. With the possible exception of Victor and Nikki's wedding, that was probably the greatest moment in soap opera history that this planet will ever produce.

And no, though it makes me chuckle just thinking about it, it's not a template I'm going to follow. There will be a storyline reason; hopefully it's plausible. I actually have those parts finished now, I'm just filling in detail on the wars and religious events. Update should get posted tomorrow evening (Eastern time).
 
XIII. Jane Lancaster - 1462-1470: Reconquest of Normandy ~ Regina et Imperatrix ~ Subjugation of Scotland
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Capitulum XIII.
Till we have built Jerusalem

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In the 8th and 9th centuries, few nations in northern Europe had the strength to resist raids by the powerful Viking lords of Scandinavia. Attracted by the riches of northern France, Viking longboats ventured out each summer to raid its monasteries and towns; in time they began to overwinter in the region—effectively colonising it. By the 10th century, Viking jarl Hrólfr (Latinised as Rollo) was powerful enough to force France's King Charles III ("the Simple") to cede land around the Seine estuary—the terra Normannorum or "land of the Northmen", from which the province derives its contemporary name. Rollo and his heirs converted to Christianity and became vassals of the French king, and over the next century and a half they conquered their way westward to encompass the area of today's Normandy. One of those heirs—William II, also known as "the Bastard"—would famously conquer England in 1066, establishing a Norman dynasty there whose claims and counter-claims would occupy both England and France for centuries.
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THE RECONQUEST OF NORMANDY

The Duchy of Normandy had been a part of the extensive Angevin Empire until 1204, when Philip II of France declared the lands forfeit and forced England's King John out of continental Normandy. English kings had maintained their claim on the duchy until the Treaty of Paris in 1259, when Henry III finally acknowledged their loss. On the insistence of Parliament Jane revives the claim, alleging that Louis XI and his predecessors violated the treaty by reneging on annual rents for possession of Agenais.

England does not have enough men under arms to subdue France on her own, so war plans depend heavily on the participation of Castilian allies. The main English force of 24,000 men is split between Earl of Arran George Saunders in Picardy, and Albert, Duke of Albermarle in Cambray. Saunders and Albermarle are charged with the responsibility of taking Normandy and Paris—as well as driving off any French defenders. In the south—where French forces are much more numerous—three Anglo-Gascon armies (18,000 men) under Baronet of Alton James Button will fight a defensive war, holding off the French until the Castilians cross the Pyrenées and join the fight.

On May 25th, 1462, the armies of Saunders and Albermarle march into the Pays de Caux, intending to converge on Rouen. In an astonishing and decisive battle 12 days later (June 6th), their 8,000 knights and 16,000 archers smash an outnumbered French army outside the city walls, killing or capturing all 8,000 defenders. Coincidentally, an equally decisive battle at sea occurs on the same day: an Anglo-Castilian fleet patrolling off Le Havre intercepts a sizeable French flotilla making a run for the Channel; of the 26 enemy vessels, only four carracks escape the slaughter.

Further south, the French gather enough strength to mount an invasion of Gascony, culminating in the Battle of Bordeaux on the 15th of June. Some 4,000 French knights and an equal number of men-at-arms lay siege to the city but are interrupted by the arrival of Button's three armies. Despite having a clear numerical advantage, the English suffer problems coordinating their line of battle; French cavalry are able to inflict greater casualties while allowing their infantry to execute a fighting retreat. Still, it's a nominal victory for the English as the French must retreat out of Gascony.


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Chastened by his experience at Bordeaux, Button resolves to do better. Energetically pursuing the retreating French, he is able to force another battle near Toulouse; this time, the entire 5,400 man French army is captured.

Just five months after the beginning of the war, the Court of St. Denis realises that their situation is quickly deteriorating. One-third of the French army has been neutralised due to enemy action; Paris, Rouen and Caen are under siege; and there are no combat-ready forces north of the Loire. Emissaries are sent to the English generals with offers of peace status quo ante, but the offers are quickly dismissed.

Back in England, the outlook is optimistic. France's numeric superiority has been eroded, and every month more English allies arrive. Even the notoriously antagonistic aristocrats in the House of Lords lose some of their cantankerousness. (Disgruntled powerful Aristocrat faction becomes Neutral; +50% local defensiveness.)

The autumn of 1462 sees even more successes. A second French push into English territory is turned back at the city of Saintes, and the English counterattack at Poitiers is also highly successful. After a siege of four months, Rouen capitulates to Saunders at the end of September. The only cloud on the horizon is the annihilation of an Austrian regiment outside Berne, which had stumbled into a much larger French force.

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Religious tensions in the Levant flare up again in October. News of the Mamelukes' persecution and torture of Lebanese and Judean Catholics soon reaches horrified ears in Christian Europe.

Terrified, desperate Catholic emigrants flee the eastern Mediterranean for any port in western Europe that will have them. Several groups of Lebanese Catholics arrive in England, having braved wind, weather, and potentially lethal encounters with the warring French and English fleets. Their experience with Mameluke officials has bred in these emigrants a distrust of the fickle, capricious assurances of religious and civil authorities. Rather than accept safe haven in a large urban centre, they prefer to be settled as far away as possible from any unwelcome government or clerical attention.


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In February, a small French army attempts to retake Rouen, but the attackers are outnumbered by the garrison and soon driven off by English reinforcements. Retreating westward into Normandy, the unfortunate French are then pounced upon by Albermarle, who is sieging Caen; all 4,800 are killed or captured.

With her armies critically weakened, France's opportunistic neighbours can sense her frailty. Aragon and Lorraine declare war in April, citing Louis XI's excommunication as their casus belli.

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Nepotism acquired its name after some Catholic popes and bishops (who had taken vows of chastity, and usually had no children of their own) gave their nephews significant patronage appointments that might—in non-clerical circumstances—often be accorded by fathers to their sons. In May of 1463, the Second Council of Siena took steps to reduce the occurrence of ecclesiastic nepotism.


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Pope Pius II names Cardinal-nephew Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini, c1460, attributed to Francesco di Giorgio.

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The summer and autumn of 1463 witness the last, frantic spasms of French military action. Starved into submission for 289 days, the city of Paris surrenders to the Duke of Albermarle on July 30th. The duke doesn't rest on his laurels, however, and soon marches south to intercept the French army coming to relieve the capital. The enemy tries in vain to stem the tide of English victories at the Battle of Orléans; though they have more knights and manage to inflict punishing losses, Albermarle resists the onslaught. The duke then hounds the retreating troops to Compiègne, corralling them into a final battle that sees the last major French army (2,700 men) captured.

Though all is lost and there are no French forces capable of lifting the siege, the garrison of Caen will stoically hold out for another few months, finally surrendering on February 8th.


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REGINA ET IMPERATRIX

The Byzantine Reconquest of Rhodes should have been a relatively simple and overwhelmingly one-sided operation, even without the assistance of former allies Austria and England. The Greeks had superior numbers of men, horses and ships, and—most critically—many veteran troops who had recently been in action against a much tougher foe. For these reasons the Byzantine court rightly considered the Knights Hospitaller an altogether lesser hazard than the Turks; but alas, the Knights would manage to do what the Turks could not.

In early August of 1463 the Greeks launch an invasion of Rhodes, the Hospitaller stronghold. A significant number of Byzantine magnates—no doubt emboldened by past laurels and expecting easy victories—participate in the siege. The city of Rhodes is well-defended on the seaward side by Naillac's Tower and other defensive works, so the attackers make landfall on the northern coast. There the surprised Greeks are raked by cannon fire—an innovation poached from the unsuccessful Ottoman siege of Constantinople—and are then set upon by a furious counterattack from the citadel. The Knights' aggressive defence effectively derails the invasion, killing or wounding hundreds of Greek noblemen and more than two thousand common soldiers. The 33-year-old son and imperial heir (known as Constantine the Younger) is killed outright by the artillery barrage, while Emperor Constantine XIII is fatally wounded in the ensuing skirmishes.

The Eastern Roman Empire never established primogeniture as a formal mode of succession, and the emperor was still technically nominated by the army, remnants of the Senate (Greek magnates/aristocrats), and the commons. In order to ensure one's offspring succeeded to the throne, a reigning Emperor typically nominated his son as a junior co-Emperor and had them confirmed by the military and aristocracy. Now the Empire is in crisis; the junior Emperor is dead, and his sovereign father will soon follow. The Greek aristocrats will likely tear each other apart vying for the imperial purple, and Greece's weakness and civil strife will encourage the Turks to reclaim the lands that were once theirs.

The Eastern Roman Emperor now sees the true folly of the war on Rhodes, having wagered and lost his son, his life, and probably the survival of his realm. As Constantine XIII expires from his injuries, surrounded by the surviving Greek court, he can only lament what might have been: "Ioanna... Agglia."

In early November a large Greek delegation of a hundred aristocrats, court dignitaries and officials arrive in London, and Queen Jane is devastated by the news of Constantine's death. The reason for the enormous entourage soon becomes clear as they present the grieving Queen with some of the late Emperor's personal effects—and a vast cache of the monarchs' personal correspondence. According to Byzantine records, Jane and Constantine were clandestinely married under both Latin and Orthodox rites in July of 1441, at Amiens Cathedral. After the catastrophic siege of Rhodes, the dying Constantine also named Jane his heir—and on the strength of her status as empress consort, plus her personal popularity due to the English Crusade, that nomination was accepted by Greek officialdom.


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Upon her nomination as Empress regnant of the Eastern Roman Empire (Imperatrix Caesaris Ioanna Augusta), Jane further modified the Lancastrian arms by impaling the arms of England with those of Byzantium, and by altering one supporter from an antelope to an imperial eagle.

[In heraldry, the husband's arms and supporter should appear on the dexter side, and the wife's on the sinister (as in real-life Mary I's arms); but because Emperor Constantine was dead by the time the arms were modified, Queen Jane's arms of England retain precedence as the "senior" realm.]

Questioned by an astonished Parliament, a shamefaced Jane admits to falling in love and impulsively accepting Constantine's marriage proposal in the summer of 1441. (A subsequent search of the diocese's sacramental records confirms the Queen's marriage under the alias of "Ioanna Lounecastra"—Ioanna being the Greek form of Jane, and Lounecastra being the ancient Latin form of Lancaster). The young queen had tried to gauge the Privy Council's reaction, but was intimidated when Council strongly denounced even a theoretical Greek match. Teenage memories of the Duke of York's attempted deposition also fuelled her fears—so Jane kept the union a secret and made her new husband swear to do likewise [1]. After just one week of ardent wedded bliss, the queen's subterfuge was soon discovered by the Lord Great Chamberlain and two other Great Officers of State. Though furious, they too were drawn into the web of deceit; it was, after all, better to try to protect the Queen’s reputation than to make the whole affair public and risk riots. But the price of the lords' silence was separation; Jane and Constantine had to reluctantly part ways to return to their respective capitals—and though neither knew it at the time, they would never meet again.

The couple did maintain regular correspondence, however, through a handful of trusted, discrete naval captains whose routine Mediterranean transits aroused no suspicion. In her early letters to Constantine, Jane revelled in sensual memories of their brief time together, and assured her husband that the subterfuge was temporary; she would in time persuade the peerage of England to consent to her choice. But once constructed, her edifice of deception could not easily be undone, especially as parliamentary opposition to her centralising policies only grew stronger.

In later years, Jane often pined for their lost romance, complaining in her letters of her frustration, loneliness, and desire for his company. But by the spring of 1461, Constantine had despaired of ever being reunited with his bride and of ever being accepted by the Anglo-Norman aristocracy. He begged Jane to stop her passionate reveries of bygone days, insisting that they limit their correspondence to dry, practical matters of state. The Queen was crushed and humiliated, and in her pique she declined to help the Byzantines against the Knights—a fateful decision she now knows has cost her husband his life. Guilt will haunt Jane for the rest of her days; she will always feel culpable for Constantine's battlefield death, and she will never again refuse an ally's call to arms.

In the end, the Privy Council's fears did not come to pass; instead of a Greek Emperor ruling England, England now governs the Empire of the Greeks. At war's end the Queen-Empress will have to proceed to Constantinople for a formal coronation, but in the interval the surviving Byzantine bureaucracy will govern in her name.

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The allied contribution to the war in France has been considerable. While English armies were conquering Normandy and Paris, Austrians were fighting in Champagne, Portuguese armies sieged Brittany, and Castilians flowed north over the Pyrenées like an unstoppable tide. In fact, the Castilians managed to take more castles and occupy more territory than anyone could have hoped for. Even tiny Holstein's army performed brilliantly, marching across the breadth of Europe and occupying the provinces of Languedoc and Provence.

After the capitulation of Caen, it is time for the combatants to seek peace. Regrettably, negotiations amongst the allies soon break down, since the Castilians feel that they have exerted the most effort and should therefore be compensated with the greatest amount of spoils. Alarmed by the prospect of Castile seeking a separate peace, Saunders and Albermarle undercut their allies by securing only the English gains in Normandy; the other parties will walk away empty-handed. The Castilians are understandably livid, while the Austrians—who wagered little and gained little—seem less concerned. It is a fateful decision which will have serious geopolitical consequences in the near future.


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(In actuality, I forgot all about my secondary objective of liberating Provence; this is why I failed to ask for it in the peace deal. Oops. I didn't want to give the Castilians anything as they are already expanding at the expense of Aragon.)
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A VERBIS AD VERBERA

The nation once more looks forward to peace, though it will be regrettably short-lived. Hostilities in France have ended, but relations with Scotland are about to reach the boiling point.

King of Scots James I Stewart has led a fairly tumultuous life. James' elder brother was murdered by his own uncle; Robert Stewart, Duke of Albany, who hoped to gain the throne by eliminating the existing heirs. For his own safety against the Albany Stewarts, the 12-year-old James was forced to flee his homeland in 1406. Captured by pirates while sailing for France, he then spent 22 years in relative comfort as a distinguished prisoner of the kings of England. After his father's death in 1406 James became the uncrowned King of Scots, but Albany—who was now ruling Scotland as Regent—made no effort to secure his nephew's ransom. Albany's intent to usurp became clear in 1416, when he engineered the release of his son Murdoch (who in 1402 had also been captured by the English) but made no similar effort for James. It wasn't until Albany died in 1428 that Scotland finally agreed to ransom her exiled king for £40,000. [Some of James' history in captivity is also detailed near the start of this post.]

But James' triumphant return was met with some ambivalence by the Scottish lords. He had, after all, fought alongside English armies in their various campaigns. And his financial and political reforms (based on English governance observed during captivity) were effective but not always popular. Under the Albany Stewarts a culture of greed and corruption had festered, and the king's efforts at eradication created friction. The Albany Stewarts themselves were attainted and the family's leading members executed. But they too had their supporters, and James narrowly avoided assassination at Perth's Blackfriars monastery in 1460. [2] The main conspirators—Walter, Earl of Atholl; Atholl's grandson Robert Stewart; and Sir Robert Graham—escaped into northern England and sought refuge with the powerful Earl of Northumberland. They would very likely have been extradited to face justice in Scotland, except for one small detail: James' ransom was still unpaid.

To secure his own freedom, James and the Estates of Scotland had negotiated a £40,000 ransom, less a dowry for his English-born queen, Joan Beaufort. The Estates had even instituted a special tax to pay it off, and though £26,000 was raised, only £12,000 was sent to England; James spent the remainder on Flemish luxury goods and the construction of lavish Lithlingow Palace [3]. Hoping to restore their own fortunes, the surviving Albany Stuarts have assiduously courted influential barons in the English Parliament; now they incite the legislature against the reneging James. Holyrood demands extradition of the treasonous conspirators; Westminster refuses unless the king's overdue ransom is paid. The Albany Stewarts raise the stakes by agreeing to pledge vassalage to the Queen-Empress, should they be restored to the Scottish succession. It's an irresistible offer; by 1464, London's patience with the King of Scots is running out.


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(bottom left) Attack on Saint-James in Normandy; Hugues de Lembourg, Chroniques de France ou de Saint Denis, c. 1487.

The escalating English belligerence—so soon after major victories in France—appears more than a little unseemly, and other western European powers quickly grow nervous. When the news reaches the Castilian court in Valladolid, Queen Juana I de Trastámara (a rather formidable ADM 9/DIP 9/MIL 9 monarch) is furious. Her lengthy tirade at an embarrassed and apologetic English ambassador is the stuff of legend. "Does Jane of Lancaster know no bounds? In England it is not enough for one to be born a princess, crowned a queen, and wedded to an emperor? The vain seductress kept the princes of Europe flocking to her court though already a wife! Her cousin York nearly snatched the crown from her head, yet now by evil intrigues Jane is the insatiable mistress of your bloated realm: England, Ireland, Greece, Normandy, Gascony... and Scotland, soon enough. We rue the day when Castilian blood was shed for Jane the Wicked."

Juana is not alone in thinking so. The Cortes of Castile and León is already annoyed at not having been given captured French provinces in the last war; at the queen's instigation, the Castilian legislature renounces the not even two-year-old military alliance with England. Henceforth the two Janes—former allies—will become bitter rivals. Anglo-Castilian enmity will do little to help the King of Scots, however.

The 70-year-old James I Stewart is consumed by pessimism; he knows that he stands little chance of holding off an English invasion. Only his Mediterranean trading partners Aragon and Genoa—alarmed at growing English commerce and influence in what they regard as their mare nostrum—have pledged any assistance. England, meanwhile, will be able to call upon all of her allies—Portugal, Austria, Byzantium and Holstein. Portugal alone is probably enough to keep Aragon occupied, while the Holy Roman Emperor will use a tiny fraction of his vast army to squash Genoa. Scottish spies report that English reserves are exceedingly low (ENG manpower only 2,506), but unfortunately most of the field armies and garrisons are approaching full strength. Four English armies have been shifted from Normandy to the Scottish border, and three more stand on the Gascon border with Aragon. James can see the cataclysm drawing closer in April of 1464, when Parliament cancels the Anglo-Scottish military access treaty. A belated offer to pay the full ransom is rejected.

The deluge comes the following month. As she did more than a century ago, Scotland will have to fight to keep her independence.


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As in France two years earlier, Earl of Arran George Saunders makes the war's first engagement its most decisive. At the Battle of Ayr in late May of 1464, Saunders' 4,000 English knights and 8,000 longbowmen clash with James I's force of 1,000 knights and 5,000 men. Though the Scots fight valiantly, they can make no headway against the battle-scarred Saunders, who wields his archers and cavalry like thunderbolts from Zeus. By day's end, the entire Scottish force has been captured or killed, forcing James to flee further north. The following week's Battle of Edinburgh is another disaster for Scottish arms; the Duke of Albermarle's 4,000 knights and 8,000 longbowmen capture all 5,000 Scots who have mustered to defend the capital. In just two weeks, Scotland's army has been effectively neutralised.

In the summer, Scotland's ally Aragon concludes its war with France, forcing Louis XI de Valois to release Auvergne from vassalage and pay a small 200,000 livre (2 million ducat) indemnity. Twenty-seven Aragonese galleys are dispatched from the Mediterranean to aid the Scots. The fleet slips through the Strait of Gibraltar unnoticed, then hugs the Iberian coast for the long journey north. By chance they are discovered in the Gulf of Cadiz by Portuguese scouts, who send for English reinforcements; by the end of July, the galleys have been hunted to extinction.


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Unfortunately, the Genoese have much greater success in shutting down lines of communication and commerce between London and Constantinople. The island of Malta stands astride the sea lanes, and Genoan galleys based there can easily intercept lightly armed merchant vessels too far from both Greece and Gibraltar. The Queen pressures the Lord High Admiral to restore freedom of navigation between her realms, so in September 1464 the allies launch a joint effort to take the Genoan outpost. While an English squadron ambushes 12 Genoan galleys in the Bay of Napoli, a Portuguese squadron escorts an Anglo-Portuguese siege army from Gibraltar to Malta.

Like it was in the previous conflict, Gascony is a sideshow to the main event; English armies stationed there are fewer in number and must fight defensively. The war finally comes to Béarn in October of 1464, when an Aragonese force of 5,300 lays siege to the town of Pau; they are soon repelled by an Anglo-Gascon army of 3,500 knights and 7,400 archers. When the invaders retreat to Girona, the English counterattack and make prisoners of the entire force.


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The end of a long, hot summer also sees the outbreak of simmering religious strife in Gibraltar. Minor nobleman Horatio Cumberland is a compulsive gambler and spendthrift, deeply indebted to a local Jewish moneylender. At risk of defaulting, the unscrupulous Cumberland decides to clear his debt by having his creditor murdered in a seemingly random act of civil unrest. For several weeks, anonymous letters critical of leading Jewish families appear throughout Gibraltar; when the local garrison is depleted to aid the siege of Malta, Cumberland incites an anti-Jewish riot. Lacking enough men to quell the disturbance, the garrison commander shelters as many Jewish families as he can in Gibraltar's Moorish Castle, alongside his own troops. The revolt is eventually put down by reinforcements diverted from Scotland, and Cumberland is executed for inciting the riot.

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The grateful Jews of Gibraltar will spend a year and a half raising funds to support the war effort.
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England's feudal machinery of state is not really designed to effectively manage a large, far-flung empire. Though the bureaucracy does its level best, bottlenecks are inevitable. With hundreds if not thousands of petitions and motions flowing in from the English Parliament, Irish Parliament, Byzantine administration, Continental provinces, the Privy Council, Great Officers of State, justices of the peace and military commanders, the demands on the Sovereign's time and attention are manifold and overwhelming.

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By the end of 1464, the sheer volume and complexity of official business is slowly suffocating the English government. (right) Court of Common Pleas, manuscript c. 1460.

Parliament establishes a commission to study proposals for government reform; it will be staffed with learned representatives from all of Jane's disparate realms.

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Now that opposition forces have been largely eliminated (barring one or two very small regiments), in 1465 the war enters a period of relative calm as the attackers focus on blockading and sieging. In January, the Portuguese neutralise the remnants of the Genoan navy in the Ligurian Sea. The castles of Dundee and Aberdeen capitulate in the spring, while Ayr and Edinburgh surrender in the fall. From his redoubt in the Outer Hebrides, James I Stewart launches an abortive attempt to lift the siege of Inverness, but the 2,300 Scots are turned back by a larger English army.

There are surprises from the continent, too; tempted by France's continuing weakness following the war with England, Burgundy launches an ill-advised invasion in July. This war will end two years later, with disastrous consequences for the Duchy: Burgundy will be forced to cede the provinces of Nevers and Franche-Comté, plus pay 4.7 million livres in war reparations.

The Castilian-dominated Roman curia generally disapproves of the invasion of Scotland, and that opposition is manifested by strident denunciations from a growing chorus of English bishops. In order to mute the clergy's criticisms, Jane and the Privy Council buy their silence. (England gets "Church Meddling" event; bishops are quieted with bribes. Relation between England and Papal States changed by +5; lose 25 ducats, Papal States gain 10 ducats.)

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In February of 1466, the Parliamentary Commission on Government Reform presents its report to the Queen (Government Technology level 8: allows another National Idea; allows Noble Republic). One of the key recommendations is the creation of large secretariats for Privy Councillors, Great Officers of State and other senior nobles at the Court (National Idea: Bureaucracy); this will allow functionaries to decide lower-level matters independently, freeing the Sovereign and organs of state to concentrate on weightier issues. Despite temporary upheaval as the changes are implemented, reaction is generally favourable ("Reaction to Our New Policy", +1.00 prestige).


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By July of 1466, London's machinery of state is operating as efficiently as it ever has. (right) Court of Chancery, manuscript c. 1460.

As the Palace of Westminster clears its backlog of state business, one unpleasant discovery is that Byzantium and the Knights are still technically at war—even though no hostilities have taken place since Constantine's fatal invasion of Rhodes in 1463. A series of quiet negotiations conclude the war with a return to status quo ante.

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The subjugation of Scotland slowly winds down in 1466, as its co-belligerents are subdued and pried out of their alliances. Aragon attempts one last assault against Anglo-Gascon forces sieging Huesca (Pirineo), but despite a numerical advantage the Aragonese are repelled by the invaders. When Perpignan (Roussillon) falls in early June, Aragon is ready to accept terms. The English try to curry favour with Castile by having Aragon renounce claims on Castilian-conquered provinces, but the effort does little to improve relations.

Inverness surrenders on June 29th, following a 418-day siege. Preparations are made to attack the Outer Hebrides where James has been holed up with the remnants of the Scottish army. But before that effort can get underway, the Genoan garrison of Malta yields to its Anglo-Portuguese attackers, and Genoa itself agrees to part with the strategic island. Finally, with all of his allies vanquished, James I Stewart concedes defeat. In a shrewd gambit to preserve his life and prevent being ousted by the Albany Stewarts, the elderly James pledges vassalage to the Queen-Empress. (English stability is +3, Prestige 100, Reputation 8.5)


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As a reward for his sterling service in France, Scotland and Aragon, George Saunders is elevated to Duke of Richmond in the English peerage.

Peace also brings a reduction in army strength (to 36,000), as Parliament grapples with the cost of rebuilding war-ravaged infrastructure in Normandy and Malta.

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In Ireland, a long-dormant sense of self has started to bloom. Paradoxically, eighteen years of union with England has nourished what centuries of rule under divided and competing clans could not—the beginnings of a truly national identity. ("A National Sentiment" in Ireland; Ireland gains core on all Irish provinces; Tyrone, Connacht, Desmond and Leinster lose their cores.) While this development is surely a boon to the Irish, it may in time complicate the way the nations of the British Isles relate to each other.

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With much fanfare, pageantry and cannon salutes, the royal entourage arrives in Constantinople in mid-autumn of 1466. Banners waving, the procession of Greek and English noble houses marches from the harbour to the Palace of Blachernae, where the Queen and Princess of Wales are quartered in the imperial apartments. Exploring the palace is a bittersweet experience for Jane; she had always imagined discovering its grand mosaics, marble statues and gilded halls in the company of her husband. Though Constantine has been dead three years, he haunts the palace still—his face peers out from mosaics, icons and diptychs; his signature and seal are on countless documents; even some of his clothing is still carefully folded in the elaborate cassones that adorn the imperial chambers.

The coronation ceremonies the next dawn follow all of the Byzantine protocol of old. Jane and Mary travel to the Hebdomon's Field of Mars, which is filled with Byzantine soldiers; the queen then steps onto a large circular shield, which the soldiers carefully raise up to shoulder height. Amid blaring trumpets and shouts of acclamation, Greek generals and the Great Officers of State place their hands on the shield in recognition of her imperial elevation—just as the soldiers of Ancient Rome acclaimed their Emperor in the same way. (This pre-coronation ceremony is also repeated for Mary, as the heir and junior empress.) The pair are then presented to the public in the ruins of the Hippodrome, where the assembled throng roars its approval. Later in the grand Church of Hagia Sophia, the royal sisters are anointed and crowned by the Patriarch of Constantinople, and given the robes, vestments and regalia of state. But being crowned is the easy part; actually governing two geographically and socially disparate realms will be a challenge.


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(top) Woodcut depicting 15th century Constantinople; Hartmann Schedel, Nuremberg Chronicle, c. 1493. (bottom centre) Icon with the Three Hierarchs of the Eastern church; Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nazianzus and John Chrysostom. (bottom right) Fresco depicting the Queen-Empress as defender of Constantinople, standing on a dead Turk. Demenico Ghirlandaio, c. 1472.

Foremost amongst those challenges is Latin-Orthodox religious friction; in recent decades the Byzantine attitude was best described by an anonymous official who famously uttered "Better a sultan's turban than a bishop's mitre." Though the Queen-Empress and most veterans of the English Crusade enjoy significant popularity amongst both nobles and commons, her Greek subjects are still wary of being compelled into submission to Rome. In November, the Orthodox Patriarchate and Byzantine magnates demand specific guarantees of religious toleration. Jane does not challenge the legislation, assuring the Byzantines that she will not institute any measures that her late husband would surely have opposed.

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The latter half of the 1460s yields several important developments in foreign and domestic affairs. In September of 1466, Joseph I of Austria begins using the title of Archduke, an honor derived from the Privilegium Maius—which is actually a 14th century forgery commissioned by Duke Rudolf IV of Austria. The Palace of Westminster doesn't acknowledge the self-aggrandisement but doesn't deny it either, adopting a noncommittal "wait and see" attitude. Joseph's subsequent excommunication forces London into grudging acceptance, as Jane is unwilling to lose the Austrians as an ally. (Relations with Austria changed by +5, relation with the Papal State changed by -50.)

To bolster her geopolitical position, Jane negotiates military alliances with nations that can provide assistance to England or Greece. These include the Lancastrian dynasty in Cyprus (October 1466), the expanding Duchy of the Netherlands (January 1467) and the Regency-ruled vassal kingdom of Scotland (June 1467).

In England itself, the rapid growth of Court secretariats has resulted in a large number of functionaries settling in nearby East Anglia. The concentration is so great that by the spring of 1468, the functionaries can claim their own pocket borough in Parliament (East Anglia gets "Bureaucrat Faction"; Population Growth per decade +0.5%).

The past decade's wars in the Mediterranean have underlined the importance of Gibraltar as a strategic port and supply depot. Some 62 years after its capture, the constant influx of English soldiers and sailors has gradually given The Rock the character of an English seaport. (Gibraltar becomes a core province.)

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Broadly speaking, the early Middle Ages divided society into just three categories: those who fight, those who pray, and those who work. While the first two categories carried a certain prestige that allowed them to strike an uneasy balance, the lowly third lacked glamour and was made subservient to the others. Over time this balance changed as merchants, artisans and their guilds became significant generators and holders of wealth in their own right. (Trade Technology level 6, Trade Efficiency increased by +1%.)

Medieval artisan labour was highly specialised, but like a primitive assembly line it also depended on close collaboration with others—especially differently-skilled artisans who could collectively augment production of goods and services to a degree that would be impossible for a single individual. In large cities like London and Paris, the centering of industries in particular neighbourhoods greatly facilitated the coordination of these artisan-specialists.


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The growth of artisan workshops in London's boroughs pleases the city's merchant and artisan guilds, while the completion of the Lord High Admiral's port improvement program (initiated in 1456 during the English Crusade) gains the approval of the Navy Royal's key supporters in Parliament.


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The elderly Lord High Admiral—Helmfriend Rohde of Bremen (2-star Grand Admiral)—dies shortly after a quayside unveiling ceremony at Deptford, having completed the project that will be remembered as his life's work. He is replaced by the even more elderly Anton Gersdorff of Denmark (also a 2-star Grand Admiral, active 43 years).

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In March of 1470 Queen-Empress Jane embarks upon another of her periodic attempts to rein in the privileges of England's aristocrats. (Slider move toward Plutocracy, presently -2 toward Aristocracy.)


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The reduction of baronial power makes the lords unhappy, which in turn affects the army and navy—since noblemen tend to make up the bulk of the officer corps.

Like Gibraltar, the presence of a naval depot and the regular rotation of English ships and sailors through the Orkney Islands confers a certain amount of ownership and legitimacy (Orkney becomes a core province in April 1470).

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PAX ANGLIA

The Lancastrian court has good reason to feel secure in the spring of 1470. England is ascendant in the Hundred Years War, possessing most of her ancient continental domains; France has been humbled, its army still a shadow of what was; and a network of staunch allies helps safeguard both Continental and Greek possessions.


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Sadly, that sunny confidence is barely warranted, for English preeminence in western Europe will start to evaporate in less than a decade.

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ENGLAND c. 1470

Jane I Lancaster (ADM 7/DIP 7/MIL 8)
By the Grace of God, Queen of England and France and Lady of Ireland
True Empress and Autocrat of the Romans, Duke of Normandy, Duchess of Aquitaine,
Countess of Artois, Cambray, Picardy and Malta

Dynastic Links:
~ Burgundy (Duke Henri II Lancaster-Valois-Bourgogne {Regency})
~ Cyprus (Basileus Eudes I Lancaster-Lusignan)
~ Lüneburg (Duke Friedrich III Lancaster-Brunswick-Lüneburg)

Treasury: £5.6 million (56m ducats)
GDP (estimated): £103.82 million (1,038.2m ducats)
Domestic CoTs: London £45.48 million (454.83m ducats), Constantinople £23.49 million (234.92m ducats)

Army: 12,000 Knights (Chevauchée), 24,000 Longbowmen
Reserves (potential levies): 18,918
Navy: 19 Carracks, 20 Pinnaces, 21 Cogs
Discipline: 123.70%
Tradition: Army 51.00% Navy 38.00%

Prestige: Eighteenth (36.10)
Reputation: Tarnished (5.72/18.00)
Legitimacy: 100

Footnotes:

[1] I mentioned in this reply that a marriage proposal had been issued, although I didn't admit that it was accepted. It seemed like a cheap and easy way to boost relations with the Byzantines—whom I had guaranteed in a fit of fuzzy-headed sentimentality after seeing them revolt from Turkish vassalage in 1433. From a player perspective the RM was definitely driven by momentary impulse and not any hard-headed reasons of state. I felt kind of guilty about it; Salik's reply of "...the prospect of an English queen marrying a Greek prince? Madness, I say, madness!" more or less encapsulated my own thoughts on the matter. I wrote hints of it in as flavour but otherwise buried it completely—but the PU exploded that notion and I realised that I had to fess up to this secret RM that I had never officially acknowledged in the story.

[2] In our history, the assassination attempt on James I occurred in 1437 and was successful—though the conspirators were all caught and executed. James' queen Joan Beaufort was wounded but survived, and saw their son succeed to the throne.

[3] The real-life James never paid his full ransom either, and did spend it on other pursuits—mainly cannons, luxury goods, and his new palace.

Nota auctoris: I know, I know—I was late! I'm sorry; the perfectionist in me kept redrafting this update many, many times. I hope it was worth the wait.
 
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Very good update.
And - frankly - the final map showing Europe in 1470 is a masterpiece: I've spent 2 minutes only on it.
 
A most excellent update! Good job with your war in France and I'm really surprised about you getting into a personal union with Byzantium. I love how you changed the coat of arms to signify that. Your small details such as that (and your map, among other things) is much appreciated!