jeeshadow: I didn't include Truman because like you said, he did whatever he could to advance Civil Rights. However, I do question the "Do Nothing Congress" label. While it's true that the conservative Republicans blocked most of Truman's domestic program (Dewey had no better luck TTL), they did give Truman everything he wanted when it came to foreign policy. The Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, and the establishment of NATO were all approved by this "Do Nothing Congress".
volksmarschall: I know you're being serious, volksmarschall, but reading "the Burger Court" made me chuckle a little bit. I imagined a Supreme Court consisting of nine hamburgers, the Chief Justice being the only one allowed to have cheese.
Good luck with your conference.
J.J.Jameson: As opposed to how Sparkman handled it TTL: duck and make the Attorney General handle it.
Jape: True.
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LBJ’s First Trip
November 7th, 1961 was Election Day in the United States. Although elections held in even-numbered years get all the national attention because they decide the balance of power in Washington, elections are also held in odd-numbered years. On Election Day 1961, voters in New Jersey headed to the polls to cast their votes for Governor. Seeking a second term was Republican incumbent Malcolm Forbes. Originally born in New York in August 1919, Forbes was the son of Scottish-born financial journalist B.C. Forbes who founded the “Forbes” business magazine in 1917. In 1951, Forbes launched his political career by being elected to the New Jersey Senate. In 1957, he ran for Governor of New Jersey and won with help from the Republican Advisory Committee chaired by the 1956 GOP Presidential candidate Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. As Governor, Forbes lowered taxes, cut spending, and reduced regulations in an effort to simulate economic growth. By 1961, he had succeeded in shrinking the state debt and attracting businesses to The Garden State which meant more jobs were available. That November, voters rewarded Forbes by returning him to Trenton for a second term. Since he was constitutionally barred from seeking a third consecutive term in 1965, Forbes in early 1962 privately decided he would spend the bulk of his second term seeking a much higher political office. That winter, he informed his inner circle of his decision to seek the Republican Presidential nomination in 1964.
“I have a feeling,” Forbes told his fourteen-year-old son Steve,
“That in two years people will get tired of the Democrats and kick them out.”
As Governor of New Jersey, Forbes believed he could well-position himself to exploit the anti-Democratic mood he saw coming and win himself the White House. Of course, he had to win the nomination first and he initially regarded New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller as being his biggest rival. It made sense after all; Rockefeller was the Governor of the most popular state in the country and would undoubtedly seek the nomination again after being denied it in 1960. However, as 1962 developed, Forbes came to the realization that Rockefeller wouldn’t be his only major rival for the nomination. Riding high on the popularity of “The Conscience of a Conservative”, Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater was emerging as the strongest figure on the Right. Clearly, in order for Forbes to win the nomination, he would have to figure out how to beat Rockefeller and hold off Goldwater.
(Governor Malcolm Forbes and his wife Roberta on Election Day 1961)
On the same day Forbes won re-election, Lyndon Johnson returned to the United States from his first trip abroad as Vice President. For two weeks he had been on a tour of Asia, reassuring America’s allies who had been spooked by China’s invasion of Laos. He visited Japan, the Philippines, Hong Kong, Macao, South Vietnam, Thailand, and India. Interestingly, the suggestion for this Asian trip came not from the President or the Secretary of State but from the Attorney General. On the surface, Vice President Johnson and Attorney General Roger Ledyard couldn’t have been more different. Johnson was a towering rural Texan who had pulled himself up by his own bootstraps; Ledyard was an unimpressive-looking New Englander who came from a prominent Connecticut family and who had graduated from Yale University. Whereas LBJ craved attention and easily stood out in a crowd, Ledyard was an introvert who would much rather go home to his wife and two daughters after work than go out to a party. Then there was the political difference: the Vice President was a Democrat while the Attorney General was a Republican. However, the two men did have something in common: they were both politically savvy. Johnson knew how to bend people to his will, a fact that was not lost on Ledyard. Ledyard was among those who viewed LBJ as a powerful weapon for the Administration if utilized correctly. It had been the Attorney General who had recommended dispatching him to the Interstate Commerce Commission at the height of the Freedom Rides. Using the force of his personality, Johnson had literally scared the feet-dragging members of the ICC into desegregating interstate travel. Now in the autumn of 1961, Ledyard suggested another good use for the Vice President.
(Attorney General Roger Ledyard)
On a clear autumn afternoon at the White House, Ledyard casually strolled into the Oval Office with his hands in his pockets and threw out an idea:
“Why don’t you send Lyndon to Japan?”
Jackson looked up from his desk somewhat surprised. He hadn’t been expecting his Attorney General to be getting himself involved in foreign policy.
“Japan?” he repeated. Ledyard explained that since Japan and China were mortal enemies and the latter made no secret about seeking revenge against the former,
“I think it would do the Japanese a lot of good if they got a reminder from us that we won’t allow the Chinese to bully them around.”
So why not send Secretary of State Dean Rusk over instead? The Attorney General’s answer was that a Rusk visit would come across as being too stiff and formal. The Vice President by contrast was a back-slapping people person who might be in a better position to project America’s friendship and support in The Land of the Rising Sun. Scoop was intrigued by the proposal; he knew from personal experience how much his Vice President loved working a crowd and being the center of attention. If anyone could persuade people, it was Lyndon Baines Johnson. Jackson relayed the suggestion to Johnson personally, believing his Vice President would jump at the chance to represent the Administration abroad. Instead, LBJ expressed reluctance to go. He was always sensitive of what others thought about him and felt that the people in the State Department who would arrange the trip held him in contempt.
“These State Department people think I’m going to go out there,” he complained,
“Pat a little guy on the head, and say ‘Little man, do this.’ They don’t give me any credit for having any sense about how to treat people.”
The President did his best to allay the fears of his rather touchy Vice President, assuring him that the trip had Rusk’s complete support.
“I have talked to Dean about this,” he said,
“And he wants you to go. He believes as much as I do that you’ll do this country a lot of good by going over there, Lyndon.”
Indeed, Rusk himself called Johnson later to assure him that the State Department under his direct order would treat him with
“the respect that you rightly deserve on this very important mission.”
He added that
“There is no person in America that can equal you in knee-to-knee conversation with another man.”
With these assurances in mind, LBJ agreed to make the trip – which Rusk greatly expanded to cover most of America’s allies in Asia.
Despite his acceptance, Johnson remained apprehensive about making his first trip abroad as Vice President. When he boarded his plane for the flight to Tokyo on October 20th, his aides and the journalists who were covering the trip all noted that he appeared uneasy and on edge. His inability to relax made him more likely to become emotional at the drop of a hat. At one point somewhere over the Pacific Ocean, one of LBJ’s aides tried to give him pointers on proper Japanese etiquette. That was a bad idea. Feeling like he was being lectured like a child, Johnson’s temper exploded. He bellowed at his aide to get off the plane immediately.
“But we’re over the Pacific,” the aide meekly reminded him. His boss replied frankly that
“I don’t give a damn!”
Upon landing in Tokyo for the first leg of his trip, the Vice President was warmly greeted by Japanese Prime Minister Hayato Ikeda. During the motorcade ride from the airport to the Imperial Palace, Ikeda tried to engage Johnson in a conversation. It didn’t work because LBJ kept ordering the motorcade to stop so he could get out of the car and shake hands with some of the thousands of people who were lining the route. Johnson also handed out souvenirs to random people in order to give them a reminder that they had met the Vice President of the United States. He gave out pens, cigarette lighters, and even passes to the United States Senate visitor gallery. Among those who were given the gold and white pass was an up-and-coming small business owner named Taichi Daidouji. In 1952, Daidouji and his wife Haruka took his ability to make toys for their two children and turned it into a small Mom-and-Pop toy store. His solidly-made toys found a steady supply of customers in a Japan still recovering from the devastating effects of the war. From its’ humble beginning, Daidouji Toy Company grew in size during the 1950s and had four stores in the Tokyo area by the time Johnson visited the country in the autumn of 1961. A self-made businessman, Daidouji had an ambitious plan to build more stores across Japan in which he could exclusively sell his company’s toys. Although Taichi had no use for the Senate pass, the fact that it came from a high-level American leader gave it enough of a historical value to make the pass a family heirloom. It got handed down through the generations and is today in the possession of Daidouji’s great-granddaughter Tomoyo.
(Taichi Daidouji, known as the Japanese Sam Walton for turning a small store into a national retail giant...making his family quite wealthy in the process)
At the Imperial Palace, Johnson was received cordially by Emperor Hirohito. Once regarded as a divine figure, the sixty-year-old Emperor had been reduced to a ceremonial figurehead by the Americans. The Japanese Head of State stressed in his meeting with the Vice President how much the Chinese saber-rattling had unnerved him.
“We have filled the Chinese people with much anger,” he said, referring to his country’s brutal occupation of China which he himself had authorized,
“And I fear greatly where that will lead.”
Ever mindful of the millions of causalities his country had suffered in World War Two, the Emperor was worried about the prospect of China launching a war of revenge against Japan. Johnson tried to calm his nerves by dismissing the fear of an all-out Chinese attack as unlikely.
“Chiang would have to be so dumb as to even try to land his troops ashore,” LBJ declared in his typical blunt style,
“We would sink those flimsy little boats before they could even hope to see land!”
The Emperor listened to this American’s assertions with steadfast solemnest. Despite the pledge that the United States would defend her Japanese ally in the event of a conflict with China, Emperor Hirohito still felt uneasy about the future. With Nanjing determined to make Tokyo pay for her past aggressions, it seemed like it would be only a matter of time before things came to a head.
“Will America really come to our defense if war should come,” Ikeda asked LBJ after they left the Imperial Palace. Johnson didn’t try to hide his annoyance at being asked such a question.
“Are you God damn serious? How much clearer do I have to make myself? We do not want that SOB [Chiang] mucking around Asia acting like he owns every damn field! If he wants war, we’ll make him pay for it!”
What if China attacked Japan with a nuclear weapon? Would the United States retaliate by unleashing her vast nuclear stockpile against China? Johnson (who knew through intelligence reports that the Chinese were quietly pursuing an atomic bomb program) once again reiterated his point that Chiang would have to be completely out of his mind to take such a drastic step. His likeliest course of action would probably be to attack Japan by sea and air.
“If he does that,” LBJ promised,
“You can count on us to beat him back.”
“I’m afraid you’ll have to,” the Prime Minister said. He reminded the Vice President that under their Constitution which the Americans had drawn up for them after the war, Japan was barred from using aggression against her neighbors. It was only in 1961 that Japan – with strong encouragement from the United States – had begun to rebuild her military strength in earnest through the introduction of the Japan Self-Defense Force. Since Japan would be weak in the event of a Chinese attack, America would have to be the one doing the bulk of the defending.
(Johnson addresses an audience on Okinawa, where the US maintained a major military presence)
In addition to China, Korea was another country which Japan was keeping a weary eye on. Located about 120 miles away, the Korean Peninsula had Tokyo concerned because of the pro-Chinese tilt the post-Rhee government was taking in Seoul. Ikeda memorably told Johnson that his government feared Chiang would use Korea
“as a dagger against our heart.”
In the Japanese mind, the easiest way for China to attack them would be across the Korea Strait, using Tsushima Island as the jumping-off point for a direct assault on the main island of Kyushu. The Vice President didn’t hide his dismissal of a Chinese amphibious assault from the Prime Minister. What he did hide was his government’s decision to eliminate the growing Chinese threat in Korea. While Johnson was visiting Japan, the CIA was in the process of covertly supporting a planned military coup against the civilian government in Seoul. The Jackson Administration had decided that the best way to “save” Korea from Chiang’s influence was to install a military hard-line regime which would ally with the US. Having done his best in Japan, LBJ next flew to the Philippines. Aside from being a traditional ally, the Philippines were important in America’s strategic planning due to her location. The main island of Luzon, home of the major Clark Field air base, sat about 160 miles south of the Chinese island of Formosa. This made the Philippines a strategic forward base for the US in the Pacific. Airplanes and ships stationed here could easily engage the Chinese in the event of a military conflict. After the Philippines came Hong Kong.
Although Hong Kong was a British possession, the Americans saw it as strategically important in their Cold War with China. A look at the map reveals why. At level ten, the naval base in Hong Kong was the largest between Singapore and Shanghai. Located off the coast of China, the island city allowed whoever controlled it to project power into the South China Sea. If China captured Hong Kong, she would not only gain a major naval base but would also be in a better position to expand her growing power into the Pacific Ocean. As long as Hong Kong remained in British hands, China would have no major naval bases south of Shanghai. Thus it was in America’s best interest to keep it that way. Officially visiting Hong Kong as a symbol of America’s special friendship with England, the Vice President’s real purpose in coming to the island was to relay a top-secret message to the man in charge: Governor Robert Brown Black. Behind closed doors at the white hybrid Japanese-neoclassical Government House, Johnson told Black that
“I have come to Hong Kong by direction of President Jackson.”
The Governor, who had spent the better part of the last three decades being a colonial administrator in Asia, listened intently as LBJ stated in his Southern accent that his government was very much interested in
“the survival and future of this city.”
America’s interest in the defense of Hong Kong was such that he informed Black that in the event of war, the US would immediately rush reinforcements to defend the island. Johnson’s pledge that
“Hong Kong will not stand alone” was made secretly because D.C. didn’t want to tip Nanjing off to their war plans. Known as Operation Orient Express, the plan in the event of war with China was to transport American soldiers from the Philippines to Hong Kong immediately after fighting broke out. The transports would sail quickly across the South China Sea, protected by a carrier task force. Operation Orient Express was drawn up on the assumption that Hong Kong could hold out long enough for reinforcements to arrive. The only direct approach to Hong Kong from the mainland was via Bao’an; Chinese soldiers could attack the city across the straight separating the island from the mainland. On paper, the British defense of Hong Kong in the autumn of 1961 wasn’t all that impressive:
- 1 Infantry ’47 Division
- 4 de Havilland Vampire Mk. I Improved Turbojet Interceptor Squadrons
Given the vast size and power China could bring to bear against Hong Kong, the military presence here looked rather pitiful. However, numbers alone don’t provide the whole picture. Although obsolete by 1961 standards, the experienced (two stars) Infantry enjoyed excellent Organization (95%) and their Morale was very high (160%). Their Defensiveness was 40 and their Toughness was 35. Hong Kong’s hilly terrain gave the dug-in Infantry (Current Bonus: 20) a defensive advantage. Likewise, the four experienced (one star) Interceptor Squadrons also enjoyed excellent Organization (104%) and Morale (129%). Then there was the military installation situation of Hong Kong itself:
- 8 Improved Surface-to-Air Missile batteries (Flak Power: 230%)
- Level 9 Fortifications
- 100% Infrastructure
- Level 10 Naval Base
- Level 4 Air Base
Given London’s plan to build more military installations, add at least four more Infantry Divisions, and station a carrier task force there, Hong Kong’s defense would improve greatly. Throw in the American pledge to rush in reinforcements and you had the prospect of the city becoming a hard nut for the Chinese to crack. It had to be that way, for the alternative wasn’t pleasant for either London or Washington.
Nor was Hong Kong the only European colony living in the shadow of the Great Chinese Dragon. Since 1557, the Portuguese had been involved with the mainland city of Macao. During the 19th Century, the Qing Dynasty (1644-1912) signed treaties ceding Hong Kong to the United Kingdom and Macao to Portugal. In 1961, the Republic of China (which replaced the Qing Dynasty in 1912) under Chiang’s leadership abruptly declared those treaties to be null and void. The justification was that they were unequal treaties which the Europeans had forced upon China with complete disregard for her sovereignty. Now that China was starting to flex her muscles in Asia, Hong Kong and Macao became natural targets. Nanjing declared those two cities to be sovereign Chinese territory, thus making the European presence there illegal in her eyes. Johnson sensed in Hong Kong that the British attitude there was “You want us to leave? You’re going to have to make us leave!” The Portuguese attitude he got in Macao was quite different. Arriving in the city for a short visit, the Vice President found...nothing. There were no anti-aircraft guns, no fortifications, no military bases, and no military forces to be seen anywhere. Johnson couldn’t believe it. The Chinese could easily attack Macao from Guangzhou and Jiangmen and the Portuguese didn’t seem to be bothered by it one bit. When LBJ questioned Governor Jaime Silvério Marques in his pink-colored Pombaline-style Government House why nothing was being done to defend Macao, Marques nonchalantly brushed off the prospect of a Chinese invasion of the Portuguese colony as a mere bluff.
“Contrary to what the Generalissimo wants you to believe,” the Governor said,
“The Treaty of 1887 [which officially made Macao a Portuguese colony] is still in effect. We find it hard to believe that he would risk a war with us over this place.”
Johnson left the meeting shaking his head at the obliviousness the people running the colony were showing.
“These fellows,” he said out loud once back aboard his plane,
“Are so dumb they can’t fart and chew gum at the same time!”
If Macao could be written off as a lost cause, the next stop could not be. LBJ’s visit to South Vietnam was intended to be a PR move designed to signal America’s seriousness about supporting the regime of President Ngo Dinh Diem. At the Presidential Palace, the showman side of Lyndon Johnson showed itself. Waving his arms in the air, he gave a campaign-style stump speech in which he called Diem
“the Winston Churchill of Asia” who was valiantly defending his people from the Northern threat. Diem responded to the Vice President’s gushing praise of him by throwing a state dinner in his honor. Afterwards, the two leaders met privately to talk for three hours. Journalist Sarah McClendon, a member of the traveling press pool, later recalled how tedious the Saigon visit turned out to be:
“Johnson decided to talk. He wanted to have one of those long line talks with Diem. Nobody could leave until they were done talking.”
Jackson saw Diem as his last line of defense in Southeast Asia against the Chinese and was willing to do whatever it took militarily to strengthen him. Personally, Johnson didn’t think a military solution alone would save South Vietnam from being taken over by Nanjing-backed North Vietnam. As he stressed to Diem, he believed that it would help improve the situation if Saigon implemented social, political, and fiscal reforms. After all, what good would supporting Diem be if he was denying the right of his own countrymen to have a say in their own government? Diem was a polite listener to Johnson’s arguments, but remained steadfastly opposed to the idea of reforms. The South Vietnamese leader made it clear that he believed he knew what was best for his people and that his course was therefore the right course to pursue. As for the introduction of American combat troops into his country, Diem told LBJ that the security situation warranted it.
“I am worried that what is going on in Laos right now will spill over the border,” he confided. Despite his public assertion about Diem being
“the Winston Churchill of Asia”, the Vice President came out of the meeting wondering if it was a good idea for America to put all her eggs into his basket.
“I don’t know about this fellow, Diem,” he privately admitted,
“He was tickled as hell when I promised him forty million dollars and talked about military aid, but he turned deaf and dumb every time I talked about him speeding up and beefing up some health and welfare projects. I spent two hours and forty-five minutes with him; tried to get knee-to-knee and belly-to-belly so he wouldn’t misunderstand me, but it doesn’t look like he got it.”
Bangkok, Thailand and New Delhi, India made up the final leg of Johnson’s two-week trip. The Chinese invasion of Laos had driven Thailand into the arms of the US and India had been a US ally since the 1950s. By the time Lyndon arrived in Bangkok, he had grown completely fed up with the journalists who were traveling with him. Everywhere he went, he had made it a point to go out of his way and mingle with the locals. Wherever there was a crowd, he would dive into it and shake hands until he felt like his hands would fall off. As the highest-ranking government official presently in Asia, LBJ wanted to project a positive image of the United States as a nation that literally believed in the phrase “hands across the ocean”. Unfortunately, that’s not how the traveling journalists saw things. Since Johnson was violating protocol by plunging into the crowds, they viewed him as being ignorant and embarrassing. They even presented him as such in their dispatches back home. The Vice President, who thought the journalists were the ones being ignorant, finally had enough of all this negative press. At 2:30 in the morning, he called the journalists into his room and gruffly proceeded to
“correct some misperceptions that you people are putting out there.”
After Johnson gave them a piece of his mind, his press secretary George Reedy made the surprise announcement that there would be an early dawn visit to Bangkok’s famous floating markets. About a half-hour later, the journalists were informed that the visit had been canceled and that they should get some sleep. When they awoke in the morning, they were startled to learn that they had been lied to. LBJ had gone ahead and visited it without the media’s presence. For the first time during the entire trip, he had been able to be himself and not be bothered by the critical journalists who were always in tow. Of course, this tactic didn’t help Johnson’s rocky relationship with the media – who now had a personal reason to give him nothing but grief.