Would'nt that mean that he should fail at taking last nations last provinces ?
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Would'nt that mean that he should fail at taking last nations last provinces ?
Great updates. Personally, I think you should go South America and then call it quits.
it was odd at the time, I felt that when I was falling back in 1941 that I'd had more control, I think in part as I really didn't know what was the limit to this renewed German offensive and in part as I'd managed to trash 4A & 9A in my own offensive before they got stuck into me (shades of Kharkov in April-May 42 in the actual war), so all I could do was to try and open a gap between my retreat and their advance, so that I could start to regain organisation.
that was plan A to be honest ... plan B involved a defense of the Dniepr line ... one must be flexible.
Spoilers???!!!Honestly, Loki, have you learned nothing from my AARs??!!
You don't let us know that you've dominated the Axis by 1945. You make us assume you'll be making a final stand against the Germans at Vladivostok, THEN after the cliffhanger has had its effect you come back and take Berlin.
Though, for all I know, you DID have to retreat to Vladivostok before dominating the Axis in 1945.
Keep up the good work!
Rensslaer
This has actually been worrying me a bit. I've clearly played a long way ahead so I could get the perspective for the style of narrative. Inevitably some of that information leaks into the AAR, either in the responses to comments or in the actual posts. My logic is that its ok to know what happens in broad outline, its the how that remains to be explored. Its a bit like John Erickson ends his first volume with the opening blow of Uranus and Kravchenko's tanks and Pliev's cavalry have got in between 6 Army and the German relief effort. You know the Soviets win the battle of Stalingrad, you don't know if those units are sacrificed to delay the German counterstroke (and typical of Erickson, the second volume opens with a long discussion of the German plans to either evacuate or re-establish the original front).
On balance, I think I'll play as the chips fall. I've never used the S America map so even if the end result is not really in doubt, getting there could be fun. Due to some rather odd bits of diplomacy I have a new (& perhaps originally unwilling) member of the Comintern who is at war with the US (this will become clear when I get to the end of 42) due to how the axis does limited wars. I'm not sure if at some stage that will break the game or escalate into a full war with the US.
I won't look for a war with the UK/Allies. It would just be a fairly tedious naval transport operation as none of them are a threat and they are too isolated (India, S Africa, Australia etc) to even co-operate. I just don't have Prawnstar's near infinite levels of patience.
"On the look of death": The Western Front, 1-15 Oct 1942
On the main western strategic action, the fighting can be broken down into three sectors. The long feared German offensive in the Minsk-Homyel sector commenced and the Soviet armoured offensive stretching from Komsomolsky to Eltsy continued to probe and slash into the German lines. Finally, the Germans hit the northern elements of 8 Army and 1 Army, driving them back almost to the Rybinsk reservoir and threatening Cherepovets.
10 Army was far too weak to fend off the German attack, and in any case, as long as Smolensk was held, STAVKA was prepared to simply fall back in the face of German pressure. This sector was similar to that in the Ukraine, for the most part the Germans were allowed to take terrain with no sustained resistance. The only exception was at Ostaskov from 6-12 October, where 15 corps tried to stop a German breakthrough into the rear of 1 Tank Army.
However, it was a combination of 2 Tank and 8 Army that produced a series of victories that, in different ways, indicated that the Red Army had, at worst, achieved parity on the battlefield with their opponent.
The battle at Afimino finally ended the German attempt to reach Kalinin. However, more than this, it was the largest single pocket of the war yielding over 40,000 POWs.
For perhaps the first time, on the battlefield, the Germans lost operational discipline. Stunned by the change from being on the offensive to seeing Soviet armour slicing across their retreat routes,
(one of the new T-80 Light tanks at Afimino)
they surrendered after less than 3 days fighting.
(Soviet armour and infantry cutting the German retreat routes from Afimino)
In the meantime, Griblyanka was yet another of the attritional battles fought by 8 Army all that long summer.
(Soviet infantry clearing Griblyanka)
It took 33 Corps some 14 days and over 3,500 dead to secure the town,
but the result, combined with the victory at Afimino was to eliminate the German salient between the Kalinin and Smolensk fronts. It also allowed a significant shortening of the front lines, which allowed 8 Army to both pull some of its shattered units to the rear and concentrate the rest for a renewed offensive.
Soviet morale was further raised by the victory at Staroye on 12 October. Here, unsupported Rifle Divisions attacked and overcame the Tigers of 6 Heavy Armour, as the Red Army started to work out how to master even their most fearsome foe.
1 Tank and 13 Army had more mixed results. 2 Guards Tank and 10 Tank Divisions swept into Bologoye with under 250 dead but inflicting over 2000 on the axis defenders.
This seemed to extend the existing spearhead around Komsomolsky, but that was lost to a German counterattack on 5 October and a major attempt to retake it by 9 Tank Division failed by 12 October.
(Soviet armour waiting to be committed near Komsomolsky)
This left the Soviets astride the main rail route to Pskov, but potentially exposed if the Germans managed to recover their poise elsewhere.
(major Armour-Infantry assault in the 1 Tank Army sector)
A series of major armour clashes around Krasnaya Zarya and Krasnomayskiy were inconclusive and the Soviet offensive started to stall as the Germans recovered from the shock of Afimino.
Equally 3 Army was coming under intense pressure, with the the twin battles of Azanovo and Nelidovo opening on 11 October and ending with German victories by the 22nd.
The Germans took advantage of this temporary disruption to the Soviet offensive and launched a sustained counterattack at Eltsy and Firovo on 12 October. Although ultimately, the Soviet defense line held, these two weeks of fighting meant that both 2 Tank and 8 Army were locked in position.
In turn with 2 Tank and 8 Army thrown back on the defence, the Germans were able to escalate their own offensive aimed at 1 Army. Here, they steadily gained ground driving a wedge towards the Rybinsk Reservoir.
By mid-October, the Soviets had won a stunning victory at Afimino and had significantly shortened the front. On the other hand 1 Tank Army was caught up in an inclusive clash of armour all across its front and 1 Army was on the verge of being driven back.
It was not till early November, that it became clear who really had the upper hand.
Even for just over 2 weeks, the death toll was an eloquent testimony to the ferocity of the fighting. 38,707 Soviet dead, 36,213 German, 2,681 of their allies and 40,602 German prisoners told a stark story.
On the main western strategic action, the fighting can be broken down into three sectors. The long feared German offensive in the Minsk-Homyel sector commenced and the Soviet armoured offensive stretching from Komsomolsky to Eltsy continued to probe and slash into the German lines. Finally, the Germans hit the northern elements of 8 Army and 1 Army, driving them back almost to the Rybinsk reservoir and threatening Cherepovets.
10 Army was far too weak to fend off the German attack, and in any case, as long as Smolensk was held, STAVKA was prepared to simply fall back in the face of German pressure. This sector was similar to that in the Ukraine, for the most part the Germans were allowed to take terrain with no sustained resistance. The only exception was at Ostaskov from 6-12 October, where 15 corps tried to stop a German breakthrough into the rear of 1 Tank Army.
However, it was a combination of 2 Tank and 8 Army that produced a series of victories that, in different ways, indicated that the Red Army had, at worst, achieved parity on the battlefield with their opponent.
The battle at Afimino finally ended the German attempt to reach Kalinin. However, more than this, it was the largest single pocket of the war yielding over 40,000 POWs.
For perhaps the first time, on the battlefield, the Germans lost operational discipline. Stunned by the change from being on the offensive to seeing Soviet armour slicing across their retreat routes,
(one of the new T-80 Light tanks at Afimino)
they surrendered after less than 3 days fighting.
(Soviet armour and infantry cutting the German retreat routes from Afimino)
In the meantime, Griblyanka was yet another of the attritional battles fought by 8 Army all that long summer.
(Soviet infantry clearing Griblyanka)
It took 33 Corps some 14 days and over 3,500 dead to secure the town,
but the result, combined with the victory at Afimino was to eliminate the German salient between the Kalinin and Smolensk fronts. It also allowed a significant shortening of the front lines, which allowed 8 Army to both pull some of its shattered units to the rear and concentrate the rest for a renewed offensive.
Soviet morale was further raised by the victory at Staroye on 12 October. Here, unsupported Rifle Divisions attacked and overcame the Tigers of 6 Heavy Armour, as the Red Army started to work out how to master even their most fearsome foe.
1 Tank and 13 Army had more mixed results. 2 Guards Tank and 10 Tank Divisions swept into Bologoye with under 250 dead but inflicting over 2000 on the axis defenders.
This seemed to extend the existing spearhead around Komsomolsky, but that was lost to a German counterattack on 5 October and a major attempt to retake it by 9 Tank Division failed by 12 October.
(Soviet armour waiting to be committed near Komsomolsky)
This left the Soviets astride the main rail route to Pskov, but potentially exposed if the Germans managed to recover their poise elsewhere.
(major Armour-Infantry assault in the 1 Tank Army sector)
A series of major armour clashes around Krasnaya Zarya and Krasnomayskiy were inconclusive and the Soviet offensive started to stall as the Germans recovered from the shock of Afimino.
Equally 3 Army was coming under intense pressure, with the the twin battles of Azanovo and Nelidovo opening on 11 October and ending with German victories by the 22nd.
The Germans took advantage of this temporary disruption to the Soviet offensive and launched a sustained counterattack at Eltsy and Firovo on 12 October. Although ultimately, the Soviet defense line held, these two weeks of fighting meant that both 2 Tank and 8 Army were locked in position.
In turn with 2 Tank and 8 Army thrown back on the defence, the Germans were able to escalate their own offensive aimed at 1 Army. Here, they steadily gained ground driving a wedge towards the Rybinsk Reservoir.
By mid-October, the Soviets had won a stunning victory at Afimino and had significantly shortened the front. On the other hand 1 Tank Army was caught up in an inclusive clash of armour all across its front and 1 Army was on the verge of being driven back.
It was not till early November, that it became clear who really had the upper hand.
Even for just over 2 weeks, the death toll was an eloquent testimony to the ferocity of the fighting. 38,707 Soviet dead, 36,213 German, 2,681 of their allies and 40,602 German prisoners told a stark story.
Great update. Can't wait for you to pressure Germans out of Soviet Union. Really great AAR.
Province names sometimes hurt the eye but meh, can't expect Paradox to get everything right in huge USSR. They even have Kiev misplaced after all
Province names sometimes hurt the eye but meh, can't expect Paradox to get everything right in huge USSR. They even have Kiev misplaced after all
Taking the last two updates combined, I must say that the AI continues to surprise. It is certainly putting up a fight, even if it isn't always in the right place. Merely going by the amount of space occupied, the Germans have bounced back quite impressively, especially in the Ukraine.
As far as the future of this AAR goes - just do what is most interesting for you to play. Going after the Allies doesn't appeal to you and we already know that you can handle the USA, so I'd say go for South America if you do want to continue, and otherwise call it quits once the Hitlerite regime bites the dust. I'm sure that other challenges beckon, anyway...
As far as the future of this AAR goes - just do what is most interesting for you to play. Going after the Allies doesn't appeal to you and we already know that you can handle the USA, so I'd say go for South America if you do want to continue, and otherwise call it quits once the Hitlerite regime bites the dust. I'm sure that other challenges beckon, anyway...
The AI attacks whenever is has the supplies to shoot something at you?
This is looking more like a turn-based strategy game between Hitler and Stalin, both changing blows equally.
Except that you get more POWs so far...
This is looking more like a turn-based strategy game between Hitler and Stalin, both changing blows equally.
Except that you get more POWs so far...
I agree entirely that mopping up the allies can be tedious (this has killed off several games on HOI1&2 for me).
I do have to confess that I am interested to see how you would manage the power projection aspect of dealing with the USA.
I do have to confess that I am interested to see how you would manage the power projection aspect of dealing with the USA.
Nice and well written as usual. Would be interesting to hear how things fare in the rest of the world.
The Germans don't seem to be short of panzer divisions to throw at you, but you've hurt them again in this update. A rough parity in casualties and 40,000 prisoners in return for giving up some ground seems like a good deal for the Soviets and a worrying trend for the Axis.
As to the end game, I'd quite like to see how you fitted South America into your current update template. Methinks there are few 1940s-era pictures of IS-2s rolling through Rio.
As to the end game, I'd quite like to see how you fitted South America into your current update template. Methinks there are few 1940s-era pictures of IS-2s rolling through Rio.
Perhaps the gap could be filled with some more Soviet motivational posters.
Great update. Can't wait for you to pressure Germans out of Soviet Union. Really great AAR.
Province names sometimes hurt the eye but meh, can't expect Paradox to get everything right in huge USSR. They even have Kiev misplaced after all
Glad you're enjoying it. Have some sympathy for Paradox, its not always clear how to transliterate from cyrillic to latin script, certainly, as I'm finding, complicated by the use of Bielorussian and Ukranian on modern era maps and Russian names on Soviet era maps, frequent name changes of some towns as people moved in and out of favour, and they are clear, the map is designed for play not accurate geography. Having said all that, Kiyev should be on the Dniepr, it leaves me permanently confused and makes a real mess of translating the game maps to the maps I'm using ...
The AI attacks whenever is has the supplies to shoot something at you?
This is looking more like a turn-based strategy game between Hitler and Stalin, both changing blows equally.
Except that you get more POWs so far...
I'm impressed with the AI, if it feels confident its very (perhaps too) agressive, so its divisions are mostly at full strength, its got lots of supply, so it really hammers me. This feeling of a boxing match with no rules persists well into 1943, and in the end its the relative pow count that is indeed critical. Neither side can raise new forces any more (I've a few in production), so everything that is lost, is another permanent weakening, making the next offensive a bit easier and so on.
I'm certainly going to do the Latin American gambit ... never done that in any variant of HOI so entertainingly new ... & its looking as if the game engine has ideas in any case.
In this case, I intend to use Mexico, its why I put so much scarce leadership into getting the Mexican CP into power. From 'Red Sheep' I learnt the hard way that lots of relatively small separated invasions really does not work against the US AI.
I'll cover non-Soviet events in a few posts time, the only other active front at the moment is in the Middle East (though there is a bit of clue in the next update), between the UK and Italy.
glad you're enjoying it and have recovered after your rebel surplus. Not sure that a WC is on the cards, too much immediate business to settle with the axis (& I'm in game just up to April 45).
Afimino, I think was the first big pocket that wasn't the result of trapping axis forces against a coast, so very nice to pull off, & yes if I trade combat losses and supplement it with a cull of their actual formations then sooner or later their front will seriously weaken.
I've been thinking about pictures ... there are quite a few Vietnam era of the NVA using T-34s in the jungles against the French and Americans, so thats one source. Other than that ... I fear a huge degree of poetic license.
ah you've seen the preview of the next post then?
"Day Got Tired of Me': The War in the German rear, Autumn 1942
The relative success of the German offensive in September and October 1942 brought back into stark focus the importance, to both sides, of ensuring the allegiance (or at least the tolerance) of the Soviet population.
From captured documents it is clear that the Germans still believed they could achieve a victory over the USSR. They had large reserves of industrial capacity and highly trained manpower as, despite, Soviet efforts, there was only limited partisan activity in Western Europe giving them control over the industry of the richest part of the continent.
Anglo-Soviet relations were worsening, with disputes over the future status of Poland and the crisis in Syria. When the Soviet offensive had promised victory in late July, the status and future of Finland had been another source of friction between the Soviets and the British.
Finally, the Germans were pressing the Japanese to escalate their undeclared war in Central Asia to a full scale attack on the Soviet Far East.
It was, in their eyes, not impossible that they could stalemate the main front, hope that their Japanese allies captured land from Vladivostock to the Caspian and that the Anglo-Soviet alliance would disolve into open rivalry.
Against this background, they started to make serious efforts to secure, if not the loyalty, then at least the acceptance of their presence by the Soviet population in the areas under their control.
(German propoganda poster, A call to arms against the Bolshevik menace)
The Soviet propoganda response was two-fold. One was to ensure that the morale of the population in Soviet held regions did not fall as the Wehrmacht resumed its advances.
(reads: Promise to defeat the enemy)
More importantly, in terms of securing the loyalty of the population behind the front was the role of the partisan movement. Propoganda pictures tended to stress that this was the response of the local population, with minimal external help.
(reads: Partisans take revenge without mercy)
In truth the partisan movement was well embedded with the local population
But at the same time, it is also true that the NKVD in particular invested considerable effort in directing, supplying and reinforcing the partisan groups. A frequent target was the German rail net,
but at other times, villages would be attacked.
The intention was that the population never forgot that the Soviet state still existed.
(reads: Glory to the Partisan heroes)
The key weapon for the Soviets in the partisan war remained the Po-2 biplane. Exceptionally slow, able to glide and land and take off from almost anywhere, it gave them the capacity to take the wounded out and to bring specialist sabotage teams in.
Equally the Po-2 was increasingly used on raids on German units.
Attacking at night, with its engines shut down, the damage was minimal (a few light bombs, a burst of machine gun fire) but the morale impact was substantive. The disruption caused was worsened as the Germans had no effective counter-measure, the slow speed and high manouverability of the Po-2 making it near impossible for the German fighters to shoot down. German losses were light, but, in combination with the partisan war, it reinforced the idea that they were not safe anywhere in the Soviet Union.
The Red Army might have been in retreat in mid-October 1942, but the Soviet Union retained the ability to attack them almost anywhere in the USSR.
The relative success of the German offensive in September and October 1942 brought back into stark focus the importance, to both sides, of ensuring the allegiance (or at least the tolerance) of the Soviet population.
From captured documents it is clear that the Germans still believed they could achieve a victory over the USSR. They had large reserves of industrial capacity and highly trained manpower as, despite, Soviet efforts, there was only limited partisan activity in Western Europe giving them control over the industry of the richest part of the continent.
Anglo-Soviet relations were worsening, with disputes over the future status of Poland and the crisis in Syria. When the Soviet offensive had promised victory in late July, the status and future of Finland had been another source of friction between the Soviets and the British.
Finally, the Germans were pressing the Japanese to escalate their undeclared war in Central Asia to a full scale attack on the Soviet Far East.
It was, in their eyes, not impossible that they could stalemate the main front, hope that their Japanese allies captured land from Vladivostock to the Caspian and that the Anglo-Soviet alliance would disolve into open rivalry.
Against this background, they started to make serious efforts to secure, if not the loyalty, then at least the acceptance of their presence by the Soviet population in the areas under their control.
(German propoganda poster, A call to arms against the Bolshevik menace)
The Soviet propoganda response was two-fold. One was to ensure that the morale of the population in Soviet held regions did not fall as the Wehrmacht resumed its advances.
(reads: Promise to defeat the enemy)
More importantly, in terms of securing the loyalty of the population behind the front was the role of the partisan movement. Propoganda pictures tended to stress that this was the response of the local population, with minimal external help.
(reads: Partisans take revenge without mercy)
In truth the partisan movement was well embedded with the local population
But at the same time, it is also true that the NKVD in particular invested considerable effort in directing, supplying and reinforcing the partisan groups. A frequent target was the German rail net,
but at other times, villages would be attacked.
The intention was that the population never forgot that the Soviet state still existed.
(reads: Glory to the Partisan heroes)
The key weapon for the Soviets in the partisan war remained the Po-2 biplane. Exceptionally slow, able to glide and land and take off from almost anywhere, it gave them the capacity to take the wounded out and to bring specialist sabotage teams in.
Equally the Po-2 was increasingly used on raids on German units.
Attacking at night, with its engines shut down, the damage was minimal (a few light bombs, a burst of machine gun fire) but the morale impact was substantive. The disruption caused was worsened as the Germans had no effective counter-measure, the slow speed and high manouverability of the Po-2 making it near impossible for the German fighters to shoot down. German losses were light, but, in combination with the partisan war, it reinforced the idea that they were not safe anywhere in the Soviet Union.
The Red Army might have been in retreat in mid-October 1942, but the Soviet Union retained the ability to attack them almost anywhere in the USSR.
Should be swear not promise.
Awesome AAR lots of very good work and great war time photographs.
Does that say 'Kavkaza' on the first poster (which Wikipedia helpfully redirects to 'Caucasus' - seems plausible, with the mountains in the poster)?
And is the picture of the train taking from a plane? There's that odd horizontal line (stabilizer?) in the foreground...
In game terms, can you tell how much of an impact on partisan production you're having?
And is the picture of the train taking from a plane? There's that odd horizontal line (stabilizer?) in the foreground...
In game terms, can you tell how much of an impact on partisan production you're having?
Good stuff and good updates. It really must prove a hindrance to the Axis forces that any Soviet land they occupy will require considerable resources in an attempt to pacify the population. As alluded to in the update not only resources but also morale is likely to be really damaged by guerilla warfare.
Should be swear not promise.
Awesome AAR lots of very good work and great war time photographs.
glad you're enjoying it and yep, you're spot on about my mistranslation.
Too slow to be shot down?
yes, so all the sources say. The stall speed for a Me-106 was about 180km/hr and for a Fw-190 over 200, the top speed of Po-2 was about 190. In poor visibility it meant that a German fighter couldn't hold position when trying to hit them as they would stall ... in good visibility the Po-2s were sitting ducks, but the Soviets used them mostly at night. In a way its typical of the whole Soviet approach during the Great Patriotic War - turn your own weaknesses into strengths. You can't imagine the western allies persisting with an aircraft that was so slow it became near invulnerable, but without it the partisan war would have slipped into little but a series of isolated actions.
Yes, I think it was from summer 42 when the Germans were trying to encourage the population in the Caucasus (who had little reason to love Stalin) to join them.
and again good spot, the picture came from a German archive so it could have been a reconnaisance flight after the train had been ambushed.
well its a bit of a context/background post as the game engine doesn't allow too much active involvement. I'm still building up spies in Germany and then expending them on 'support rebels', so am putting some effort (hopefully the next expansion will bring some concepts from EU3 to this area, that added to V2's mass uprisings could make this part of the game really fun), but here's 1 Nov 1942 from the German side showing the revolt risks:
by accident or design it looks spot on (I think its not showing properly for the S Ukraine as that maybe under Rumanian control), the front is ok for them (as you'd expect, far too many well armed people around to allow much partisan activity) but the whole of Bielorussia is a hot spot (I've opened up one province more or less at random so you can see just how bad it is).
Also for some reason the Danes seem a bit antsy about being occupied, I think they were annexed rather than GiE as that was the mechanism in the patch I was using at that stage of the game.
As to the morale impact, one source I found indicated that the Po-2 raids were feared by the Germans almost as much as the Katyushas. Neither killed many of them, but the impact on their morale and confidence was profound.