"Tawny, Her Customs" Central Asia April-June 1942
Despite the drama and intensity of the war with Germany, STAVKA could ill-afford to ignore the events in Central Asia. Japanese success could see Tannu Tuva and Mongolia knocked out, the Trans-Siberian Rail cut at Irkutsk and the loss of the Central Asian industrial and resource centres.
(Camels were a major part of the Soviet logistical network in this sector)
When Sinkiang fell in early January 1942, the RKKA had 4 divisions (2 Rifle, 1 DNO, 1 Garrison) in the region. From the Trans-Baikal Front, the Persian border and freshly raised forces this was increased to 10 Divisions (6 Rifle, 2 DNO, 1 Garrison and 1 Cavalry) by the end of March.
(Sinkiang/Soviet border region, showing main offensives by each side)
This force had to hold the current front till further reinforcements arrived. April saw steadily mounting Japanese pressure. On the border between Sinkiang and Kazakhstan, both Kuytun and Ulunger Hu fell on 28 April. Kuqa fell on 8 May, giving the Japanese effective control over the Tarim basin. In the meantime they also pressed northwards into the Altai region and west into Mongolia.
With the end of operations in Persia, a further 4 divisions were racing eastwards (2 Rifle, 1 Mountain, 1 Cavalry) but these would not reach the front lines till early June at the best. Aiding the Soviet defense was the sheer distances involved and the limited road networks. In effect, STAVKA ordered Stern, now in command of the Central Asian Front, to limit their gains till he had enough forces to first stop and then throw back the aggressors.
He identified the mountain pass to Kazakhstan at Khrebet Tarbagaty as a key sector and committed what was left of his operational reserves.
For almost two weeks the Japanese advanced was stalled before the Soviet lines gave way on 15 May.
(Soviet positions near Khrebet)
The result was by the time the Japanese forced the frontier, a counterattack was immediately launched by 2 freshly raised Rifle Divisions temporarily throwing their attack into confusion. Although the Japanese managed to take Yining (and thus threaten Kyrgyzstan) on 1 June,
again they were already too late as Soviet resistance was steadily stiffening as fresh forces arrived.
The result in June was their attempt to complete the occupation of the Tarim region was thrawted at Aral on 23 June. Equally, Soviet troops launched a wide counterattack from Ulunger Hu and Yining, retaking both border towns by early July.
With the Japanese thrown into some confusion (and suffering major supply problems), Khrebet Tarbagaty was quickly retaken on 30 June. In effect, the front line of early April had been restored by the end of June, but this time the Soviet forces were much stronger.
(The campaign in the Altai region of Tannu Tuva and Western Mongolia)
(Typical terrain in the western Altai)
In the meantime, the Japanese offensive in the Altai had not just been stopped, it had been thrown back. A major defensive victory by elements of 12 Corps at Tsetserleg on 16 May had halted their invasion of Mongolia. With this victory, a combination of forces from the Far East, those that had fought in the February-March battles (and had had the chance to recover) and some fresh reinforcements all attacked in an arc into the Altai.
(Soviet cavalry artillery in operation near Kyzyl)
A series of hard fought victories at Youvi Feng Hodrogo and Uliastay relieved the pressure on both Mongolia and Tannu.
(Soviet cavalry in the Altai region, as in the Arctic their mobility was invaluable and compensated for the lack of motorised or armoured formations)
Even better, they cut off a division of Japanese Marines at Oygom.
By June, Soviet forces in the region amounted to 18 Divisions and this had proved sufficient to stall the Japanese aggression. Despite all the other demands on Soviet manpower (including wanting to reinforce the forces screening Manchuria), STAVKA decided to gamble that this represented a powerful enough force to drive the Japanese back and liberate Sinkiang. Equally despite abundent evidence that Japanese forces were involved, both sides opted to maintain the fiction that this was a war between their Chinese proxies.
The pattern of losses reflecting the changing intensity of combat. Overall the Soviets lost 13,389 and the Japanese 13,689, however, over half these died in the June battles where the Soviets first stopped and then struck back at the Japanese offensive. The relatively even losses reflected the nature of the fighting where the terrain meant that neither side could ever really manouvre effectively nor was it easy to exploit any breakthroughs.
Despite the drama and intensity of the war with Germany, STAVKA could ill-afford to ignore the events in Central Asia. Japanese success could see Tannu Tuva and Mongolia knocked out, the Trans-Siberian Rail cut at Irkutsk and the loss of the Central Asian industrial and resource centres.
(Camels were a major part of the Soviet logistical network in this sector)
When Sinkiang fell in early January 1942, the RKKA had 4 divisions (2 Rifle, 1 DNO, 1 Garrison) in the region. From the Trans-Baikal Front, the Persian border and freshly raised forces this was increased to 10 Divisions (6 Rifle, 2 DNO, 1 Garrison and 1 Cavalry) by the end of March.
(Sinkiang/Soviet border region, showing main offensives by each side)
This force had to hold the current front till further reinforcements arrived. April saw steadily mounting Japanese pressure. On the border between Sinkiang and Kazakhstan, both Kuytun and Ulunger Hu fell on 28 April. Kuqa fell on 8 May, giving the Japanese effective control over the Tarim basin. In the meantime they also pressed northwards into the Altai region and west into Mongolia.
With the end of operations in Persia, a further 4 divisions were racing eastwards (2 Rifle, 1 Mountain, 1 Cavalry) but these would not reach the front lines till early June at the best. Aiding the Soviet defense was the sheer distances involved and the limited road networks. In effect, STAVKA ordered Stern, now in command of the Central Asian Front, to limit their gains till he had enough forces to first stop and then throw back the aggressors.
He identified the mountain pass to Kazakhstan at Khrebet Tarbagaty as a key sector and committed what was left of his operational reserves.
For almost two weeks the Japanese advanced was stalled before the Soviet lines gave way on 15 May.
(Soviet positions near Khrebet)
The result was by the time the Japanese forced the frontier, a counterattack was immediately launched by 2 freshly raised Rifle Divisions temporarily throwing their attack into confusion. Although the Japanese managed to take Yining (and thus threaten Kyrgyzstan) on 1 June,
again they were already too late as Soviet resistance was steadily stiffening as fresh forces arrived.
The result in June was their attempt to complete the occupation of the Tarim region was thrawted at Aral on 23 June. Equally, Soviet troops launched a wide counterattack from Ulunger Hu and Yining, retaking both border towns by early July.
With the Japanese thrown into some confusion (and suffering major supply problems), Khrebet Tarbagaty was quickly retaken on 30 June. In effect, the front line of early April had been restored by the end of June, but this time the Soviet forces were much stronger.
(The campaign in the Altai region of Tannu Tuva and Western Mongolia)
(Typical terrain in the western Altai)
In the meantime, the Japanese offensive in the Altai had not just been stopped, it had been thrown back. A major defensive victory by elements of 12 Corps at Tsetserleg on 16 May had halted their invasion of Mongolia. With this victory, a combination of forces from the Far East, those that had fought in the February-March battles (and had had the chance to recover) and some fresh reinforcements all attacked in an arc into the Altai.
(Soviet cavalry artillery in operation near Kyzyl)
A series of hard fought victories at Youvi Feng Hodrogo and Uliastay relieved the pressure on both Mongolia and Tannu.
(Soviet cavalry in the Altai region, as in the Arctic their mobility was invaluable and compensated for the lack of motorised or armoured formations)
Even better, they cut off a division of Japanese Marines at Oygom.
By June, Soviet forces in the region amounted to 18 Divisions and this had proved sufficient to stall the Japanese aggression. Despite all the other demands on Soviet manpower (including wanting to reinforce the forces screening Manchuria), STAVKA decided to gamble that this represented a powerful enough force to drive the Japanese back and liberate Sinkiang. Equally despite abundent evidence that Japanese forces were involved, both sides opted to maintain the fiction that this was a war between their Chinese proxies.
The pattern of losses reflecting the changing intensity of combat. Overall the Soviets lost 13,389 and the Japanese 13,689, however, over half these died in the June battles where the Soviets first stopped and then struck back at the Japanese offensive. The relatively even losses reflected the nature of the fighting where the terrain meant that neither side could ever really manouvre effectively nor was it easy to exploit any breakthroughs.