Victorious through God’s grace: de Hautevilles’ chronicle

[Hastu Neon]

Sorry for not posting much (I'm the lurker type y'know). But it's great that you are still updating this! I was a little afraid you decided to quit.

And don't you just love popes?

Never! I cannot leave an AAR uncompleted until its "normal" end - being a game over, end of period (1453 in this case) or achievement of the targets. Unfortunately RL is taking me time and I will not able to post more than a weekly update for a while ... and then will come summer break.

But I can commit to post at least once a week.

On the game, this excommunication came really out of the blue. No signals of dissatisfaction, no particular events, just an abrupt message in 1260. So I had to figure out a credible reason that could justify the ban, like Hugh's cold support to the crusade and the influence of his Greek-Orthodox wife on private and court life. Yet, the impact of the excommunication has been negligible: just a bunch of European rulers claiming my titles, but no domestic or international issue... Until in 1275 Hugh pays 800 gold coins and gets his well deserved indulgence.

This Hugh has very good stats and - you will see - through wars and clever marriages will manage to have his descendants growing even more the Duchy of Apulia in Italy and overseas.

[Hastu Neon]

XXXVI. King Aubrey’s campaigns in the Levant


Extension of the Sicilian conquests in North Africa and the Levant (mid-13th century)

As anticipated before, the endeavours in the Levant have continued to commit King Aubrey’s attention: having secured his positions in North Africa with the control of Cairo in the late 1250s, the Sicilian monarch has pushed his armies eastward entering the Holy Land. Here a new scenario has developed since the failure of the Fourth Crusade (1229-35): the necessity for the Muslim powers to deal with the Mongols has somewhat alleviated the pressure on the last remnants of the Crusader states. Under Ricard de Lusignan (King Odon’s successor), the Kingdom of Jerusalem has regained some ground owing also to steadfast support of the Hospitaliers, whose castles and riches have grown in parallel with, and is some ways outpaced, those of their secular partner. Therefore, at the time of the Sicilian crossing of the Holy Land, the Christian forces have reconsolidated their presence in the region along a continuous strip of land running from Damascus in the north to Jaffa in the south and comprising much of the country surrounding the Tiveriade Lake; despite not reaching even half of the extension of King Odon’s bygone domain, nonetheless a quite astonishing progress if just consider that at some point in time the Outremer crusaders were confined to their forts of Jaffa and Acre!

In the early 1260s the Siculo-Norman army led by William of Foggia (the conqueror of Cairo) steadily progresses in Syria, capturing important trade centres like Palmyra and Homs. However, such advanced positions are not really founded on solid grounds, as distance from homeland and increasing Islamic hostility do not make those cities easily defensible. Conscious of his strategic weakness, Aubrey of Sicily enters in negotiations with the Chersonid emperors of Byzantium to seal a mutual friendship treaty and strengthen his positions in the Levant. At the same time, the pact ensures both Leo VII and his successor Konstantinos XI that the Sicilians would maintain a friendly stance toward the Empire while it is engaged in a deadly struggle against the Mongols, not reiterating the disturbances brought by Robert Guiscard and William II which were fatal to the Doukid and Komnenid dynasties in the previous centuries.

Therefore, for few years Aubrey sits with the hope that – like Libya and Egypt before – Syria would soon be pacified under the Sicilian rule. But in 1268 war erupts again on the border with the Sultanate of Khwarizmian, the potentate that has developed into the leading Islamic power in the Levant following the destabilisation and rapid decline of the Baghdad Abbasids, weakened by the defeats at the hands of Sicilians and other Christian nations. This time, the Apulian involvement in the fight is much wider than the past as King Aubrey asks Hugh to mobilise regiments from Lecce and Bari. A fleet carrying Humbert, the second son of Hugh, with more than 6.500 men leaves the Apulian coast for Syria. Despite the young age, Humbert’s military ability is so promising that he is appointed marshal instead of William, Hugh’s pathetic brother.

The advance of the Khwarizmians poses a serious menace to Aubrey’s dependencies, as clearly shown by the loss of Palmyra in February 1269; few weeks after the leaders of the royal army send the Apulian regiment to defend Al Bichri, a small but strategic outpost on the eastern border of Syria. In this place, Humbert would spend more than one year, leading the successful resistance against the forces of Sultan Hormoz at the cost of huge casualties among the Apulian defenders.

While the bulk of Aubrey’s army is engaged – not without difficulties – in Syria, the Sicilian fleet patrolling the Eastern Mediterranean coasts assaults Cyprus, capturing and holding Famagusta for few months. Unfortunately, predominance at sea does not help much against a terrestrial empire: Sultan Hormoz counts on overwhelming forces that can be constantly equipped through shorter supply lines and replenished using the considerable ransoms collected from various Sicilian knights during the sieges. Having lost the major mainland centres (apart from a few outposts like Al-Bichri, well defended by Humbert’s Apulian garrison) Aubrey decides at last to stop the Syrian campaign in 1270.

[Morrell8]

Aubrey has washed his hands of the Levant, does this mean you will too? Also, what postion are you in line for the Sicilian Throne?

[Hastu Neon]

I must admit: Hugh of Apulia hasn't now enough power to get his own principality in the Holy Land: too far, too difficult to defend. Instead, growth in Southern Italy and Greece is faster and easier, and he will pursue through conquests and marriages.

In terms of succession to the throne, my dynasty ("the Apulian Hautevilles") was very well placed at the beginning of the scenario (1187), but now not so much, as the "royal-Sicilian Hautevilles" have multiplied and there are many inheritors before Hugh.

Yet, with his prestige and riches Hugh is by far the strongest feudal ruler in the continental part of the Kingdom. The Kings of Sicily cannot disregard or maltreat him, otherwise they will lose the loyalty of such a precious vassal.

[Hastu Neon]

XXXVII. Who holds the future of the dynasty?


The Apulian Hauteville dynasty in late 13th century

Families evolve like a river branching into many streams, up to a point where beliefs and values start to differentiate: this happens in the second half of 13th century to descendants of William V de Hauteville. The reasons are several and include:

• The partition of the dynasty into “Apulian” and “Hellenic” branches, following the enfeoffment of the county of Hellas to Humbert after William’s death, similarly – on a lesser scale – to what occurred to the Norman Hautevilles when Robert Guiscard was succeeded by his son Roger Borsa in Apulia and his brother Roger the Great Count in Sicily.
  
  
• The resurgence of the Greek ethnos even in Apulia, where many Hellenic civil and military officials have well served the Dukes in the vein of bygone imperial administration and effectively counterbalanced the power of the Norman nobility.
  
  
• The emergence of a religious rift among the Hautevilles – starting from the decision of Stephen (Hugh’s elder son) to embrace Orthodox faith – and its impact on family attitudes and loyalties during the tough time of the Duke’s excommunication by the Pope.
  
  
• The natural selection of the most gifted family members at the expense of the least apt ones, as demonstrated by the disrespect surrounding the modest figure of William, Duke Hugh’s younger brother.

Hugh’s elder sons Stephen and Humbert perfectly embody these two family features: still a child, the former moved to Naxos to succeed his maternal grandfather as count of that island, where breathed Greek culture and traditions; the latter has grown in Apulia with his parents and been taught in the art of war, soon becoming Hugh’s marshal. After coming of age, Stephen has chosen an oriental bride, marrying Agata Nemanjic, a daughter of the Prince of Bosnia Pavle; instead, in 1269 Humbert weds by proxy the astonishingly gifted Adriana Condulmer while still engaged in the Syrian expedition (only after his return from the Levant the couple is married in person at Brindisi). With their different experiences and attitudes, the two brothers seem really fated to respectively oversee the Greek and Apulian parts of the Duchy once Hugh passes away.

In the middle stays Hugh, the perfect – and perhaps the last – synthesis of the two characters: having started to rule in his youth as a brave “soldier of Christ”, with maturity came both political cautiousness and religious coldness. Hugh’s secular quest for knowledge and entertainment, encouraged by his second wife Anastasia, has been one of the main causes of the long interdict from church functions. Nevertheless, perfectly aware of being esteemed by both his subjects and King Aubrey, he has endured the excommunication with patience, courage and discretion, until the absolution obtained in 1275. From this year on, Hugh can look again with optimism to the future of the Duchy, surrounded by the love and loyalty of the Apulian people to whom he has granted over time prosperity and peace. Aubrey’s death in 1283 does not change Hugh’s position in the royal court, as he remains one of the key vassals of his 24-year old successor Richard I.

Despite wedding four times, only Hugh’s marriages with Greek women have proved fruitful: Matilda da Camino and Eisabeu de Poitiers-Valentinois (Hugh’s first and third wife, respectively) have died prematurely without surviving issue, while both Anastasia of Naxos (second wife) and Anna of Samos (fourth wife) have given birth to a numerous progeny.

Indeed, the last marriage with Anna seems particularly fortunate: when Hugh and Anna marry in December 1271, he is 43 and she only 16. Her youth and freshness brings new life to the widower duke, who can finally enjoy domestic peace, once relieved of the dangerous consequences of the excommunication and well-assisted by his elder sons in the government of his large domains. In the next years, she would conceive him a huge number of kids: Fressenda and Heria (1273), Alphonse (1275), Clemenza (1276), Henry (1277), Busilla (1278), Eremberga (1279) and Richard (1281).

In the long tradition of the Hautevilles, the ducal council is full of reliable and capable relatives: Hugh’s two sons Humbert ad William oversee the military and religious affairs as marshal and bishop, respectively. His daughter-in-law Adriana Condulmer (Humbert’s wife) is chancellor, while the Duke’s sister Matilda administers the finances. The “Greek Hautevilles” continue to have a decent influence over the Apulian things: after Humbert’s death in 1271, his two descendants Simon and Henry emerge as the most prominent figures of the cadet branch, the former holding the prosperous counties of Hellas and Atheniai and the latter becoming Hugh’s spymaster until his 1283’s scornful departure to Sicily.

Hugh’s relationship with vassal counts Simon of Hellas-Atheniai and Henry of Demetrias has definitely improved after the lifting of the excommunication: there is no more need for gifts to soothe them and less than two years after the Pope’s pardon can be even reintroduced the scutage tax previously suspended for cautionary reasons.

[Hastu Neon]

XXXVIII. Thriving towns

The decade after Hugh’s absolution sees the Apulian economy continuing to prosper under the Duke’s liberal rule. The wise measures adopted finally clear Lecce of the bands of smugglers that have previously infested the district. The streets become as secure as ducal castles, merchants and pilgrims can move free of dangers and the trust towards the government’s authority of peasants and burghers reaches new highs. The reliability of Hugh’s administration and the security of the roads render Apulia an ideal centre for traders and artisans, satisfied with paying taxes which everybody recognises to be necessary for the preservation of such an efficient and righteous government inspired by traditional custom.

The ducal estates are at their highest degree of prosperity, providing Hugh with a monthly income in excess of 26 gold bezants. Improved harbour facilities attract bigger and bigger merchant vessels loaded with every good available for trading throughout Apulia. The only restraint on trades is the necessity for Hugh – after his recent absolution – to avoid problems with the clergy, trying to comply with the religious prohibition against merchants holding market in church squares.

With such full coffers, Duke Hugh becomes one of the most powerful peers of the Kingdom of Sicily, able to levy more than 10.000 warriors from his demesne and vassals. His fourth wife Anna holds sumptuous court at Lecce, welcoming the foremost figures of the realm and spending large sums of money for their amusement. In addition to funding Anna’s lavish expenses, during this period Hugh commissions the enlargement of the castle of Bari and launches works for a new naval harbour in the province of Lecce, finished in 1287.

Rumours from distant lands – The Holy Roman Empire from Augustin to Ernst

Following the victory over his brother Werner in 1248, Emperor Augustin has enjoyed a surprisingly long period of stable authority. The empire finally reunified under his rule has not suffered those serious break-ups predictable during the chaotic period of the civil war, when the most important German princes were able to trade loyalty to either contender for increased autonomies and privileges.

Yet, Emperor Augustin has gradually managed to re-establish his authority and overcome the arrogant stance of most of his vassals. In Germany, only the rulers of Brabant and Bohemia continue to defy Augustin’s restoration of the imperial power: the latter, Gebhart Premyslid, would even declare himself King of Bohemia in April 1261. In Italy, the most threatening opposition to Augustin has come from Genoa, whose 1260 rebellion would engage the emperor (and his successor Wilhelm I) for 8 long years. The strong independentist stance of the maritime republic, at risk of being imitated by other Northern Italian communes, causes its ultimate ruin: when the imperial troops finally enter Genoa, the defeat is complete and its territories (which at this time include also Nice and the outposts in Arborea and Almeria) are taken into the Hohenstaufen domains. After the submission of Genoa, only the Duchy of Savoie – siding with the Hohenstaufen rulers of Burgundy – manages to retain some degree of autonomy.

Augustin dies in 1261 after a life spent trying, with some success, to reunite an empire troubled by decades of instability and restore the old glory of his Swabian ancestors. The reign of his successor Wilhelm I is relatively short (just 17 years, compared with Augustin’s 41 years as King of Italy and 13 years as Holy Roman Emperor) and uneventful. Upon Wilhelm’s death, the imperial crown passes on to Ernst, who resumes the aggressive policy of Frederick I Barbarossa and Heinrich VI. Profiting from the excommunication that hits Trond of Denmark, Ernst invades in 1283 the Jylland peninsula and claims the Danish crown.

The campaign of the imperial troops progress speedily, devastating the fertile Danish countryside and breaking the once-prosperous shipping and trading activity in the Baltic Sea. After the occupation of the peninsula, Ernst lands in Sjaelland and takes the enemy capital, an event that essentially marks the end of Trond’s hopes. The King of Denmark continues to resist for the next few years, reducing himself to captain a small fleet that raids the German coast and even manages to occupy temporarily the trading city of Lubeck. But, abandoned by his vassals and generals, Trond’s is a lost cause: in April 1289 he is finally obliged to submit, surrendering the crown of Denmark to Emperor Ernst, who would rule the Baltic realm as personal union.

Emperor Ernst's Northern domains after the annexation of Denmark (1289)

[Hastu Neon]

XXXIX. Iberia’s time of troubles

The steady decline of the Castilian fortunes, the dynastic troubles of the royal houses of Borgonha and Lara, the aggressive expansionism of Portugal and the Aragonese concerns continue to cause unrest in the Iberian peninsula. Despite the treaty of Toledo (1257) has assigned Castile to Fernando II de Lara and his successors, Henrique II of Portugal has never concealed his willingness to unify the two crowns, counting also on the support of the Popes warmly lodged and guarded in Santiago since 1259. None of Fernando’s successors emerge as a strong figure, until in 1270 the crown of the wrecked kingdom passes to a poor inbred child, Alfonso, a circumstance that seems to Henrique II of Portugal the right trigger to lay claim to Castile, helped by a proclamation of Pope Pere II in support of the inbred Alfonso’s dethronisation.

Two years later, the Portuguese king is preparing the decisive expedition from the newly acquired castle of El Bierzo when he dies on 8th November. His son Fernando inherits both the crown of Portugal and the claim to Castile, which he is vigorously determined to assert: his decision to invade Castile triggers a decade of mayhem.

The Castilian civil war (1273-79)

The storyline of the conflict is too convoluted to follow in detail, because at some point in time there are even four claimants to the Castilian throne fighting each other: Alfonso de Lara, Fernando of Portugal, Henry of Toledo and Duke Todor of Navarra.

The Portuguese army invades Castile in 1273 taking control of Salamanca only after a long siege, hoping from there to move on to Asturias where the last loyalists shelter Alfonso in the castle of Santillana. However, Fernando II finds in Castile fewer supporters than expected as the local nobles begin to search for a credible national candidate in opposition to the foreign invader.

When the Portuguese finally capture and depose Alfonso in November 1274, re-emerges the figure of Henry of Toledo, the member of the Borgonha dynasty dethroned in 1257. In January 1275 Henry reassumes the crown, reorganises a government at Toledo and proclaims the liberation of Castile from foreign yoke. In the northern provinces, many nobles opposing Henry congregate around Duke Todor of Navarra, further debilitating the position of the former king. Several years of skirmishes, anarchy and treachery follow (too many to give an account) until the turning point occurring in January 1279. Surrounded by the Portuguese and Navarrese forces in Toledo, Henry challenges the enemies in a last chance endeavour: the battle is heavily contested, but at the end the Castilians are forced to retreat behind the walls leaving 10.000 dead on the battlefield (also 7.000 Portuguese are killed). Toledo surrenders to Fernando of Portugal two months later. The conflict drags out for few months in parallel to peace negotiations and minor skirmishes (normally beneficial to Todor, who acquires a stronger position). In October 1279, Todor is finally named king of a badly impoverished “northern” Castile, while takes place the cession to Portugal of the richest southern lands, including Toledo.

Iberia at the end of the Castilian civil war (1279)

The First Aragonese-Portuguese war (1279-84)

The spectre of Castile passing under the effective control of Portugal immediately provokes the Aragonese intervention, like William I of Castile-Leon-Navarra’s expansionism alreadt did in 1248: few weeks after the end of the civil war, Radulf of Aragon’s troops leave their bases in the south and east of Iberia and invade the territories occupied by Fernando I.

By the end of February 1280, Algeciras – the Portuguese strategic enclave controlling to the strait of Gibraltar – and Cuenca are captured. This latter town gives another tremendous advantage to Radulf, as finally permits to interconnect the Aragonese mainland with its territories in Andalusia. From Cuenca to Toledo, the step is very short, and in few weeks the Aragonese army under Prince Gastò drives the Portuguese out of the main Castilian city. The valiant son of King Radulf continues to manoeuvre successfully, managing to capture Plasencia, Alcantara and Castelo Branco by September 1280, while other Aragonese forces conquer Faro and Silves, in Algarve.

Fernando and Radulf, the Portuguese and Aragonese contenders

The devastating advance of Gastò leads Portugal to the brink of ruin, but Fernando chooses anyway to continue fighting despite the loss of the territories conquered by his predecessor Henrique II. The following are years of indecisive skirmishing, with frontlines moving forth and back. In 1283 the Aragonese break through again, reconsolidating their previous conquests. Displeased with the Portuguese military performance and fearful of losing even more, Fernando I makes peace with Aragon at the second treaty of Toledo in April 1284, relinquishing southern Castile and the border castles of Alcantara and Castelo Branco.

With such conquests, Aragon emerges as the dominant power in Iberia, bordered by minor entities and battered contestants Castile and Portugal. Below, a pictorial description of the Aragonese expansion in the last century …

Aragon's expansion: 1187-1284

[Hastu Neon]

XL. A place for Humbert

One of Hugh’s few concerns is finding a suitable position for Humbert, who since his earliest youth has been entrusted with the Apulian military government. His father has always fairly rewarded Humbert for the loyal service, but at the age of over 30 he feels the need of more power. Also, the death of his wife Adriana has left him a relatively young widower looking for a new consort. The prestige deriving in 1285 from Humbert’s new marriage with Princess Theodora – sister of the just crowned King of Sicily Richard – is short lived, as the woman disgracefully dies in labour around the first anniversary of the wedding, when she is less than 30 years old.

A chance for Humbert comes from Pavia, the Lombard city once capital of the Kingdom of Italy and now under control of Magnus von Hohenstaufen, brother of King Meinhard of Burgundy. The general dissatisfaction of the magistrates and citizens of that commune with Magnus’ rule induces them to send an embassy to Hugh in March 1287 offering the title of podestà to his son Humbert, as both of them have been credited for their prudence and capability well beyond the Apulian borders.

Humbert's 1287 expedition to Pavia

Under the auspices of Duke Hugh and King Richard I, Humbert immediately leaves Bari for Pavia with more than 3.600 soldiers, followed by an equally strong contingent raised at Lecce. Humbert’s march through the peninsula takes four months but does not reserve any surprise until the Apulian marshal finally reaches the plains of Lombardy in mid-July. Here, few days before Humbert’s arrival an army of Simon de Savoie has defeated a contingent led by Cornelio of Monferrato (King Richard’s lieutenant in Northern Italy). Soon the Apulian marshal secures the battlefield with his reinforcements, driving back on 2nd August 1287 the enemies into the walls of Pavia.

The siege lasts less than two months, until Humbert enters the city on the autumnal equinox day, summoning the representatives of the commune to appear before him as new podestà. At this point, the inconceivable happens: Richard I of Sicily, who has continued to follow the situation closely, advocates for himself the government of Pavia breaching the promises of support previously made to Hugh and Humbert.

Humbert’s reaction to the offence is resentful: after having collected from the Duke of Styria (one of Magnus’ allies caught in the middle of the siege) a notable ransom of 245 gold bezants, he decides to advance further north into Lombardy to finally acquire some land and honour. In disarray after the disaster in Lombardy, Meinhard of Burgundy urges Hugh to intercede for calming down his irate son. With all his prudence, Hugh settles the situation with a fair deal: Meinhard agrees to refund the costs associated with the Apulian expedition paying a huge indemnity of roughly 1.300 gold bezants (and – after few more months of pointless warfare in Lombardy and Switzerland – renouncing his rights on Pavia in favour of Richard of Sicily). Humbert is convinced to stop his expedition and come back by receiving as compensation from his father the county of Bari. Hugh retains as ducal marshal Humbert’s elder son William, whose military expertise promises to surpass even that of his father.

- - - -

With all his prestige, gold and set of connections, the Duke of Apulia is able to combine superb unions for the progeny: in early 1288 the grandson William weds Maria, descendant of Prince Anastasios of Epirus, while the daughters Fressenda and Heria get married to Hugh Theodosiopolites (brother of Robert Duke of Calabria) and Pancrazio (brother of Venetian Doge Ennio Mastropiero).

William’s marriage has seemed particularly important, because Maria can potentially bring a male heir to Anastasios of Epirus (thus possibly extending the Hautevilles’ influence over the lands on the other side of the Adriatic Sea). Unfortunately, Hugh’s plans over Epirus do not work, as the two young spouses give birth to a daughter, Fredesende, in early 1289. Soon after the delivery, Maria begins to exhibit manic behaviour and she dies in April 1290 when pregnant with her second child: with their deaths fades Hugh’s dream of annexing Epirus. Anyhow, the Duke of Apulia, now a savvy and enormously rich old man, can be content with his status and the life he has lived, which brought wealth and stability to both dynasty and nation.

The Duchy of Apulia in 1287

[Hastu Neon]

XLI. Ambitious marriages

Feeling his old age, Hugh spends his last months seeking proper arrangements for his lineage: marshal William remarries in May 1290 with Anna, sister of Prince Manuel of Durazzo, with the clear intent of repeating with this principality the plans over Epirus miserably failed because of Maria’s death. Actually, in case of death of childless Prince Manuel, only Anna’s sons can contend for inheritance with their uncle Leo.

But another valuable prey to Hugh’s appetites lays inside the court of Saluces, whose name is Brunilde d’Altaville. She is sister of Alberico d’Altaville, Duke of Sicily and last successor of the great captain Bonaventura, whose domains at the time of King Geoffroy II spanned most of Sicily. Despite their affluence and weight on the island (second only to the royal family), these Sicilian magnates are on the edge of dynastic extinction because of inbreeding. Duke Alberico and another sister are infertile; in contrast, Brunilde is the only Altaville that does not show any clear sign of deficiency in that sense.

Therefore, when Duchess Anna dies in 1291, Hugh takes profit of the situation to marry for the fifth time and asks Brunilde’s hand, in the clear hope of unifying the Duchies of Apulia and Sicily. The nuptials are celebrated without much pomp in May of the same year, when Hugh is already past 64 years of age. Not being the Duke’s virility materially affected by old age, the union is immediately fruitful and Brunilde remains pregnant!

When everything seems set up fine, destiny starts playing dice with Hugh’s designs, and in few months a series of perturbing events dramatically change the scenario:

• Manuel of Durazzo dies leaving his title, lands and wealth to his brother Leo only few months before their sister Anna brings William de Hauteville a son. The rights of the baby, born in August 1291 and called Richard, are not recognised by Leo of Durazzo, who assumes for himself – supported by the local nobility – all governing powers and duties, spitefully rejecting any interference in the affairs of the principality potentially coming from Apulia.
  
  
• In the same period also dies Hugh’s cousin and trustworthy vassal Simon of Hellas, succeeded by his son Osbert – who does not show particular receptiveness and deference towards his Apulian liege. Given the relevant role played by the Hellenic branch of the Hautevilles on the other side of the Ionian Sea, the change comes in wrong time and does not help in keeping high pressure on Leo of Durazzo.
  
  
• Not long after, precisely on 19th December 1291, Duke Hugh dies surrounded by the love his people. Feeling that death is near, he assembles relatives and counsellors and in their presence nominates his elder son Stephen as universal heir, but confirms the County of Bari to his second son Humbert and assigns other sons William and Alphonse key roles in the ducal government. In March 1292 Brunilde would give birth to Hugh’s posthumous daughter, Matilda. For now, the passed away Duke’s dream of securing the assets of the Sicilian Altavilles remains unfulfilled.

[Hastu Neon]

XLII. The Winter Prince

No doubt that 40-year old Stephen has been left with a strong state and a huge treasury (amounting to almost 5.000 gold bezants) and can count on his personal demesne comprising the county of Lecce and the island of Naxos inherited from his maternal grandfather. Yet, he does not possess either the vigour or the diplomatic ability of his father, but rather distinguishes himself for his ambition and levantine attitudes – clearly shown by his smug styling of Prince instead of Duke of Apulia.

Upon taking control of the domestic affairs, Stephen acts fast to review the positions of the council, in order to put there some of his Greek followers in place of unreliable half-relatives born from other wives of his father Hugh. Actually, only Stephen’s closest relatives are confirmed in their roles: his germane siblings Humbert and William as Count of Bari and diocese bishop respectively, his nephew William (Humbert’s son) as marshal. Together with his second wife Ardai and a numerous issue, Stephen brings from Naxos Richard Skribas, a cunning advisor appointed to foreign matters, and Georgios of Kaneia, who superintend economic affairs and is promised consort of one of Stephen’s daughters, Nada.

Ardai, descendant of the Armenian dynasty of the Rubenids, replaces Stephen’s half-brother Alphonse as spymaster but finds very difficult to introduce herself in the court of Lecce and get fully credited as new Princess of Apulia. The memory of Stephen’s first wife Agata, dead in 1288, is still evidently embodied in five descendants she gave birth to: two sons, Godfrey and Isaakios, and three daughters, Theodora, Nada and Eirene. Ardai has brought Stephen two children, Tancred (1290) and Felicia (1292) but never attained the kindness and respect of her stepsons and stepdaughters.

Despite her limited grip on the court members, nevertheless Ardai uses her ascendancy over Prince Stephen to follow a slippery path which does not benefit the public approval of her: early in 1292, the princely couple directs Stephen’s younger brother William to resign as bishop and marry Brunilde in order to secure the Sicilian Altaville inheritance for their potential sons.

Much more fatal for the fortunes of Stephen and Ardai is the decision to assassinate Leo of Durazzo in order to pave the way for Richard’s (son of their nephew William) inheritance of that principality. A badly orchestrated attempt to kill Leo fails, the felon being captured with 90 gold bezants and a message from Ardai in his pockets. Leo’s vengeance is fast and lethal, as the Prince of Durazzo hires an assassin and sends him to Lecce. The ambush takes place on 11th April 1292 at a court banquet: while attending to some guests, Prince Stephen is approached by a young man who plunges a knife into his thorax, killing him instantly. Thus ends the short ruling period of Stephen, Prince of Apulia for just few months.

Rumours from distant lands – Angevin and Capetian difficulties

Mid-late 13th century is a difficult period for the ruling dynasties of England and France that had clashed during the Thirty Years War (1207-34). During the rest of the century some incidents among Angevins and Capetians have continued to occur, but at lower intensity as the draining of manpower and funds caused by the previous conflict has greatly impaired their ability to wage prolonged wars. For instance, a short campaign led by the English monarch Yves manages to capture in 1263 the capital of Bourges and with that a great part of the treasury possessed by Robert III of France, who has to relocate his capital to Charolais. Their two successors Renaud Angevin and Raoul II Capet would not even confront each other, being both focused on mending their own realms from the many injuries suffered in war. Renaud has to face the discontent of nobles, particularly harsh in early 1280s. The Barons’ War occupies the royalist army for great part of the decade in a town-by-town fighting. At a certain stage Renaud’s situation seems very precarious, as his authority does not go beyond central Britain, with vast parts of Cornwall, northern England and France out of control. Renaud would keep fighting defiant magnates until death in 1295; only his successor Stephen II would manage to put rebels down and reassert – temporarily – the royal power in England, even if at the cost of abandoning more remote castles in France for lack of means.

Neither Raoul II nor Charles IV (ascended to the French throne in 1277) is able to profit from the Angevin difficulties, as both have to cope with their efforts to consolidate authority over what remains of the kingdom, expand it a little south at the expenses of a flagging Portugal and counter centrifugal forces like the Duchy of Brittany, forced by sword to return to allegiance only in 1302. No room is left for grand ambitions outside: once-weighty French participation in the crusades is just a memory of the past, and even the outpost at Bizerte, next to Tunis, has to be abandoned for lack of men to defend it.

[Morrell8]

Whoa. The Swift end of Two Dukes.

[Hastu Neon]

XLIII. Untimely ascension of Godfrey

The news of Stephen’s killing reach Godfrey while he is in Naxos to oversee a plan of public works launched by his father to improve the economic prospects of that poor island. As legitimate successor, he immediately leaves for Lecce to receive the allegiance of nobility and people. There is little doubt that the guy, now only 22 years old, will become a gifted leader: his character has absorbed both the qualities of grandfather Hugh and the oriental art of intrigue that has cost Stephen’s life. Nevertheless, his unexpected ascension upon Stephen’s assassination begins a rule more focused initially on internal affairs than outside.

As an orphan, Godfrey can firstly count on the support of his siblings Isaakios and Nada, and uncles Humbert (count of Bari) and William. As a consequence, his initial deeds of government show his resolution to strengthen authority over the vassals abolishing the concessions made by Stephen, while at the same time the new Prince progressively consolidates the grip on his “Italian” relatives: he continues to employ his cousin William (Humbert of Bari’s son) as marshal and makes openings to step-uncle Henry who would later become steward in replacement of Georgios of Kaneia. In contrast, the Prince rebuffs his stepmother Ardai, whose bad advice is seen as the main cause of Stephen’s death, and does not take care of the children she had with him: Felicia would die in childhood and Tancred, a potential menace to Godfrey’s inheritance rights, would be long secluded in monastery since the age of 5 years.

Following the recent tradition of the Apulian Hautevilles, Godfrey has married a Greek woman, Helene of Smyrna, who has given him two sons: Athanasios (born in 1287) and Tancred (1289). The latter is the favourite son, as shown by the fact that Godfrey directly brings him up, while Athanasios is sent to monastery. For a while, Godfrey even considers changing the Apulian inheritance law to make Tancred his successor, but at the end the Prince desists from the pursuit when the child begins to show critical speech impediments similar to those suffered by uncle Isaakios. Clearly, Athanasios grows to detest Tancred, resenting his father’s preference for the younger son.

Generally, Godfrey’s first years in charge pass unmarked by any event of importance: the Prince of Apulia mostly dedicates himself to improving the economic and social situation in the island of Naxos, commissioning the construction of a tile-factory and a sawmill. Such encumbrances, combined with the dynastic concerns that even induce Godfrey to oppose the marriage of his closest relatives, cause him to suffer periodically from nervous exhaustion. Godfrey’s strain worsens into a serious illness in early 1294, from which he recovers completely only in late 1295, temporarily leaving behind his government duties.

Just as a side note, in these years the plans of Hugh and Stephen for gaining the Altaville inheritance finally come into life. Th situation has already worsened to the point that the county of Malta passes to the Duke of Guyenne (at this time still a vassal of the English kings) because of lack of closer male heirs. Brunilde, the only Altaville descendant still capable to produce a heir for her brother Duke Alberico of Sicily, is married to Godfrey’s uncle William since 1292 but has had a disgraceful miscarriage in the past. However, after a long wait a moment of jubilation comes in June 1295, when the Sicilian heiress gives birth to Henry. Initially, the baby’s health seems so precarious that he is not expected to live long. Miraculously, he survives and recovers in the following year to become the official inheritor of the prestigious Altaville legacy: the Duchy of Sicily with its overseas outposts in North Africa and the Levant.

Rumours from distant lands – The end of the Mongol threat

After having reached its maximum extent under Chilagun, the Golden Horde enters an irreversible crisis in the last decade of 13th century. While trying to hold off his many enemies, its ruler Khogaghcin must also face internecine struggles between his two sons: Yegu, competent and utterly ambitious, does not acknowledge the primacy of his elder brother Bartan. The quarrel between Bartan and Yegu soon escalates into open warfare with Khogaghcin supporting the former. Therefore, in early 1290s all the Mongol forces are drawn into civil war precisely when enemy attacks ramp up. A quick peace is concluded with the Swedes in 1293, at least to secure the northern front, but pressures from south grow more and more: Danilo Rurikovich leads the counteroffensive of the Principality of Minsk with the support of the Chersonid Byzantine emperors; Emir Araz of Edessa presses his attacks from Caucasus and the Khwarezmians swarm into the Russian steppes from their bases north of Caspian Sea. Isolated by these attacks from its homeland in mainland Asia, the Golden Horde crumbles as fast as it surged in the 1230s.

Khogaghcin and Bartan gather the last remnants of the Mongol forces to defeat the unruly Yegu, who has his life spared on condition that he goes into exile in Crimea. With the dismissal of the last skilled general, the destiny of the Golden Horde is sealed in the few years after Khogaghcin’s death in 1296.

Bartan's last chunk of land around 1296

What Bartan takes over is a domain ripped apart by anarchy and military failures, and now limited to Finland and the barren territory comprised between the White Sea and the Volga River. Defeat after defeat, by 1298 the Golden Horde ceases to be a vital entity, dismembered in pieces by its deadly enemies.

[Hastu Neon]

XLIV. The Sicilians retreat from Pavia

In this relatively calm period, there is just an episode that makes things moving: a clash between the Kingdom of Sicily and the Empire over the ownership of Pavia. Despite being a short conflict limited to Northern Italy, the Pavese War marks the end of a very long period of peace between the two countries started 120 years before by the Treaty of Venice.

As you might recall, in 1287 Humbert de Hauteville captured Pavia, which was then unkindly annexed by Richard of Sicily into the royal demesne. Despite the king’s promises to maintain in life Pavia’s communal institutions with their ancient privileges and charters, he then granted the city to his second legitimate heir Ralph. Clearly, the Siculo-Norman enclaves of Monferrato and Pavia provoke the aversion of Emperor Ernst von Hohenstaufen, as from their castles it is possible to strategically control the route from Milan to Genoa. In August 1297 Emperor Ernst moves against Ralph de Hauteville.

Willing to support his son, Richard I orders the magnates of Sicily to mobilise their troops under the joint command of Arnolfo de Poitou and Guy Theodosiopolites, often in disagreement on how best conduct the war. Godfrey answers his liege’s call and joins the bulk of the army on its way to Northern Italy with two regiments stronger than 4.500 men. The Apulian troops march northwards through the peninsula, the first skirmish against the imperials being fought and won at Piombino. Generally, their advance along Central Italy progresses unopposed as the Sicilian fleet can easily patrol the Tyrrhenian Sea.

Unfortunately, the same does not apply for Ralph and the defenders of Pavia: isolated from supplies, they are in no condition to prevent the imperial from advancing into the heart of Lombardy. A Milanese army routs the Pavese forces, leaving Ralph even more isolated behind the city’s walls. Emperor Ernst would not see the capture of Pavia, as he falls ill and dies in autumn 1297. Nevertheless, this episode does not change the course of the siege, as his successor Ulrich can finally enter Pavia in November 1297, just three months after the opening of hostilities.

While Ralph is dispossessed of his domain, the Sicilian offensive in central Italy goes on. Before winter comes, another minor scuffle is won at Spoleto on the way north, after which the royal army splits into two wings to invade Tuscany and Romagna. After the winter break, the offensive resumes with strength in Romagna during spring and summer 1298, when the forces under Guy Theodosiopolites (including the Apulian attachments) inflict severe defeats on the imperial armies at the Battles of Ravenna and Modena.

Few imperial forces remain in the Po Valley to check the advance of Guy’s army on Lombardy, as the bulk of the army is diverted to deal with a Sicilian landing at Genoa. Rather than reinforcing Guy for a push on Milan, Richard I has actually sent an expedition under Duke Charles of Salerno to occupy Genoa and force Ulrich into a decisive encounter. Unfortunately, the city is well guarded by the imperial garrison and the population in arms who repel the Sicilians on 12th November, inflicting impressive casualties of nearly 16.000 men on the invading contingent. The bloody rout at Genoa decisively frustrates King Richard’s ability to continue the offensive, which records few other inconclusive skirmishes before a status quo treaty effectively ends the conflict (which has cost the lives of about 4.000 Apulians) in March 1299.

Rumours from distant lands – The Hungarian-Serbian Wars

After the annihilation of the common Asen enemies, Hungary and Serbia have been frequently at odds in the second half of 13th century, particularly during the reigns of Tomislav of Hungary and Kalojan Nemanjic, King of Serbia and Bulgaria. Intense tensions erupt into open war when the Hungarians try to impose their suzerainty over Ragusa, the dynamic port city on the eastern side of the Adriatic Sea under Serbian protection. In late 1292 Tomislav finally defeats the Serbian army and besieges Ragusa, which falls on 25th November despite heroic efforts of its inhabitants. A first treaty assigns the city to Hungary, but some years later Kalojan I would lose his life while trying to recover the lost territory. Seriously threatened by the advancing Hungarian forces, his successor Trajan cannot do anything more than accept another humiliating peace with the payment of a considerable sum of gold to the enemy.

Hostilities between Hungary and Serbia-Bulgaria reopen in 1312-14 when Matija Nemanijc would lead his troops to occupy Ragusa for few months before the enemies deploy overwhelming forces. Displaced once more from Ragusa and forced to withdraw behind the walls of their capital in the province of Zeta, in March 1314 the Serbians cede Belgrade to Hungary in return for peace. Six years later, another brief conflict would end with the Serbian loss of Zeta: no doubt at this point about who is the master of the Balkans.

[Hastu Neon]

Atlas Update (1300)

Ok, it's 4 August, almost time to have holidays. I will be travelling to Tuscany and then Apulia during next three weeks, therefore most likely there will not be many updates here. But before leaving, the usual map (and commentary) showing the overall situation in A.D. 1300.

Most significant changes since 1250 are:

• Aragon has beaten Portugal for the leadership in Iberia (second treaty of Toledo, 1284). Castile is a rump monarchy, the Pope has definitively left Roma and established himself in Galicia.
  
  
• Busy with domestic issues, England and France have halted large scale warfare, yet some territorial shifts have occurred.
  
  
• Augustin and Ernst have consolidated the Holy Roman Empire and annexed Denmark.
  
  
• King Aubrey of Sicily takes over (and keeps) Roma and expands into Syria.
  
  
• The Slavic thrust toward the East (Poles, Hungarians and now also Serbians) continues at the expense of the Pagan Baltic peoples.
  
  
• The crumble of the Golden Horde leaves the Byzantine Empire (surrounded by a myriad of petty warlordships) master of Ukraine and Western Russia.

And now ... have good holidays!

[Qorten]

Hope you have/had fun. Will you be continuing this in EU3?

[Hastu Neon]

Likely I will convert and play.
If you are referring to another AAR, frankly at this point in time I don't know. It takes me long preparation (and study) to prepare the context of each AAR, and this current one still needs at least 6-9 months to be completed (by the way, I have accounted circa 120 years so far and still there are 150 coming...).

But who knows ...

[Hastu Neon]

XLV. Godfrey and his beautiful island

The gardens and shores of Naxos have always delighted Godfrey in childhood, at the time his father Stephen ruled the island; leaving for Lecce, he has carried with him the nostalgic memories of the island dreaming of coming back one day. Tired of day-by-day duties, in mid-1290s Godfrey starts to make frequent trips to Naxos with the pretext of overseeing the works on site.

With all the energies and monies spent by Godfrey over a decade, the results of his incessant care are impressive: he enriches the princely residence with a new library and training grounds, commissions the construction of a monastery and a templar house and fortifies the island by enlarging the pre-existent Greek bastion (an undertaking which keeps him busy until 1304) and building a new civilian harbour. In his spree Godfrey employs the most distinguished men of letters and architects of the time, who come there to work under his liberal patronage.

Despite some criticism received at home for the costs incurred at Naxos, Godfrey well appreciates the rewards of his endeavours. Firstly, the various ports in the province of Lecce can prosper on distant trade routes unlocked by the access to the Aegean Sea for Apulian merchant ships, which now can also benefit from safer harbours offered by Naxos. Moreover, Naxos serves as bridge for Prince Godfrey to easily gain knowledge of the military innovations and techniques spreading from the highly advanced Byzantine Empire, now allied to the Kingdom of Sicily. Particularly valuable for Godfrey’s next campaigns would be the adoption of new organisational practices, such as hierarchical command, and new weapons like trebuchets and heavy crossbows, produced in the newly built smithy of Naxos.

In early 1300s, Godfrey’s escapes shorten in frequency and duration, as he is stressed about his children’s growth. As said, the second son Tancred has originally won Godfrey’s favour, while Athanasios is sent to monastery. But as the boys mature, their differences become more apparent: Athanasios, grown suspicious and sceptical because of the paternal preference accorded to his younger brother, shows signs of uncommon intelligence; while Tancred does not – further penalised by a speech impediment which gets worse and worse. A third son, Odo, does not look so promising. Thus, Godfrey reluctantly comes to the conclusion that Athanasios is the most suited to bring the reins of government.

The resolution of the succession issue, the comfortable rule of King Richard of Sicily and the competence of Godfrey’s skilled lieutenants help make the Prince of Apulia’s rest time at Naxos enjoyable again. While uncle Humbert is still in charge of the county of Bari, the ducal government and the city of Lecce are assigned to a council comprising the chancellor Richard Skribas, the marshal William and the steward Alphonse. Until his death in 1306, Richard Skribas remains the leading character of the Apulian court: when Athanasios comes of age, the young man is appointed spymaster and put under the guidance of Chancellor Richard and the senior Hauteville relatives to learn the arts of administration and diplomacy.

Having thus deputed his responsibilities to Richard Skribas, Athanasios and the other council members, Godfrey retires to his beloved island and life of leisure. Such distracted the Prince is that when the diocese of Lecce remains vacant in 1301 it takes him five years to indicate - as the traditional customs prescribe - an appropriate candidate to become bishop.

Only the death of the influential chancellor Richard Skribas and the need of finding a land for Tancred induce Godfrey again to leave Naxos and return to Lecce in 1306. With that speech disorder, Tancred has few opportunities to seek a greater status than being just a minor knight in service of his father and elder brother. However, the Prince of Apulia takes care of his unfortunate son hunting for a decent title.

For a while, Godfrey has sought to find him a position in Italy, claiming for pretext the county of Piemonte in opposition to Edouard of Savoie. Yet, having memory of the incident suffered at Pavia by his grandfather Hugh and uncle Humbert, cautiously the Prince does not resolve himself to press the claim. An opportunity much easier to catch would come up later from the Levant, where the Muslim potentates have recovered much land from the remnants of the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the military orders and where only the Byzantines and the Sicilians (now allied) have held on well. Their raids are a concern for all the Christians living in few scattered communities still subject to Latin sovereigns. The Sheik of Darum, in particular, has being harassing Norman traders and pilgrims on the way to Jerusalem. In late 1306, Richard I orders a Sicilian force garrisoning in the Negev to march against Darum but he would not see the end of the expedition and would die within few months, leaving at home problems far more concerning.

Rumours from distant lands – The French recovery of Paris

The Barons’ War has plagued England throughout the end of 13th century, leaving its monarchy drained and detested, particularly in its French possessions. Therefore, the recovery of the lands lost in the Thirty Years War (1207-34) becomes a major focus of Charles IV, and with him of the whole French nation.

Following the revolt of the Duke of Berry against Stephen II, hostilities break out in 1303, when Charles IV decides to support the rebel nobleman and leaves its capital, Charolais, surrounded by popular enthusiasm. The French offensive progresses well, with Auxerre captured after a brief siege and Charles IV marching triumphantly northward. On 27th May 1303, the French forces take Paris after one century of English domination. The loss of that symbolic city hampers Stephen II of England’s possibility to keep control over his remaining vassals in France: one after the other, Poitiers, Sens and Guyenne break their allegiance to Stephen II and side with Charles IV.

Tired of the defeats, Stephen II commits fresh resources to launch a counteroffensive, but is not able to change the course of the conflict before his death in 1304, which is the decisive misfortune for the English cause, as his shaky crown passes down to his minor son Henry III, offspring of an incestuous relationship. In the meantime, disaffection with the duress of the Angevin rule begins to fuel the Irish revolt, which breaks out the following year when the leader of the rebellion, Duke Adam of Meath, openly challenge the authority of Henry III’s regency council.

Having also to cope with the Irish events, the English regency holds little hope to progress in France, therefore painful negotiations lead to the Treaty of Saint Blaise (February 1306), but the terms of which France gets Paris, Auxerre and even Oxford. Freed on that side, the Angevin forces can focus on crushing the Irish revolt: a contingent lands on the island and gradually pushes Adam and his followers back (the same Adam of Meath dies in a encounter with the English). One by one, other rebel leaders surrender and finally in 1307, after two years of brutal scorched earth warfare, the island is pacified.

Northern France after the Treaty of Saint Blaise (1306)

[Hastu Neon]

XLVI. From lazy fathers evil sons

Of indolent and retiring nature, Richard I has not been a bad king: his mild disposition, sense of justice and financial acumen have ensured a long period of calm and prosperity during his 24-year reign, somehow similar to the one enjoyed by the Siculo-Normans under William II. Unfortunately Richard’s laziness has encouraged the usual arrogance of the magnates, both in Sicily and in the peninsular regions: as always when a softer central authority combines with a brusque succession, the nobles' vices remain unpunished and their pretences grow stronger: still in Richard’s reign, a Poitou ruler of Orbetello (a town north of Roma) outrageously breaks his allegiance to Sicily and submits to the Holy Roman Empire.

Furthermore, the king’s disregard for the education of hereditary prince Henry leaves the new sovereign unprepared for the events that are to unfold. As often occurs that great leaders are followed by evil ones, thus upon his ascension in summer 1307 Henry I seems destined to spoil the legacy of his predecessors. In the past, the young Henry has occasionally given proof of intellectual sharpness combined with intrigue, but his weakness of character and distrust in others soon alienate him from the sympathies of both the people and the nobles.

Among the most prominent families of the Kingdom of Sicily, one is emerging thanks to its vast possessions in Roma. Acquired in 1259 by Aubrey I of Sicily, the Holy City has never been restored to the Popes, who have resided in Santiago de Compostela for roughly half century now. Re-established as a free commune by Aubrey I, Roma soon experienced the advent of many individuals interested in seeking success there. In late 13th century, the members of a cadet branch of the Hautevilles have managed to install themselves as seigneurs of Roma, even if officially they are just sitting in the Senate.

The leading figures of the “Roman Hautevilles” are Herman and William. In early 1300s, their power and riches can almost compete with those of Richard I. As Summus Senator, Herman exerts a powerful hold on the secular institutions of the city. His brother William embraces the ecclesiastical career, rapidly becoming bishop and cardinal. Once acquired much influence and wealth, he succeeds in buying the Santiago conclave of 1305 to be elected Pope.

Such is the situation when King Richard dies in 1307 leaving behind a spineless son and relaxed controls. Soon after Henry’s ascension, Herman of Roma begins to undermine the authority of the new king as quickly as his brother, Pope William I, opens the beatification process for Richard I. The low esteem of Henry I induce other magnates to follow Herman’s example, particularly those unsatisfied with the burdens imposed from the royal capital. Worried by such abrupt rejection by the peers of the realm, Henry I instantly halts the expedition launched by his father against the Sheik of Darum to focus on internal affairs.

- - - -

At this point in time, Godfrey is already travelling to the Holy Land. Actually, the Prince of Apulia has resolved to abandon Naxos (and his intention of following step by step the setting up of a new spinning mill for the production of fine textile crafts) to sail to the Levant in order to carve an eastern domain for his second son Tancred.

Before leaving Lecce to reach his father and accompany him to the Holy Land, the faithful young commissions the construction of the large Romanesque church of the Holy Cross to implore the protection for all the members of the expedition. Then, on 22nd May father and son set sail with more than 1.200 soldiers, arriving at the Palestinian coastline in mid-November of the same year. Only when Godfrey and Tancred safely land in the Holy Land they know that a truce has actually been signed by the new King of Sicily with the Sheik of Darum. Upset with King Henry’s shameful withdrawal, Godfrey does not renounce his ambitions to conquer some lands and diverts the Apulian forces to El-Arish.

Once arrived in sight of their objective, the two Normans encamp on different sides of the settlement to counter its defenders. After few weeks of skirmishes, the Apulian troops finally storm El-Arish on the last days of January 1308. Prince Godfrey remains little time at El-Arish, as the events in the Kingdom of Sicily urge him back to Apulia. Before leaving the Holy Land, Godfrey names Tancred Count of El-Arish – a fairly meagre achievement, actually, as the town is trifling and the province poor – and sponsors the construction of a Templar House to provide his son with more protection against the infidels.

[Hastu Neon]

XLVII. The magnate revolts hit Henry I

In 1308 even the Sicilian crown, secure on the heads of the Hauteville sovereigns for almost 150 years, waves dangerously on King Henry I due to the attacks of the Norman barons. On the contrary, the year opens with a favourable omen for Prince Godfrey – who has hurried back from the Holy Land because of the complex situation of the realm. In April the death of Alberico d’Altaville (last childless descendant of that lineage) brings the inheritance of the Duchy of Sicily to Henry de Hauteville, Godfrey’s cousin.

The young member of the Apulian Hautevilles is only 12 years old when he finds himself in possession of a prestigious title and a vast domain, spanning from the ducal capital of Agrigento into the southeastern part of the island to Siracusa, and furthermore across the sea to Gabes and other faraway lands in the Levant. Given his minority status and the strong linkage that binds the descendants of Hugh of Apulia, Duke Henry of Sicily cannot avoid liaising frequently with his elder cousin Godfrey, whose influence on the matters of the island grows considerably (by the way, should the young boy die before having children, the Prince of Apulia is first in the line of succession!).

In the meantime, the insolence of Herman of Roma against King Henry grows stronger, amid the tacit or overt support of other magnates like the Counts of Palermo, Salerno and Monferrato. Godfrey, whose esteem in the king has been steadily lowering since the degrading truce with the Sheik of Darum, cautiously keeps double-dealing with both loyalists and rebels, as he does not trust in Herman’s means: on one side, he enters an alliance with Herman of Roma, on the other he gets closer to Henry I through the intercession of Guy Theodosiopolites, Duke of Calabria and chief lieutenant of King Henry on the peninsula, whose elder daughter Yolanda has married Godfrey’s elder son Athanasios in 1307.

There is no time to rejoice of the Altaville’s inheritance as in April 1308 Herman of Roma raises the standard of rebellion against Henry I of Sicily, followed by his accomplices: the stratigoti (royal legates) of Roma, Palermo and Monferrato pay with their lives the loyalty to the king. When asked to join the uprising, Godfrey of Apulia refuses to do so saying “the stars have told me to stay away from it”.

In truth, Godfrey determines to maintain complacent neutrality towards the King, hopeful to gain more by helping a troubled king than by sharing the prey with many ambitious vultures. Hence, while civil war ravages the realm, Apulia can even celebrate in June 1308 the birth of Alexios, son of Athanasios de Hauteville and Yolanda Theodosiopolites and only heir apparent of Duke Guy of Calabria (in addition to being a possible inheritor of the Principality of Apulia). As chief of the royalist party, Guy appreciates that death can take him at any time: at least he can leave serene in the knowledge that in such circumstance Calabria would pass over to an associated dynasty.

Guy of Calabria puts himself at the head of the royal army and advances towards Roma, winning a decisive battle against Herman and – despite having been wounded – undertaking the siege of the city. After a vain attempt of relief, Roma falls into the hands of the royalists; deprived by Henry I of all his properties, in October Herman escapes to England.

Despite the fall of Roma, the revolt continues to propagate in 1309, particularly in overseas provinces: better equipped and paid, the forces supporting Henry I can easily defeat the domestic rebels but cannot anything against the persistent hatred of the natives against the Sicilian rule in Libya and Syria. Degarrisoned to reinforce Southern Italy and Sicily, the whole Syrian dominion is invested by the Emir Koit of Kirkuk (and his local followers) and completely lost to Henry I of Sicily.

Rumours from distant lands – Norwegian and Scottish expansionisms in the North

Guided by two valiant kings, the peripheral realms of Norway and Scotland make their entrance into the mainstream picture by acquiring lands and prestige at the expense of their troubled neighbours.

Successor state of the great Viking Empire, Norway has lived in the outskirts of history since 11th century, without particular events to report apart from regular border conflicts with Sweden which have resulted in small acquisitions in the scarcely populated north. Norse authority over the islands of the North Sea has been mildly exercised, with their rulers retaining the title of “kings of the Isles” themselves. Then in early 14th century Finn I of Norway asserts a direct rule over the Isles and launches an expedition to conquer Iceland, an endeavour successfully accomplished by 1306. He manages also to gain control of Werle, on the southern Baltic coast.

With the absorption of Denmark into the Holy Roman Empire and the retrenchment of Sweden after the strenuous efforts against the Mongol invasion, Norway can establish itself as the leading power in Scandinavia. The Norwegian triumph comes later, when Finn’s successor, Torbjorn of Agder, leads the decisive offensive against the Swedish crown that culminates with the annexation of the weaker neighbour on 25th September 1322.

Norway after the annexation of Sweden

- - - -

Europe had already known the strength of the Scots during the last significant crusade, the Fifth, which ended with their capture of Tunis. But that one was an extemporaneous effort made by ragged band of crusaders, while there is much more commitment and organisation in the early 14th century expansion into Celtic territories.

Profiting from the Angevin troubles in subduing nationalism in Ireland and Cornwall while involved in the conflict against Charles IV of France, King Trian steadily increases his influence in those two regions, characterised by close cultural links with Scotland. Initially, such sway comes with aids and men sent from the northern kingdom. Then, in the wake of the Irish rebellion Trian leads an expedition aimed at strengthening a direct Scottish presence in the southeastern section of the island – which ends up with the capture of Osraige in 1310.

While the Angevin monarchy is unable to find a decent king to exit the crisis that has been striking England since the late 1200s, the Scots set sail from southern Ireland and land in Cornwall. Within a short time the Scots gain Dorset from England (1313) and extend their control over Exeter (1315), a town that has previously revolted against the Angevin rule. With the absorption of the Duchy of Cornwall in 1318, the Scottish presence in that region seems well consolidated.

Trian of Scotland's domains in early 14th century

[Morrell8]

Now you'll get Apuila and Calabria when Alexios inheirts both the realm.