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Thread: Russia in the 20th Century: a Kaiserreich AAR/Story

  1. #21
    Colonel Zhuge Liang's Avatar
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    Thanks for the info Stormbringer- I do enjoy Kaiserreich but it is annoying how there are tons of events in the early years but they then just stop. HOI2 in general does seem to have issues with zombie ministers and generals as well.

    Anyway, I vote for a monarchy but I'm not sure who to choose out of Denikin or Dimitri.

  2. #22
    Major Stormbringer's Avatar
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    So far we have:

    CarbrBard - Monarchy
    Zhuge Liang - Monarchy
    trekaddict - Constitutional Monarchy
    yourworstnightm - Republic
    gooy - Republic
    ColonelIronboot - Republic

    That's a pretty good split.

    Oh, I also just found out that you can have more than 4 options on events, so I think I am going to go add some more options to some of the events where I had to restrict myself to only 4.

  3. #23
    I vote for Monarchy, power to the Tsar!
    Proud citizen of La Plata

  4. #24
    Not a Sahib Milites's Avatar
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    Go with Denikin and gradually return to the true origins of the holy Autocracy. Because, let's face it, no flag on earth is more awe-inspiring than this one:


  5. #25
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    Viktor Chernov



    Some maintain that Russia would have been better off if in 1917 it was Viktor Chernov, born 1871, rather than Alexander Kerensky who ended up President. Chernov lacked Kerensky’s oratory ability and desire for opportunism, but made up for that with his exceptional cool under stressful circumstances and an outstanding political mind.

    Like Kerensky, Chernov studied Law, but in Moscow rather than St. Petersburg, and a few years before Kerensky. After leaving the University Chernov dedicated himself full-time to politics, becoming a prominent revolutionary leader in Moscow. He joined the group People’s Will, was arrested, and exiled along with some other revolutionary leaders. Abroad he became close friends with Mikhail Tereshckenko and Alexey Peshekhonov and would keep that friendship throughout his political career.

    Upon his return to Russia following the Revolution of 1905 Chernov and other revolutionary leaders organized the Social Revolutionary Party. At first they would meet at Catherine Breshkovsky’s house in secret to discuss their activity, but soon they gain both popularity and followers, and in 1907 Chernov was elected to the Duma and became the parliamentary leader of the SRs.

    During this period Chernov’s political views developed. He was a radical by Tsarist Russia’s standards, and blended his strong desire for social justice with great respect for personal rights which he saw trampled upon by the Tsarist regime. He became the editor of a newspaper Revolutionary Russia and assumed the role of the theoretician and analyst of his party, content to remain in the shadows.

    The events of 1917 found Chernov politically isolated. The SRs boycotted the last Duma elections and Chernov was only barely involved in the politics of the St. Petersburg Soviet. There he advocated for cooperation with Prince Lvov’s government which the Soviet was soundly against. After Kerensky was brought into Lvov’s second government Chernov became a sort of adviser to Kerensky, and after Lvov’s resignation was brought in as a Minister of Agriculture into the Kerensky government.

    Throughout the rest of the Civil War Chernov continued to press Kerensky and other leaders to cooperate with both the Monarchists and the Nationalists. Some say that for all the travel and negotiations that Kerensky had done prior to the Congress of Omsk it was Chernov’s quiet advocacy in the background that persuaded Peter Wrangel and Alexander Kolchak to support Kerensky.

    Post-Civil War Chernov became Russia’s Foreign Minister, a mostly ceremonial position since Kerensky handled most negotiations with foreign governments. He returned to writing for his newspaper and authored two books on political theory, even teaching Law and Politics at the University in Moscow that he had attended as a student. His close friends say that he argued often with Alexander Kerensky and felt that Kerensky’s attempts to appease everyone left no one happy and nothing accomplished.

    He was at home drinking coffee when Irakli Tsereteli and a number of other Mensheviks arrived at his house with news of Kerensky’s death. He listened to them for a short while and then gathered his things and the entire party walked through the snowy streets of Moscow to the house where Catherine Breshkovsky still lived.

  6. #26
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    Anton Denikin



    Anton Denikin was born in 1872 in what is now Poland. His father was a serf who had served in the Imperial Russian Army and Denikin followed in his father’s footsteps, first as a soldier and then as an officer. He was not particularly bright, succeeding in officer school due to his hard work rather than to his talents.

    By the outbreak of the Weltkrieg in August 1914 Denikin was a Chief of Staff of the Kiev military district with the rank of Major-General. He was initially appointed Quartermaster of General Brusilov's 8th Army, but he requested an appointment to a fighting front. He was transferred to the 4th Rifle brigade which was transformed into a division in 1915. It was with this brigade that Denikin would accomplish his greatest feats as a General.

    In 1916 he was appointed to command the VIII Corps and lead troops in Romania during the last successful Russian campaign of the war, the Brusilov Offensive. Following the February Revolution and the overthrow of the Tsar he became Chief of Staff to Mikhail Alekseev, then Alexei Brusilov, and finally Lavr Kornilov. Denikin supported the attempted coup of his commander, the Kornilov Affair, in September 1917 and was arrested and imprisoned with him.

    Following the October Revolution both Denikin and Kornilov escaped to Novocherkassk in southern Russia and, with other Tsarist officers, formed the Volunteer Army, initially commanded by Alekseev. In April 1918 the Volunteer Army came under Denikin's command.

    Denikin rallied to the White unified command proposed by Kerensky, although he was hostile to German intervention in the conflict. In the face of a Communist counter-offensive he withdrew his forces back towards the Don area in what was known as the Ice March. Denikin led one final assault of the southern White forces in their final push to capture Moscow in the summer of 1919. For a time, it then appeared that the White Army would succeed in its drive, but Trotsky, as commander of Red Army forces, hastily concluded an agreement with Nestor Makhno’s anarchist Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine for mutual support. Makhno duly turned his Black Army east and led his troops against Denikin's extended lines of supply, forcing him to retreat. Denikin's army was defeated at Orel in October 1919, some 400km south of Moscow.

    The White Forces, helped by Groener’s expeditionary corps, managed to settle a counter-offensive against Makhno and Trotsky in the South, and Denikin was one of the participants to the Battle of Tsaritsyn in February 1921, and among the first White Generals to enter freed Moscow in September.

    Deemed loyal to the new Republic, Denikin was appointed Chief of General Staff of the Armed Forces of Russia by Kerensky, as Wrangel was seen as too compromised with the extremists to lead the army. When Alexander Kolchak tried to seize power in 1925, Denikin and loyal elements of the army put a quick end to the coup. Afterwards, Denikin assumed the Ministry of Defense, succeeding Kolchak.

    Due to his achievements during the Russian Civil War, Denikin is widely respected in Russian society and viewed as a devout and honest patriot. The son of a serf who has suffered from the Tsarist system, Denikin is viewed as a Republican and a loyalist to the Kerensky government, thus making him disliked by both extremes of Russian society.

    At the time of Kerensky’s death Denikin was personally commanding Russia’s North Army on the border with Finland due to tensions between the two governments. He found out by a telegram from one of his officers in Moscow and without delay left on a train bound for St. Petersburg.

  7. #27
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    Peter Wrangel



    Descendant of the prestigious Baltic German family of the von Wrangel, that gave to Russia, Sweden, and Prussia valorous generals, Baron Peter Wrangel studied in the Petrograd Institute of Mining Engineering where he graduated in 1901, before switching to a career as a cavalry officer, commissioned as an officer in 1902 and taking part in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905. In 1906, he became a member of the punitive expedition forces under General Orlov in the Baltic region.

    Wrangel graduated from the General Staff Academy in 1910 and commanded a cavalry unit during the Weltkreig. In 1914, as a captain of the Horse Guard, he distinguished himself by seizing a Prussian battery following a dangerous charge. In 1916, he was commander of the Ussuri Cossacks division, and was among the few officers to advocate sending troops to St. Petersburg to re establish order after the February Revolution. Firmly believing that the Tsar's abdication will only make things worse, he was dismissed by the Provisional Government and went back to Crimea with his family.

    Following the October Revolution, Wrangel was detained by Bolshevik sailors in Yalta and owes his life to his wife who begged them to spare him. Once freed, he fled to the Kuban where he joined Denikin’s White Volunteer Army by September 1918. Taking charge of a Cossack division that was about to mutiny, Wrangel manages to discipline them and get their trust. During the winter of 1918-1919, he conquers the Kuban and the Terek basin, seizes Rostov-on-Don and Tsaritsyn by June. He expressed doubts about uniting the White command under Kerensky’s authority, even if he recognized that a united command was needed in order to win the Civil War.

    He is noticed for his tendencies to limit the collateral damages and keep his troops disciplined. During the 1919 Offensive on Moscow, his forces suffered deep looses after the fall of Tsaritsyn and played little part in the rest of the Civil War. He advocated for an alliance with Germany and was sent in early 1920 to Berlin in order to negotiate German support. He returned with Germany’s Expeditionary Corps and was the first White General to enter Moscow in September 1921.

    In spite of his personal oppositions to Kerensky and Denikin, Wrangel becomes Field Marshal of the Russian Army. Due to his reputation as a man of discipline and a stern anti-Bolshevist, he serves as Minister of Interior in various governments under the Republic, even if he blames democracy as a "regime which has been completely destroyed following the Weltkrieg" and "a weak system unable to control Russia". He criticizes the mess that has become the Russian Army, unable to get back the territories that had been lost after the Civil War. His role during the 1925 Coup Attempt of Alexander Kolchak remains unclear: known as an outspoken supporter of Kolchak and in charge of the garrison of St. Petersburg, he didn't support the coup. Did he decided to betray Kolchak and be loyal to the Republic, or was he waiting for the situation to be clearer? Even if he is harshly criticized by most of the Russian leftist and centrist political class, Wrangel remains highly popular as a hero of the Civil War. He has survived an assassination attempt in 1928 by a Marxist activist, and published his Memoirs in 1930, under the title White Cause.

    January 1936 finds Wrangel in command of the armed forces stationed in Moscow even as he himself is out of town, meeting with some of his officers at a dacha just a couple of hours away.

  8. #28
    Field Marshal yourworstnightm's Avatar
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    Keep them up, it's always nice to read about the Kaiserreich leaders.

  9. #29
    I vote for Wrangel, I always enjoy his path the most. There is something undeniably fun about declaring Wrangel Tsar and reuniting all the Russians under his rule, LOL.

    BTW Stormbringer, any change you might release your modifications to the public?

  10. #30
    Major Stormbringer's Avatar
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    Grand Duke Dmitri Romanov



    Dmitri Romanov, born 1891, was the only son of Grand Duke Paul and a grandson of Emperor Alexander II. This made him a cousin of Emperor Nicholas II, but denied him any legitimate right of succession to the throne.

    He was raised by a relative, Grand Duke Sergey who nurtured Dmitri from poor health as an infant. Sergey was killed in 1905 by an anarchist, whom some believe to have been Boris Savinkov. Dmitri never forgave the murder and has always remained a steadfast opponent of Kerensky and other “radical” politicians.

    As Dmitri grew up he became a great womanizer, surpassing even the famed Alexander Kerensky. Due to his privileged status his affairs and scandals were rarely publicized and always quickly hushed up, but in 1912 a rumor was spread that Dmitri had a relationship with cross-dressing bisexual Felix Yusupov, and Dmitri’s reputation was ruined for good. His planned marriage to Emperor Nicholas’ oldest daughter Olga was cancelled and he was shunned from the imperial circles.

    In 1916 came a defining moment in Dmitri’s life as he and Felix Yusupov ambushed and murdered Grigori Rasputin. Dmitri believed that Rasputin held undue sway over Nicholas II and his wife, and was discrediting the Russian monarchy. According to Yusupov, Dmitri was brought into the plan very late and everything was originally Yusupov’s idea, but some sources dispute that. Regardless, Dmitri was exiled from St. Petersburg and sent to serve near the border with Persia.

    His exile saved his life in the events of 1917. After the Bolshevik revolution Dmitri traveled to the Don region together with his half-brother Vladimir Paley, and joined Anton Denikin’s forces. He remained out of the spotlight during the war, being one of the only prominent Russian politicians to refuse to support Alexander Kerensky.

    After the war Dmitri moved to St. Petersburg and continued to live an aristocratic lifestyle there. He is the only Romanov to be actively involved in politics, and he has served in the Russian Senate since its creation. Dmitri is immensely popular in St. Petersburg and around the city where most of Russia’s aristocracy lives, both with the nobles and with the peasants who see him as a benevolent aristocrat.

  11. #31
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    Catherine Breshkovsky



    While Alexander Kerensky is knows as the Father of Russian Democracy, Catherine Breshkovsky, born 1844, is knows as its Grandmother. She started her revolutionary career with Mikhail Bakunin, was imprisoned and exiled to Siberia. After her release she organized the Social Revolutionary Party together with Viktor Chernov and Grigori Gershuni, but was arrested again and exiled out of the country.

    She returned after 1905 when the SRs became a serious political force, but was again a victim of the Tsarist crackdown on political opposition and ended up in Siberia once more. In 1917 she escaped and returned to St. Petersburg where she was brought into Kerensky’s provisional government and then stayed with him throughout the Civil War. She never accepted a formal government position after the war but remained a strong force in Russian politics.

    During the early years of the SRs members of the party met at Breshkovsky’s apartment to discuss strategy and policies. Very few people knew that she was much more than just a simple host with a conveniently located house. Chernov would always stay late, after everyone else would leave, and then the real discussions would take place. Catherine had uncanny connections throughout the city and Russia and did more for the SR cause than most realize – the gathered money, recruited people, organized events and demonstrations, and, to be honest, a number of illegal activities such as thefts, bombings, and assassinations. She recruited Boris Savinkov and Maria Spriridonova into the SR party and according to some she ordered the assassination of Grand Duke Sergey in 1905, the real target of which was Dmitri Romanov.

    When Viktor Chernov and Irakli Tsereteli arrived at her house on January 3rd Catherine already had tea and cookies ready and out. She opened the door with the words, “It took you long enough, come in already, you’ll catch a cold in this weather!” and hushed the two men into her living room. As Tsereteli tries to speak she interrupts him, “Yes, I know, I know, Sasha (Alexander Kerensky) has been killed, a pity,” her voice is almost mocking. I also know that Denikin in on a train headed for Petersburg and that Wrangel won’t get the news for at least a couple more hours since he is out of town.”

    Tsereteli tries to speak again and she interrupts again, her revolutionary organizational skills coming to the fore, “we need to act quickly, let the soldiers know that a new government is in place, inform workers’ leaders, remove those that don’t cooperate…” she trailed off and that gave Chernov a chance to speak up. “Catherine, our problem is that there is no new government.” She looked at him and blinked, “What do you mean?” Tsereteli tried to interject, “Madame Breshkovsky, there is no legal path to picking a new President outside the constitutionally established…” she cut him off again. “Viktor Chernov, are you willing to work to protect the Republic and the Revolution?” Chernov nodded, “of course, but…” Catherine interrupted him yet again, “Congratulations Mr. President, now let’s get to work.”



    OOC: The challenge of running a democratic Russian AAR since nobody has ever done that before was too much, plus democracy should be the most challenging path to take.
    Last edited by Stormbringer; 04-12-2009 at 04:02.

  12. #32
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    Political Situation in Russia in 1936

    We now have to take a break from the biographies of Russia’s main historical actors to give some political context to the situation in January of 1936, beginning with the overview of the government of the Russian Republic.

    The Constitution put in place by Kerensky in 1922 created a powerful Presidency that determines the domestic and foreign course of the country. The president has broad authority to issue decrees and directives that have the force of law without legislative review, although the Constitution notes that they must not contravene that document or other laws. Under certain conditions, the president may dissolve the Duma and scheduling referendums, as well as submit draft laws to the Duma.

    The president is empowered to appoint the Chairman of the Government, with the consent of the Duma. The president chairs meetings of the Government, which he also may dismiss in its entirety. Upon the advice of the Chairman, the president can appoint or remove Government members, including deputy Chairmen. The job of the Government is the implementation of the President’s domestic and foreign agenda.

    Russia’s legislature is divided into two houses – the Duma and the Senate. The 450 members of the Duma are elected in individual districts and the body has authority to consider any law, approve the country’s budget, and hear reports of the Government. Members of the Senate are appointed by regional governments and can initiate only legislation that deals with trans-regional issues, although the Senate does have to approve legislation originating in the Duma. The Senate has no power over the Government but confirms many other presidential appointments.

    A number of political coalitions have emerged in Russia during Kerensky’s rule. There are extreme nationalists, mostly in the military, which include Peter Wrangel and Mikhail Meandrov. There are aristocrats that support Dmitri Romanov, Felix Yusupov, and the descendants of the Romanov family. The landowners usually, but not always, support the aristocrats and are led by Vladimir Purishkevich and former Imperial Foreign Minister Sergey Sazonov.

    In the later years of Imperial rule a coalition called the Union of October 17th was formed, dedicated to establishing a Constitutional Monarchy in Russia. The group continues to exist, even if its goal seems outdated and its membership waning, mostly because of the efforts and popularity of its leaders Mikhail Rodzianko and Alexander Guchkov.

    The two most prominent “anti-monarchist” parties are the Constitutional Democrats and Social Revolutionaries. First is led by Pavel Milyukov and the latter by Boris Chernov. The SRs have always been dedicated to the ideals of social justice and establishment of a “revolutionary” republic, while the Kadets are a party of middle class businessmen advocating liberal ideals. Kadets were part of Kerensky’s broad coalition, but the differences between the two parties are significant.

    Finally there are “radical” leftist groups, primarily the Social Democratic Labor Party comprised mostly of Mensheviks like Irakli Tsereteli and “rehabilitated” Bolsheviks like Nikolai Bukharin. Never part of Kerensky’s government they have always thought that Kerensky did not go far enough in bringing socialism to Russia, but they do not support a violent revolution the way Bolsheviks did during 1917.

    Finally we look at the policies of Kerensky’s government, or rather the lack thereof. Since 1920 Russia has had virtually no economic policy with whatever little industry Tsarist Russia had left on its own. Kerensky funneled money into ineffective social programs to maintain his popularity with the workers but never outlined a plan for economic development. Russia’s army is outdated, undersupplied, and uses tactics developed prior to the Waltkreig. General Denikin believes strongly in a drafted army and has refused attempts to change it. In foreign policy Russia has at first closely followed Germany but has since then drifted away from Kaiser’s sphere of influence, but still has no coherent foreign policy to define its place in the world.

  13. #33
    Major Stormbringer's Avatar
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    Presidential Administration

    A lot of the power of the President in Russia comes from his ability to put together a Presidential Administration that helps in developing domestic and foreign policy for the country but is in no way accountable to anyone but the President. The Administration is made up of the Chief of the Presidential Administration and Advisers to the President.

    Current Members of the Administration:


    Chief of the Presidential Administration: KaiserMuffin
    Domestic and Economic Policy Adviser to the President: Vincent of TRP
    Foreign Policy Adviser to the President: Colonel Ironboot
    Army Affairs Adviser to the President: FlyingDutchie
    Navy Affairs Adviser to the President: yourworstnightmare
    Air Force Affairs Adviser to the President: rule_them_all

    The Presidential Administration is now hiring! Apply for a position of your choice!


    EDIT: See top of next page for issues currently facing the Administration!
    Last edited by Stormbringer; 04-12-2009 at 22:10.

  14. #34
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    Application:
    Ironboot, Colonel for Foreign Policy Adviser to the President
    Skills:
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  15. #35
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    Hired! The list of issues facing the Administration will be posted shortly for your consideration.

  16. #36
    Major ColonelIronboot's Avatar
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    I meant Foreign, Foreign! Ouch, sorry
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  17. #37
    Haha, he wanted Foreign Policy Stormie and you gave him Army Affairs.
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  18. #38
    Major Stormbringer's Avatar
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    He said Army Affairs the first time! I switched it to Foreign Policy though, not a problem. I hope you don't mind just being put in charge of the whole mess KM

  19. #39
    It'll be fine as long as people keep in touch.
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  20. #40
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    You hired me as I was editing. Apologies.
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