Raaritsgozilla: Now that you mention it, it is quite a bit like bloody sunday. I wasn't even intending that. As an Irish-American though, I'm offended you'd consider my ancestors equal to Communists...
Kurt_Steiner: Their time will come...
trekaddict & El Pip: This next update will show more of the Republic "evolving" and reasserting its power.
OutsiderSubtype: As Mao once said, "Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun." And right now, von Schleicher has a large advantage in that area over the Communists.
Anyway, time for some more updates.
November 14, 1930
Berlin
“You must be a man and face the truth, Herr Brüning. Your days as Chancellor are over.”
Paul von Hindenburg’s scowl was even more pronounced than usual as he stared at the dejected Chancellor standing before him. Brüning seemed completely lost for words. At last, he managed to speak.
“Herr President, if only I could have more time to try and—“
“You fool!” thundered Hindenburg. “Your entire term as Chancellor, you have solved nothing! Now things are even worse than when the Depression hit! And look at what’s happened to the ‘Grand Coalition’ you hoped to create! The Communists are no longer part of the government, the Social Democrats are holding an emergency convention in two weeks’ time and aren’t participating in the
Reichstag, and the parties of the Right are calling for a Vote of No Confidence in you. You are only left with the Centre, which continues to stupidly support you.”
Brüning hung his head, not daring to look into the eyes of the furious old General.
“I’ve already received the support of the right-wing parties for a motion to dissolve the
Reichstag and rule by decree until the mess you helped create is sorted out. For twelve years I’ve watched this nonsense. No more! It ends now!”
Brüning was speechless. The stable democracy he had dreamed of for so long seemed to be all but dead. Still, he could come up with no response to Hindenburg.
“I’ve taken the liberty of writing your resignation letter for you, Herr Brüning,” continued Hindenburg. “I expect you to sign it this very moment. I will not tolerate another hour of your rule.”
Numbly, Brüning bent over and signed the letter. Before his resignation, the letter made one last motion to the
Reichstag in his name: its immediate dissolving and the President’s rule by decree. He stood up and left the office without a word, still not meeting eyes with Hindenburg. As the door to the President’s office closed behind him and he walked down the long hallway to leave, a single tear rolled down his cheek. He had destroyed his dream with his own signature.
**********
November 17, 1930
Berlin
The two gray-uniformed men stepped out of the black staff car and walked briskly up the stairs and through the doors of the OKH (
Oberkommando des Heeres) Headquarters. Guards and junior officers snapped to attention and saluted as they marched by, with the senior off the two nodding curtly in response and the younger waving them at ease with an almost guilty half-smile. After walking through the twisting hallways of the building, they finally came to the main conference room, where they entered.
Waiting in the room were a group of the
Reichswehr’s most senior Generals.
General Werner von Blomberg,
General Werner von Frisch and
Generalleutnant Ludwig Beck talked quietly, while
Generalleutnant Gerd von Rundstedt sat nearby, pouring over a map and a report he had brought with him.
General von Schleicher,
Generalleutnant Gunther von Kluge and
Generalleutnant Fedor von Bock stood looking at a large map of Germany dotted with red stars, symbolizing Communist revolts, as well as Iron Crosses, symbolizing the whereabouts of the national forces. At the door’s opening, they all turned to look.
“Ah,
Generalleutnant von Kleist, good to see you,” said von Schleicher. “We can now begin. And I see you’ve brought along a guest?”
“Yes, I hope you don’t mind. This, gentlemen, is
Oberstleutnant Heinz Guderian.” Guderian came to attention and saluted the room full of generals. Based on the number of smiles and scowls that appeared on the Generals’ faces, it was clear that he was already known. “I’ve read a number of his writings,” continued Kleist, “and I find his theories very interesting. In fact, a modified version of his doctrine was used to disperse the rioters at the
Reichstag. Speed, mobility, superior firepower, and intimidation. I feel that his input would be useful in formulating our response to the Reds.”
“Very good.” said von Schleicher. “Have a seat, then, and we shall begin.”
“Now, I don’t need to tell you that our nation is in the midst of the greatest crisis we’ve faced since the time of the Armistice twelve years ago. However, I still have a great deal of confidence that we will be able to successfully defeat the Reds. I’ve already come into contact with the
Stahlhelm, many of whom were former army personnel during the War, and they are willing to cooperate very closely with us. Right now, we need to focus on crushing the uprisings within the cities and apprehending the leaders of the Communist Party. I’m convinced that if the situation begins to improve and their leaders are eliminated, many of the Communist party members will adopt more suitable views.”
“If the situation improves, Kurt,” said Blomberg. “How do we have the capability to improve this disaster?”
“I believe that we might have the tools to help the economy. President Hindenburg has already laid out plans to create a new
Reichsmark to steady our currency from inflation, and I believe he will be open to the idea of public works projects and rearmament, which will employ many, many workers, some of them Communists. If they have to work from 9 to 5, they have no time to rebel.” von Schleicher smiled broadly at his generals as he elaborated another one of his plans.
“Rearmament!” said von Fritsch, shocked. “We’ve been pushing that for years! How will that be acceptable now? The outside world will never stand for it!”
“Remember, General, the fact that the Reds are revolting here, not to mention the events throughout the rest of Europe. For once, the spotlight is off of the German government and military.” With a wry smile again creeping across his face again, von Schleicher continued. “You must think more positively, General von Fritsch. One man’s crisis is another man’s opportunity.”
“The only thing that remains, then,” he continued, “is our strategy for dealing with the rebels.”
“We might as well march columns out of all our bases into the cities, occupy their Party headquarters, take their leaders, and end the whole thing!” boomed von Bock.
“With all due respect, General, I disagree.” The whole table turned to stare at Guderian. “We need to keep strong garrisons at our depots. Experience shows that as long as the Reds are not able to take the guns and ammunition we have stockpiled at our facilities, they are doomed. It seems logical to me that we should keep most of our infantry defending these bases, while assembling every armored car we have to go out on raids against wherever their leaders are hiding. The
Stahlhelm and SA are already fighting them on the streets. We need only look for a weak point and learn Thälmann’s whereabouts, and hit him with everything we have.”
Von Bock scowled, but several other generals, including Beck, von Rundstedt, von Kleist, and von Kluge nodded in agreement. Von Schleicher simply smiled again.
“A very good proposal, Colonel. I was thinking along similar lines, but I like the specifics of your recommendation even better. I will call all army districts and give them those exact orders. Without ammunition, the Reds will collapse in no time. They are still a party of no more than one-sixth of the vote, so we must remember that they are relying on surprise and speed to win control. If we can deny them that, we will have won half of this ‘revolution’.”
Guderian nodded in satisfaction. General von Kleist smiled at him and nodded his approval.
For once, they seem to be accepting of new ideas, the colonel thought to himself.
If only they could hear everything I’ve been planning.