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Upeeta mahtavaa!

Keep it coming, awesome text, waiting to see whats going to happen!!

I prided myself being pretty good at history but there has been a lot of new stuff too!
 
Excellent AAR so far, keep up the good work :D.
 
Very good start. I eagerly wait for the actual gameplay to start. KUTGW.
 
Democracy at Stake - Rise of the Lapua Movement
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Finnish landscape was littered with new monuments on 1920s, as old battlefields and cemeteries from the Civil War to the war of 1809 were given new memorials in a wave of public need to remember the past and create new heroes for the young country. But while the winners were well remembered and their deaths were politicized, the Red side was unable to mourn and remember their own fallen in public on a similar scale.

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Rally 'round our flags!
With closed ranks, proudly
the blackshirts march firmly with grim pace.
Come brothers, join our front of justice!
We´ll stop their lies! To victory or death!

Make way, as the black watch marches,
mangling all obstacles off it's path.
Our eyes are bright and minds are
filled with courage, as thousands
look upon us with new hope in their hearts.

Warhorns are calling, last battle is upon us,
o hear the mighty rumble of new dawn!
Now remember your oath to Lord of Heaven:
"No longer shall Finland bewail her griefs!"

Rally 'round our flags!
With closed ranks and proudly,
the blackshirts march firmly with grim pace.
Woe for those who dare to mock our colours,
as Finnish Maiden lies wailing in her pain.

-Luo lippujen! (Rally 'round our flags!)
Anthem of IKL, sung on the hymn of Horst-Wessel-Lied


Bitter winners and sore losers - Reds and Whites in 1920s

As the turmoil started by the Great War and revolution in Russia finally calmed down in Finnish borders in early 1920s, many Conservatives had already begun to feel that the "War of Liberation" had ended too soon and in an inconclusive fashion. New critics rose to public discussion by openly accusing the political leadership for wasting their unique opportunities for territorial expansion in Eastern Karelia by signing the Treaty of Tartu - some went even further, cursing the moderate politicians for their decision to stay out from the Russian Civil War, thus allowing the Bolsheviks to retain their hold of Petrograd and indirectly helping them to win. Back in home many felt there were still accounts to be settled with the radical left. The survival of SDP as the strongest political force in the country was especially troubling for many veterans of the Civil War.

In the 1920s, Akateeminen Karjala-Seura (The Academic Karelia Society), AKS, became the dominant group among Finnish university students soon after three volunteer veterans of Kinship Wars had created it on March 1922. Its members often retained their membership after their student days and the AKS was therefore quickly expanding it's influence among young civil servants, teachers, lawyers, physicians and clergymen through the country during the 1920s. Most Lutheran clergymen had been strongly pro-White during the Civil War, and the influence of AKS further increased the nationalistic character of the Finnish Lutherian Church that was one of the most influential organizations for changing the public opinion in the country. Thus the AKS and it's propaganda focused on "uniting the oppressed tribe of Karelians with rest of Finland" strongly affected to the worldview among the entire first generation of educated Finns living in independent Finland, resulting to a common mood that was relentlessly anti-Soviet and expansionistic.

On the other side of the political spectrum Finnish Communists equally felt that the Civil War had been only the beginning of their struggle against their counterrevolutionary opponents. Openly backed by steadily strengthening Soviet Union, the Communist Party of Finland, SKP, trained new loyal forces in Soviet Karelia where radicalized former Social Democratic leaders and over 5000 refugees from the Red side of the Civil War were actually promoting virtually similar goals than their Conservative opponents - unification of Eastern Karelia and Finland. As a result of their work Finnish was the second official language in the new Karelian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, and propaganda proadcasts from the radio of Petroskoi (Петрозаво́дск) openly threatened listeners in Finland that the day of reckoning would come sooner or later. New cadres of Finnish officer cadets were annually trained in Leningrad, and after the failed uprisings of 1920s the Red Army even organized a Karelian unit of their own in the form of Karelian Jaeger Brigade (Каре́льская е́герская брига́да). Because of the fresh memories of the Kindred Wars and the postwar status of Eastern Karelia as a "Red Piedmonte" where Finnish revolutionaries were clearly preparing for revanche, the official relations between Helsinki and Moscow were thus understandably icy.

Finnish Conservatives responded to this perceived threat by further improving their efforts of creating a new stable status quo within the country. Their program of creating a new Finland was culminated on the support to the paramilitary Suojeluskunta organization, the Civil Guards militia that soon became one of the cornerstones of postwar Finnish society.
"We must win the working class over to the side of our nation!" was one of the key propaganda slogans of AKS, and the chief aim of all civic activity in Finland during 1920s was indeed focused on improving the sense of Finnish national unity tarnished by the Civil War by binding all segments of society together, "uprooting" Communism in the process. Suojeluskunta and female volunteer organization Lotta Svärd formed an umbrella group organizing various kinds of activity: training manuals, lectures, citizenship courses, national youth organizations (Sotilaspojat for boys and Pikkulotat for girls), sport clubs and actual military training and practices. Their unifying theme in both organizations was the pessimistic worldview where an invasion from the East was not only probable, but imminent.


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The siege mentality of first decades of Finnish independence was most strongly visible in political campaigns, as this election ad from the 1920s shows. "The Civil Guards prepare to defend their country without expecting any praise or salary. Help them in their efforts. Vote National Coalition."

Blackshirts and bankers

In this situation where both camps of the Civil War were expecting a new showdown, events in November 1929 were sadly the only logical outcome of the tense situation. Officially the new chapter in the political history of Finland begun when Communist youth organization scheduled a large gathering at the town of Lapua, in the center of Ostrobothnia. This was clearly a deliberate and open provocation. Many Ostrobothnians had been active in struggle for independent Finland, gaining national fame on the Jaeger movement. During the Civil War the region had been one the strongest support areas of White war effort. As the delegates of the SKP youth organization arrived to the railway station openly wearing their red shirts, things quickly got tense. As rumours begun to circulate that "an anti-religious meeting" was a part of the planned weekend program of the gathering, an angry mob of locals soon surrounded the school were the meeting was to be held, and then stormed the building. Participants were beaten up and stripped of their shirts while rifles were sporadically fired towards the building from the crowd as well. The local police made no attempt to intervere.

As the news of the event were on the frontpages of national newspapers on the following day, there was also an announcement that the "honest patriotic farmers of Ostrobothnia have founded a new political movement to defend their way of life against the growing threat of Communist infiltration." While the provocation organized by Communists in Lapua was most likely genuiely intented to be a mere show of force, it was almost certainly used as an excuse to start something that organized right-wing forces from Kokoomus Party, Suojeluskunta and major employer's organizations, especially an anti-strike NGO known as Vientirauha (Freedom of Export) had been working upon through the whole year in 1929. In what would later on be known as the founding speech of a new Finnish mass movement a prominent local landlord, Vihtori Kosola, told to his cheering audience in Lapua that "All communist activity will have to be effectively repressed...I doubt it will be never be possible under the existing system of government and thus the time has come for we the people to act for ourselves...Kosola then told that the Finnish farmers, "the backbone of our nation" as he called them, "...should rise up and put an end to the futile posturings of the politicians in Helsinki...it is a waste of time to send delegations, it would indeed be better to send riflemen to Helsinki..." He ended by stating that "it may well be that the whole present form of government and the parliamentary system will have to be sacrificed if we are to be saved as an independent nation."

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Kosola and his followers praying. A remarkable feature of the Lapua Movement was the strong contribution of Pietism, a fundamentalist Lutherian sect. For many rank-and-file members of the movement, opposition to Communism was a sacred struggle against the forces of Satan himself and thus merely their duty as devout Christians.

As this meeting in Lapua on 1st of December was then imitated all over Finland and more similar speeches were made and similar resolutions passed, suddenly a new political force sprung to existence seemingly as a spontaneously organized local protest. Few noticed how surprisingly soon the Lapua Movement begun to wield plenty of money and how quickly it managed to form an effective nation-wide organization. On March 1930 representatives from all over the country gathered to Lapua to set up a new national coordination body, Suomen Lukko - Finland's Lock, dedicated to anti-communist struggle and aspiring to become a unified national front of the Right. Within this new movement prominent bankers, major industrialists, high-ranking officers and agrarian politicians joined forces with the leaders of formally agrarian Lapua Movement. The meeting also created a new political program of the organization, stressing the "urgent need of direct action and the need to meet force with force." Suomen Lukko had a roaring start, as almost all of the institutions of the Right joined in. In 1930 it enjoyed the support of a great majority of non-socialist Finns and was truly a new, genuine popular mass movement. With new slogans "Herää Suomi!" (Finland awaken) and "Me teemme mitä tahdomme." (We do what we will), the radicals of the new movement were openly stating their willingness to stir up trouble. It is however important to notice the differences between paternal autocratism of early Lapua Movement and central European Fascism. Despite the fact that Vihtori Kosola was openly portrayed as the leader of the movement and parodic proverbs like "Heil Hitler, meil Kosola" (They have Hitler, we have Kosola) were soon circulating on the media, Kosola had no national stading outside of Ostrobothnia and was never considered as a serious candidate for a future leader of Finland. He was nothing more than a stooge of the wide right-wing coalition that sought to use the Lapua Movement to promote their own anti-Communist goals.

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Lars Kristian Relander was the 2nd President of Finland and in power between 1925-1931. He had been a dark horse candidate of the previous Presidential elections, and being the President as one of the youngest politicians in a torn and young republic was a job that was perhaps to much for his abilities despite his best efforts. Since Relander was a strict opponent of Communism, he was indecisive in his critical early decisions regarding the rising power of Lapua Movement.

President Relander and the government sought to appease this new political activity by going forward with new anti-communist legislation. As the new press law was then introduced in March, it failed to get the necessary two-thirds majority due the strong resistance of Social Democrats and more moderate centrist forces in Eduskunta, the Finnish Parliament. The response of Lapua Movement came soon. The printing presses of socialist newspaper Työn Ääni were destroyed during a nighttime raid in Vaasa, the regional capitol of Ostrobothnia. Right-wing press welcomed and approved this event, stating that "it was a proper response to parliament's refusal to pass the press law soon enough"

Riflemen in Helsinki and thugs in the streets
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On 7th of July 1930 some 12.000 men, a quarter of them armed, marched through the streets of the capitol along roughly similar route as the victory parade of 1918 to demand removal of Communism from Finland and were then given a solemn public reception by President Relander, General Mannerheim, Prime Minister Svinhufvud and the rest of the government. In the speeches President Relander thanked God of for the patriotic upsurge which the marchers represented, while Svinhufvud assured them that all their demands would be met and that communism in Finland would be "stamped out for ever."

During the Parliamentary elections previously on the summer Lapuans had openly attacked the Social Democrats and remaining moderate right opposition on the streets. Meetings were broken up, newspaper offices were attacked and trashed and local Social Democratic organs were forced to close down their activities. The specialty of Lapua Movement was however a method known as muilutus, a combination of kidnapping and human smuggling. They would seize an opposition politician, trade union activist or a reporter, beat their victim up and them drive them over to the Soviet border on a car trunk, sometimes even forcing them to cross to Soviet Union at gunpoint. If the victims were then not proceeded by the Soviet authorities as spies (as was often the case) and they managed to get back, the Lapuans issued them stern private warnings to stay out of public life in the future. While these incidents were mainly political terrorism, for Lapuans they were also part of a campaign to insure that the new parliament would approve their demands for new legislation. The leaders of the movement predicted that in order to succeed they would have to affect to the elections so that at least 134 members of Parliament could be trusted in their support for Lapua demands and that there would be no more than 66 Social Democrat representatives opposing them.

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The political situation in Finland was closely followed in Sweden and in Soviet Union, but for different reasons. While the strong Finnish nationalism and critical attidute towards the role of Swedish language in Finland worried Sweden, Soviet Union looked the actions of Lapua Movement as a proof of "Finns being fascists in discuise" and the fact that Finland was not only openly hostile towards Soviet Union but also internally too unstable to sustain foreign political pressure in a time of crisis.

During the summer of 1930 there were over a thousand cases where low-ranking public officials, and increasingly often former members of Eduskunta as well, were subjected to muilutus while official authorities seemingly stood by. In October twenty men marched as a delegation to the Ministry of the Interiour and openly stated that they had organized several kidnappings during the summer. As a response the Minister of Interiour personally came over to openly assure that should this delegation ever find themselves before a court, they could count on sympathetic consideration.
Due this political terrorism and blackmailing it was not surprising that in the elections of 1930 Conservative Kokoomus Party jumped from 28 to 42 seats, scoring a landslide victory while the Social Democrats were nevertheless able to maintain their leading position with 66 seats. When the new Eduskunta assembled for the first time, one of its first actions was to rapidly pass the so-called Lapua laws. In these laws the President gained strong emergency powers while government gained the right to close down "offensive associations and publications." Election law was also revised to disfranchise anyone adjudged to have been a member of an illegal organization and the local electoral boards were given wide discretion to decide who actually fell into this category. The Lapua Movement had seemingly won: with the new legislature in force, the Finnish Socialist Workers' Party (SSTP, the front organization of illegal, Moscow-based SKP, the Communist Party of Finland) was reduced during the 1930s into a tiny and hunted underground movement incapable of any effective political action or public demonstrations.

The culmination of political terror of Lapua Movement came few months later, when a group of armed men kidnapped former President Ståhlberg and his wife on 14th of October and begun to drove them towards the Eastern border with the clear intention of sending them to Soviet Union due the fact that Ståhlberg was viewed as the most likely candidate of the remaining political opposition. But on the remote regional capitol of Joensuu in North Karelia the kidnappers lost their nerve due the fact that Ståhlberg himself had remained calm and constantly demanded that as a former President and Civil War-era leader he and especially his wife should not be treated like this. As the shocked old Presidential couple was taken to safety to Suojeluskunta HQ building, the whole nation was shocked to hear the news of this event on the following morning and the general sense was that the Lapua Movement had now gone too far. Legal proceedings against the attackers resulted to prison sentences to everyone involved, and a new political scandal followed as the former Chief of the General Staff, General Kurt Wallenius was found guilty for being involved to this plot.

It was in face of this rampart imtimidation and political terrorism that the Presidential elections of 1931 were fought. Once again Ståhlberg was the unified candidate of the Social Democrats and many among the Agrarian Union had also rallied to his campaign that promised "a return to legality." Against him stood Svinhufvud, the candidate of the united right with the full support of Lapua Movement. As the Lapuans had expected, the opposition rallied round the figure of J.K. Ståhlberg, the first President of the Republic, who had emerged back from retirement precisely to campaign for upholding the Constitution and the rule of law. Ståhlberg immediately became the prime target for hostile Lapua propaganda, since he was obviously immune to the standard Lapua practice of portraying their opponents as "stooges of Moscow." Ståhlberg was nevertheless accused for his opposition of Jäeger movement before the independence, his policy of reconciliation after the Civil War and first and foremost for his signing of the "shameful peace"-Treaty of Dorpat.

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Carl Johan Ståhlberg was an old, respected politician who had gained his experience in the Senate of the Grand Duchy before independence. His liberal opinions and support for strict legalism made him the prime opponent of more radical nationalists and conservatives.

On the first ballot in the electoral college neither Ståhlberg nor Svinhufvud received a majority. Ståhlberg took the lead on the second ballot, but without the majority necessary for victory. The Agrarian Union now held the balance, and the party leaders were hard-pressed to decide which candidate they would support. In the end their choise was not made freely. Major General Malmberg, commander of Suojeluskunta, declared that he could not guarantee the maintenance of order in the country if Ståhlberg were elected.
Despite this fact, the prolonged political intimidation and the new electoral law that all worked for Svinhufvud, he was ultimately elected by the smallest possible margin in the electoral college, 151 to 149 - and even this outcome was propably the result of the last-minute public intervention of Suojeluskunta. New President Svinhufvud had now nevertheless gained all he wanted from the Lapua Movement, but instead of gracefully retiring into the background the leaders of the movement were already planning their next step.

A Mountain over which no force could pass...President Svinhufvud and the Lapua Movement
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"Old Man Pete" was thus now in charge, and he was not known for his willingness to share power. At the same time General Wallenius, judged for prison sentence for his participation to the kidnapping of Ståhlberg was acquitted of his charges and elected as the new Party Secretary of the Lapua Movement. When he got back in control of the movement, Wallenius was soon devising plans for a coup where Suojeluskunta would take over the country and bring the leaders of Lapua movement to power. Then the movement would demand a formal resignation of the government, calculating that ministers of Kokoomus would do so when asked thus collapsing the credibility of the government. The next step would be the formation of new "government of national unity", with a proper figurehead ruling officially with Wallenius himself being the actual ruler of the country as the new Prime Minister. Mannerheim was alledgedly discreetly approached and requested to take the lead once the moment would be right, but no actual proofs of his involvement to this conspiracy can be found.

In February 1932 a group of 500 armed members of Suojeluskunta and supporters of the Lapua Movement gathered at Mäntsälä near Helsinki. They issued the following statement:
Unless the present cabinet immediately resigns and the political course of the country changes, we don't consider that we can preserve peacefulness in the country. In place of the present cabinet, there must come a new cabinet which is free from party aims and petty disputes, and which depends in its action upon the support of patriotic elements of the people." Units of Suojeluskunta begun to mobilize in key cities under the command of General Wallenius. The League of War Veterans declared that it was time "to finish the job" begun during the Civil War. Army Chief of Staff, General Sihvo, expressed fears that most former high-ranking Jäeger officers would support the demands of Lapua Movement and refuse to comply with orders to suppress a revolt should the matter turn down to violence.

By now Svinhufvud had had enough. He immediately assembled his cabinet, General Sihvo of the General Staff and national commander of Suojeluskunta and gave an explicit order: "Not even one armed man may come...to the capitol." Two days later the cabinet ordered the leaders of the Lapua movement arrested using the Proctection of the Republic Act which the movement itself had urged for a year before. Army units began preparing as the commander of the army, Lieutenant General Aarne Sihvo was prepared to use force to end the rebellion. Orders were given to reinforce the defence of Helsinki with tanks and artillery in case the situations would escalate. As the tensions grew, so did the consumption of alcohol among the instigators in Mäntsälä. Situation was tense in Svinhufvud's own family as his adult son Eino declared that he would march to Mäntsälä to join the revolt. His father was furious: "What's taking place in Mäntsälä is mass psychosis and pure madness! You are not going anywhere!" After he has averted one political crisis by keeping his son in his side, on the 2nd of March Svinhufvud broadcasted a nation-wide radio speech aimed to the people and the rebels of Mäntsälä:

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"Through my long life I have fought to uphold law and order, and thus I cannot now allow law to be stepped down when citizens are led to an armed conflict against their fellow countrymen...Now when I have taken the restoration of legal order and peace to the country as my personal duty, all future conspiracies would be aimed not only against the legal establishment but against me, who has marched among you in the ranks of the Civil Guards to maintain the public order...We must hastily restore peace to our country, and all injustices in our governmental system have to be then eradicated - but all this must happen in a legal and democratic manner."

The speech was skillfully crafted around it's central theme, the respect for the rule of law. During the era of Grand Duchy the Swedish Constitution of 1772 got a close-to sacred status among Finnish political consciousness, and its defense became one of the most important political issues. When, after Finland's independence, rebellions had taken place in 1918 and then now, the rebels' defiance of laws and constitution was the strongest argument the government could use to rally the public and the armed forces. Svinhufvud gave a radio speech, where he urged the militiamen to return home and promised that only the leaders would be punished. The men dispersed and the leaders were arrested a few days later. During the spring the Lapua movement was disbanded, once again utilizing the very same legislation the Lapuans themselves had promoted. By now the Finnish far-right was splintered and all attempts to forge a unified national front of conservative and nationalist parties were abandoned. Hardcore members of former Lapuans created a new political party (Lapua Movement had never taken part to elections by naming their own kandidates, only by harassing their political opponents), Isänmaallinen Kansanliike, the Patriotic People's Movement or IKL.

**As a sidenote the last political scheming of Finnish radical right was actually their wide support to the Eesti Vabadussõjalaste keskliit, an Estonian radical right organization that was similarily opposed to parliamentarism. Unlike in Finland, the radical right in Estonia practically succeeded in seizing power by legal means in 1934 until President Konstantin Päts (a friend of President Svinhufvud) declared state of emergency, dissolved the movement and begun to rule Estonia as a paternal autokrat. In 1935 Finnish activists were supporting Estonian plot to overthrow Päts.**

In 1936 Finland had the first truly free elections in years, and IKL managed to gain only 97 891 votes and 14 representatives, while the Social Democrats under Väinö Tanner won 83 seats and were planning for the first time since the Civil War to return to government by forming a majority coalition in alliance with the Agrarian Union, aiming to finally end their long presence in the opposition. At first President Svinhufvud was about to agree, but ultimately he declided claiming that the SDP Party program "was too Marxist." This decision came back to haunt Svinhufvud during the next summer on the Presidential elections of 1937, when Ståhlberg was once again his main opponent and SDP campaigned for stopping his re-election. Tanner promised his support for the candidate of Agrarian Union should they agree to form a new coalition government with the Social Democrats. On the first ballot in the electoral college Ståhlberg got 150 votes to Svinhufvud´s 94 - just one vote short for winning on the first term. On a second ballot SDP shifted their support for Agrarian Union candidate Kyösti Kallio, who then won the election in a similar dark horse manner as Relander on 1925. Svinhufvud viewed Kallio as too inexperienced and weak, and stated that "a democratic system needs to be counterbalanced by strong personalities holding the reins." He neverthless gave up his position to his successor in a legal manner and stated in his farewell address to the nation:"In the coming years we must keep in mind that before we can improve our standards of living, we have to secure our borders..." As the old Civil Guard activist was finally gone from power, Tanner could lead Social Democrats into a coalition government with the Agrarian Union, starting the beneficial "Red Earth" cooperation between of the two strongest moderate parties. The worldwide economic hardships of early 1930s were finally giving way to new economic growth, and domestic situation in Finland begun to finally improve along the average standards of living. The Finnish democracy had seemingly withstood the setbacks that had brought down similar political systems elsewhere in Eastern Europe.
 
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Greetings. Since I´m still waiting 1.3-versions of current map mods, I´ll do a few more updates about the development of the different parts of the FDF up to 1939. Therefore it´s a time for a little poll for the subject of the next update:
A: Finnish Army
B: Finnish Navy
C: Finnish Air Force
 
Army, Air Force and Navy.
 
Vanguard of the Republic - Finnish Army 1918-1939
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Members of Civil Guards (Suojeluskunta) in a field exercise with live ammunition on summer 1938.



"As a greeting for your beloved homes
let this song of ours now echo, through the
fields, over waters and northern fells from
Hanko to Petsamo!

The rhythm of our march is like before,
and as we march by instict we know,
how proudly our fathers gaze upon
their sons from the depths of their
burial mounds!

O brother of mine, you know so well
what brought our journey here. With
joy in our hearts we all rallied forth
as the call for us all rang near!

It was custom of forefathers, now carried
forth by young soldiers: as danger threatens
our dear homeland, we leave our toils and
make a stand!

Whatever treasures may Finland hold,
truly freedom is valued most. Our right
to unyieldingly stand or fall is not just
an empty boast!

So ye infants and elders old, and our
brides and our mothers, behold:
to the last man our forces shall stand
and fight, we shall guard your peace
with our lives!"

A popular march song from the war era, lyrics written by F.E. Sillanpää just few months before the Winter War begun


Army, Militia and Weapons Design

When the White side of the Finnish Civil War begun to mobilize and reorganize the dispersed Civil Guards movement into a new national army in 1918, this new force drew much inspiration from the previous Finnish national army that was paradoxically much older than Finnish independence. The last unit of the Army of the Grand Duchy of Finland had been decommissioned in 1905, and many former officers trained in the originally Swedish military academy of Hamina Cadet School started a new career as the first commanders of the new Finnish Army. These men were still firmly in charge in the General Staff when the outlines of Finnish Army were being drawn. After the war the Civil Guards were officially turned back into independent paramilitary organization in February 1919. While the leadership of Civil Guards movement wanted to regain their freedom to operate and develop their organization as they saw fit, the newly formed Army was seeking a way to become a truly national army for the war-torn nation - a force based on the other side of the Civil War would have surely been unable to win over any respect from the supporters of the Reds. Army leaders aimed to turn the military into a guardian of new national consensus, and carefully sought to keep it away from daily politics while turning the conscription system into a way of indoctrinating new age classes of conscripts into reliable citizen-soldiers of the young republic. In September 1919, in the middle of the turbulent years of the Kinship Wars, the legal framework for the Army was finally ready. Highest authority was reserved to the President of the Republic, and Chief of Staff and Chief of the Army were both under his command, controlled by the new War Ministerium. In 1922 (after the threat of getting involved to the Russian Civil War was removed and Treaty of Tartu was signed) the legal framework was expanded further when a new Conscription Act made military service compulsory for every able-bodied adult male, starting from the age of 18 and releasing the reservists from the last reserve category in the age of 65.

The new conscription was based on a cadre system. A small professional core group of officers and standing army would train reservists, who would remain in training that would generally last a year, with three months of additional extra service in the Air Force, cavalry and technical supply units. The new system drew inspiration from pre-war Russian methods due the influence of the current Russian-trained General Staff, but some parts of the system were also copied from Germany due the insistence of influential Jaeger officers. This reform was the first time when the two internal conflicts that would determine the status and development of the Army during the 1920s emerged: The disagreements over methods between German-trained Jaegers and Russian-trained Old Guard on the one hand, and between the Army and Civil Guards on the other. In 1934 the system was once again reformed after the political turmoil in domestic politics made the politicians more eager to link Civil Guards to more reliable Army. The recruitment system was now linked to already existing District system of the Civil Guards organization, and after this reform units raised from certain recruiting districts would be formed almost exclusively from local personel. Thus it ensured that men would go to war alongside their neighbours. By keeping men in the same reservist squads, platoons and companies for long periods of time and returning NCOs and recently promoted junior officers to the units in which they had previously served the Army managed to use existing social links to create strong unit cohesion, and the final result was a functional reserve army with motivated soldiers who knew their fellow soldiers and officers.


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The new Finnish Army was founded upon old military traditions, drawing influence from Sweden, Russia and Germany. This mixing of different traditions and approaches caused internal friction within the new Army, but also ensured an atmosphere where innovative new ideas could be freely discussed, as opposing camps of the Finnish military establishment were pitted against one another again and again during the defense policy debates of the postwar decades in 1920s and 1930s.

The story of the new service rifle of the Finnish Army is a good example of the internal situation of the country, the relations between Civil Guards and the Army and the way new innovations were ultimately taken to use. After the Civil War Finland was filled with captured Russian Mosin-Nagant M1891 rifles, while significant numbers of other rifle types were also present. While there therefore was no lack of weapons per se, the old "three line rifle" was deemed as an unsatisfactory service rifle for future by both the Army and the Civil Guards. Meanwhile limited budgets and the antimilitaristic attitude of SDP ensured that the Army would not be able to purchase totally new rifle for the whole army in the near future. Therefore a new committee was set up and tasked to develop a new Finnish service rifle based on the existing design. The aim of the project was not to develop totally new weapon, but to develop a cost-efficient upgrade program that could be used to update the existing stock of rifles bu utilizing as many existing parts of the Mosin-Nagant M1891 as possible.

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While the old Mosin-Nagant remained in production in the Soviet Union, Finns took this battle-proven weapon as a basis and then reverse-engineered it to produce a new family of more accurate and reliable service rifles.

But while the Army bureaucracy lagged on due lack of funds through the early 1920s, the Civil Guards had initiated a paraller similar project of their own few years later. In the end the design teams of the Civil Guard and the Army submitted two different rifles for testing and evaluation. Army Committee was initially critical to the design of the militia, but ultimately it was determined that the Civil Guard designed weapon showed more merit and upon some small revisions (and much more bureaucratic delays) the Army finally accepted the weapon as well on 1927. At the same time these contract talks had been going on, the Civil Guard had already established a new weapons workshop in the metal industry area of Riihimäki to assemble and produce their new rifle that could then be sold privately, no matter what the outcome of the project would be. This new company was called Suojeluskuntien Ase-Ja Konepaja Osakeyhtiö. With new barrels produced by Schweizerische Industrie-Gessellschaft, old and venerable SIG and the new SAKO combined their expertice to produce the Finnish M28/30 rifle that was in production between 1928-1933 with a total production of roughly 30 000 weapons. The Army version of the rifle (virtually the same weapon with some cosmetic changes and the designation of Infantry Rifle M/27) was produced by Tikkakoski and Valtion Kivääritehdas (State Rifle Factory) with a total production 60 000 rifles.

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With the problem of the service rifle thus solved at least for part of the standing army, the early 1930s paid more attention to the general state of the infantry weapons Army used, especially to Maxim MGs, the weapons system that still formed the core of the direct firepower of Finnish infantry units. Finnish usage of machineguns was directly copied from German methods and then adapted to local circumstances and terrain features. Fire from automatic infantry weapons was mainly provided by MGs supported by squad-level LMGs . To maximize the effectiveness of these weapons Finnish prewar training manuals stated that they should; 1) have clear fields of fire, 2) be located in protective positions, 3) be positioned to give flanking fire (the goal being to catch the enemy in the crossfire of multiple MG’s) and 4) be able to cover any defensive obstacles (tank & infantry obstacles) with their fire. Importance of flanking fire was further emphasized by stating that "Flanking effect can be achieved by either fire, movement or a combination of both. A weaker force can hope to achieve success against numerically superiour opponent by attacking to the flanks. Flanking fire multiplies the effectiveness of fire, and when used together with tactical surprise and fire from other directions it has a paralyzing effect to the enemy, who is therefore forced to direct his attention and actions to multiple directions.*"
*Infantry Manual II, 1932.

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Maxim M/32-33, a Finnish modification of the old Great War MG from 1932. It had a faster rate of fire (up to 850 RPM vs roughly 600 of the original model), German-styled metallic ammunition belt and most importantly an improved cooling system with a snow hatch on the top of the barrel cooler. This little feature enabled the crews of the weapon to keep it operational and firing in winter conditions for extremely long periods of time if necessary.

While the Maxims were gathered to special Machine Gun Companies in each Infantry Battalion, the weapon was still considered to be too heavy for successful mobile warfare in difficult forested terrain, where the limited visibility dictated that weapons had be located far forward, capable of delivering massive firepower while simultaneously remaining light enough to be quickly displaced when necessary. By 1930s the analysis of earlier fighting in the Kinship Wars, Civil War and the latest field exercises all clearly showed a new demand for a lighter and more mobile automatic weapon. Initially the solution for this problem seemed to be a new version of the standard squad-level LMG, the Lahti-Saloranta M/26 with a latter LS-26-31 modification that could accommodate new drum magazine with 75 rounds. But due the limited defense budgets of 1930s the Army was unwilling to field two versions of the same LMG, especially since the process of aquiring enough M/26s for the whole field army was still underway. Thus the LS-26-31 remained a curiousity, Army was stuck with an automatic weapon with 188 parts and 20-rounds box magazine, and the most important weapons designer of the young republic begun to seek alternative solutions.

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Aimo Johannes Lahti was a self-learned gunsmith and the leading weapons designer in Finland between the wars. He and his design team either improved existing obsolete Tsarist-era weapon systems or developed new ones, so that during WWII Finnish Army used his designs as it´s official pistol, service rifle, MG, LMG, SMG, antitank rifle and also used several other less common weapons his group had designed.

The development process of the new light automatic weapon Lahti had in mind was a long process. At the time Bergmann MP18 represented the most advanced weapon of this type, and Lahti studied Swiss-made SIG Bergmanns that were bought for the Army for trials. Lahti was impressed by the consept of a submachine gun, but begun to pursue a different structural approach in his own project that aimed to create a Finnish submachine gun more adapted to the local conditions and demands of the Army. For years Lahti produced prototypes after another, using his own money and later on joining forces with three low-ranking officers in the new company called Konepistooli Oy. Finally, in early 1931, the final prototype of the new SMG was ready and Lahti offered it to the Defense Ministerium (as the old War Ministerium was renamed in late 1920s.) When the bureaucracy was once again slow to make official decisions, Lahti sold the blueprints to Finnish weapons production company, Tikkakoski, that was already producing M/27 rifles for the Army. As foreign investors begun to take interest to Lahti and his work, Defense Ministerium finally realized his worth to the state,and employed him in 1932 to develop and improve the weapons of the Army while also granting the state the right to market and sell them abroad. While Finnish weapon exports never really took of, weapons designed by Lahti were used in small local conflicts in South America and more importantly in the Republic of China (that never received the agreed 30 000 M/26 LMGs due the diplomatic pressure of the Japanese embassy in Helsinki.)



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Accurate SMG with 75-round drum magazine, the M/32 Suomi SMG was one of the best infantry weapons of its class by the time it was introduced. It was also hopelessly expensive to manufacture, but it´s features (especially the magazine) were nevertheless later on copied to the mass-produced Soviet SMG models.

Fire and movement - tactics and strategy of the interwar Finnish Army

Studies for infantry tactics were a key part of the development of Finnish military during the two decades between Civil War and 1918. The planners of the first training manuals were men who had been trained by the German system emphasizing competent and initiative NCO leadership, while their war experience was an unique mixture of the trench warfare in Eastern Front followed by the experiences of Finnish Civil War and Kinship Wars in Estonia, Ingria and Eastern Karelia. The fast-paced and relatively mobile (in WWI standards) small unit combat stressed the importance of rifle marksmanship, camouflage and most importantly the use of terrain. Ambushes, hit-and-run raids and constant maneuvers that had defined these conflicts were now taken to use in Army training schemes. As noted before, the emphasis for flanking manouvres and seizing the initiative were deemed important. And as paradoxical it may sound, the legacy of German-trained Jaeger officers ensured that tactical attack became the most favoured fighting style.

While this may seem suicidal tactic for a nation of 3.7 million bordering a superpower that was known to possess more trained reserves as the total population of Finland combined, it served the political mission of the Army rather well. As the emphasis in Finnish foreign policy was focusing towards neutrality and Scandinavian countries in the new era of "Red Earth"-coalitions of SDP and Agrarian League, the Army was seen more and more as the guarantee for territorial neutrality of Finland in a scenario of a new European war. And since the peacetime army was in fact a mere delaying force with a primary mission to buy time for the mobilization of the field army since the most expected scenario was that the enemy would launch a surprise attack, the ability to tactically harass and delay the advancing foe was deemed important. Furthermore majority of the the almost roadless Eastern Karelian border between Finland And Soviet Union was considered to be terrain where division- or even regimental-sized formations would be unable to operate due the lack of necessary infrastructure to supply them. Therefore the defense of borderzone north from the shores of Lake Laatokka (Ladoga) became the task of 25 lighly armed and equipped Independent Battalions (Erillinen Pataljoona). Before the war these units were planned to be used by sending them to Soviet territory to conduct guerrilla warfare in Eastern Karelia, thus forcing the Red Army to divert men and material away from the Karelian Isthmus in order to defend the Murmansk Railway.

It was generally agreed that WWI-styled attritional trench warfare was a situation that should be avoided at all costs, since it was precisely the type of combat where the potential opponent excelled and was able to use its material superiourity to full extend. Instead the planners believed that a bold attack at the right time and place could lead to success. Delaying actions were planned to be executed in an active manner, and any passive defense was thought to be only temporary and something that had to be resorted in while preparing for an offense elsewhere. All these tactical schemes were devised with the firm knowledge that the potential foe would certainly have massive artillery and air superiority, and therefore operations in open terrain were deemed impossible. Meanwhile forests were considered the best terrain to conduct attacks, as even a big numerical and technical superiority was considered to be undecisive due the possibility for small-unit manouvres and the fact that a large force was unable to bring its total firepower to bear. The offensive mentality was further supported by peacetime military exercises, which were usually focused only on attack or delay-attack scenarios. While taking offense tactically, the Finnish strategic thinking was firmly based on a defensive mindset. One of the key reasons for this was the influence of French military schools and military theories. Being widely seen as the strongest land army in western Europe during the 1920s, France was a natural place to send talented young officers for training. A large part of officers who had received education in France were in key leading positions in later phases of Finnish history. At this time Army planners became increasingly interested on fixed fortification zones and the possibilities they offered. The first fortification efforts in the Karelian Isthmus were, however, a short-lived project in the mid-1920s and after this time the idea of building prepared defense lines was not priorized - global economical crisis soon ensured that Army was operating with a budget that barely allowed it to maintain training and exercises, and thus nothing could be spared to grand construction efforts. In addition to their ideas of strategic defense and fortifications the French-trained officers also brough home military thinking that was way older than the experiences of the Great War. When a young Finnish Captain named Akseli Airo was studying in École Supérioure de Guerre, he was fashinated by the thoughts and ideas of one of his course books. He bought a copy for himself, and kept reading it and making markings and sidenotes through the later time when Airo led the operational planning of Finnish Army.

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The book Airo and many other prominent Finnish military theorists praised and kept reading over and over again was nothing less than L'art militaire - dans l'antiquité chinoise, an old French translation and commentary of the Chinese classic "Art of War." Later in his life Airo commented to an interview: "The art of war itself has remained unchanged. I have a French book that contains a compilation of Chinese wisdom of military leadership and warfare, and the theses presented there are still valid today...it contains the whole art of war, and it has been written two millenias ago. Naturally equipment and weapons change and will change in the future as well, but the principles are still the same and they will remain so as well."

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Supply track on a winter camouflage. The supply system of the Finnish Army was almost exclusively based on horse-drawn supply convoys since mobility in roadless terrain was deemed vitally important - not that the poor country could have afforted even modest motorization of it´s forces. During a time of mobilization of the field army the law forced the agrarian nation to give up most of the civilian horses for the usage of the Army.

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Finnish artillery, 1877-vintage. Despite the fact that the pioneering and modern work of Russian-trained artillery specialist General Nenonen had ensured that the training and methods of Finnish artillery were excellent, the abysmal material condition and chronic ammo shortage of Finnish artillery arm would come back to haunt the Army later.

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Elite of the Army. Bicycle Battalion (Polkupyöräpataljoona) was an experimental light infantry unit. Two were formed and later on renamed to 1st and 2nd Jaeger Battalion (Jääkäripataljoona.) These units consisted of pre-selected, physically fit conscripts and they were led by the "rising stars" of the Finnish officer corps. The Jaeger units were designed to be the spearhead of counterattacks, act as a delaying unit in the borderzones in a surprise attack situation and generally provide the HQ with a light, mobile and well-trained fighting unit. Later on the men trained in these units would form the future core group of the best division in the Finnish Army.

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The story of armored units in Finnish Army would later on form a link to the light Jaeger brigades, but few people knew it before the war. As a part of the initial spirit of experimentation the country bought modern Automitrailleuse à chenilles Renault FT modèle 1917 from the French right after the Great War, and for a moment it seemed that armored forces would have a similar roaring start as the Finnish Air Force. It was not to be. Led by a traditional-minded cavalry officer Mannerheim and generals who believed that "Finnish terrain is generally ill-suited for armored warfare", the Army was often tempted to decomission the small armored force altogether and kept it on a minimal size. Only later on the purchase of a small groups of Vickers 6-tons (without optics and guns to save money) allowed the Finns to field any kind of armored force when the WWII begun.
 
Brilliant entry Karelian, made those days of wait worth it. Once you start getting into your game will the interval between posts increase?
 
Brilliant entry Karelian, made those days of wait worth it. Once you start getting into your game will the interval between posts increase?

The actual gameplay-part will naturally be updated on a faster pace than this, although I still plan to add plenty of historical sidenotes for each update.

This is really interesting.

Thanks for the comment.
 
By Trial and Error - Finnish Air Force 1918-1939
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FAF personel in temporary airfield build on the ice of Lake Laatokka in Sortavala.

The birth of the FAF during the Civil War had more symbolic value than real strategic significance. On 6th March 1918 Swedish volunteer pilots donated one of their aircraft to White forces, and since the commanders of the future Finnish Army had no practical knowledge of the usage of combat aircraft, the new organization called Suomen Ilmavoimat (Finnish Air Forces) became a new, independent branch of the armed forces. After the Civil War this originally temporary solution became the new norm, and thus the FAF became one of the oldest "independent" air forces of the world. This position gave the first commanders of FAF considerable freedom to test new tactics and methods, and during the 1920s and early 1930s the air force was ultimately able to avoid much of the stagnation and conservative resistance to change. While the Old Guard officers managed to stop the development of armor units in the Army, the FAF was free to test and operate without such hindrances. Yet the combination of fast pace development of aircraft designs and limited military spending of the young republic created a situation where innovative tactical solutions were often the only thing that enabled the otherwise obsolete equipment of FAF to remain usable in potential conflict.

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The pilot of the first FAF plane was a Swedish noble and air force ethusiastic Count Carl Gustaf Ericsson von Rosen, son of a famous explorer (and nephew of Herman Göring´s wife.) He had insigned his plane with the old symbols of luck traditionally used by his family, and these blue swastikas were adopted as the official symbols of FAF decades before anyone had even heard about the Nazi Hakenkreuz.

The first leaders of FAF had to start from square one and build the whole structure of their new service branch from scratch. Thus the young country was eager to seek help from major participants of the ongoing World War, and the first "advisor", German officer Carl Seber practically commanded the FAF up to December 1918. As the fortunes of war changed in central Europe, the German advisors left the country and were soon replaced by an advisor delegation of French aviation officers. They pressured the Finnish HQ to cancel a deal (signed after the German capitulation) to buy Fokker D.VII-fighters and Albratros recon aircraft from Germany and devised a new development program that (unsurprisingly) recommended that FAF should buy French-made land-based aircraft. Finns complied by buying a small number of Great War-vintage Breguets, and begun the long process of creating necessary infrastructure and training system to maintain and improve the FAF. The first steps were the establishment of air units and training programs, and at this point the presence and influence of foreign air units based on Finnish soil was immense. The first military aircraft used in the country were originally focused on the naval aviation bases build by Imperial Russian Army during WWII, later on followed by German air units that were in turn quickly replaced by British naval aviation unit that operated on the Gulf of Finland during the chaotic postwar years. At this point the FAF was trying to gain more aircrafts from all available sources, and all available planes were bought from Entente powers, rebellious German garrison troops based on Baltic states and added to the air fleet left behind by the withdrawing Russian Army. Due this "grab what you can"-policy the FAF operated 20 different aircraft types on early 1920s and still had extremely limited number of total aircrafts in service.

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Breguets were the first true combat planes of FAF.

On October 1920 the FAF received a new commander when a young (29) former cavalry officer, major Arne Somersalo was tasked to reform and expand the FAF. Soon the young commander realized that he had only nine combat-capable Breguets at his disposal, and that the new air force had to acquire all kinds of technical equipment to enable the training of new pilots. All military airfields available for use at this time were constructed for the needs of imperial Russia, and thus located on places of secondary importance in the new strategic situation. Somersalo had a strong influence to the future of FAF. He strongly opposed the early ideas of a general workhorse plane type, and advocated the creation of separate bomber, air reconnaissance and fighter units. Somersalo argued that in the future fighter units would be the most important element of FAF, a force that he envisioned to develop into a "combat-worthy service that controls the national airspace in all military fronts." He also fiercely defended the independent position of FAF while maintaining otherwise supportive attitude towards cooperation with Army and Navy. With the basic requirements for future development programs more or less in place, Finns now once again sought foreign military expertice and guidance from victors of the Great War. This time the military advisor team arrived from Britain, led by General Walter Kirke. The British advisors created a development program that they planned as a temporary basis for future FAF. The program conflicted with the views of Somersalo in many cases. British officers disregarded the importance of fighters and instead promoted the offensive capabilities of air arm, envisioning the bombing of enemy territories as the main future mission of FAF. The Kirke Memorandum was strongly influenced by ideas of Giulio Douhet, but its general outlines were strictly conservative. The memo emphasized the importance of flyboats and naval aviation in the Finnish coastal defense and recommended future investments to naval bomber aircrafts.

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General Kirke created his memorandum as a mere temporal basis and outline for short-term development of FAF. Despite this fact his work directed the development of FAF into a dead end long after its central ideas had been proved obsolete and unpractical.

After the Kirke team had evalued the situation and left and the first foreign-trained FAF officers had finished their training courses in France and Britain, they returned home to establish the Finnish pilot training programs. The first centers of these activities were located to the Baltic coast (since most plane types used were flyboats), especially to the open farmlands of Ostrobothnia region in western Finland were suitable training areas due the existing wartime Russian facilities, and training of reservist air officers and NCOs was up and running before the end of the decade. As a part of this new development Finland made a choise typical during the era, and sought to create a national aviation industry to provide the FAF with new trainers and later on licence-build and domestic-made combat aircrafts as well. The idea was first proposed on 1920 (Somersalo firmly believed to the benefits of the plan and formulated a strong political lobby to support it), and a year later the first repair workshop of FAF was expanded into Airforce Airplane Factory (Ilmavoimien Lentokonetehdas, IVL) that immediately begun to produce first trainer aircraft and Caudron G.3s build with licence. After the creation of IVL the FAF and Finnish industry had established the basis of effective and reliable maintenance system of Finnish combat aircraft. Initially the factory was administered by War Ministerium, with repair workshop and factory acting as separate departments under the FAF. For practical reasons they were combined together in 1928, and State Aircraft Factory (Valtion Lentokonetehdas, VL) was born.

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The domestic aircraft industry of Finland was small, but would prove itself vitally important for national defense in the future.

After these changes the development of FAF rested on the shoulders of few innovative individuals, who had to come by with limited budgets and often strictly oppose their superiours when promoting their own reform agendas within the FAF. For Somersalo this upphill struggle proved too much, and after he had strongly objected the 1926 decision to plan future expansion programs on Kirke Memorandum he resigned, stopping the early era of experimentation in the new airforce. His successor, Colonel Väinö Vuori, was an infantry officer without any former experience of military aviation, and thus he took no risks and decided to follow the guidance of foreign experts. The legacy of Somersalo was thus seemingly fading fast, despite the fact that his last initiative was ultimately carried through. This general reorganization in 1930 finally created new organization with independent air regiments and the earlier emphasis on flyboats was finally abandoned in favor of land-based aircraft. While the new leadership of FAF was from now on generally conservative and cautious in terms of strategic initiatives, the field among the new FAF air officer corps was open for the development of Finnish fighter tactics and pilot training.

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The naval aviation legacy of FAF died hard, and even when the service gradually shifted focus on land-based aircraft, the first transition models were still carrier-based aircrafts like the Blackburn Ripon seen here in a makeshift ice field with skis attached.

Enter Gustaf Erik Magnusson and Richard Lorentz, the dynamic duo of interwar Finnish air warfare tactics. While Lorentz started his tactical research in 1934 as the new commander of LeLv 24 (Fighter Squadron 24) and experienced with the Gloster Gamecocks the squadron had recently received, Magnusson toured Europe. He paid the fees himself and managed to secure five months of fighter pilot training in France in the famous L’Escadrille Georges Guynemer. Once Magnusson came back and was assigned to Utti, HQ gave him the task of creating new manual for fighter pilot training. Unknown to Magnusson, Lorentz already had a draft version of his own manual prepared, and he soon contacted Magnusson to discuss the matter further. Lorentz disliked the French ideas of fighter training, and preferred a system of theoretical tactical research program and tests, splitting all attack manouvres into different parts. In his long memo to FAF HQ Lorentz criticized the new training scheme written by Magnusson. He claimed that Gamecock was already so obsolete that training pilots with it would give them completely wrong idea of modern air combat. He also stated that the limited flying hours of FAF would be best used by focusing the training of fighter tactics to scenarios where the pilots would train the most important potential attack sectors and manouvres over and over, honing their skills in these fields as much as possible.

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"Lundqvist´s Folly" - Bristol Bleinheim was a good plane on its day, but the FAF made a fateful decision to buy modern bombers first and seek to replace its aging fighter aircrafts later.

Like Magnusson, Lorentz keenly followed international aviation literature and magazines. By mid-1930s he was convinced that tactical bombers of the time could not defend themselves properly from dedicated attacks of modern fighter aircraft. He abandoned the doctrine of "offensive air war" as obsolete. Magnusson, who had inherited the position of commander of LeLv 24 from Lorentz had similar ideas. The two men where however bitterly disappointed when former artillery officer Jarl Frithof Lundqvist became the new commander of FAF. Lundqvist was a member of the "offensive school" who supported the ideas of Kirke and Douhet, and in 1936 the new commander made a decision to invest most of the budget of FAF to the purchase of new Bristol Bleinheim tactical bombers. Lorentz and Magnusson joined forces in their opposition to the scheme and insisted that FAF needed new fighters instead of an expensive bomber squadron. Magnusson had made a second training tour abroad, spending time in Luftwaffe as a guest of JG 132 from 17 Jan to 12 March 1938, and his experiences from this time further convinced him of the urgent need to modernize the fighter arm of the FAF. He was also pleased to notice that organizational and tactical reforms promoted by Lorentz were seemingly working in practice in the skies of Spain, since Germans were also renewing their fighter doctrine to similar direction, away from the ideas used by French and British fighter combat theories he had previously held in high esteem. When Magnusson reported his findings to Lorentz, the two men intensified their joint efforts to keep the Finnish fighter pilot training program up to date.

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Finnish Heinkel He 112s never became reality despite the high hopes and best efforts of Lorentz and Magnusson.

Yet they were powerless to resist once Lundqvist and his supporters stubbornly pressed ahead with the Bleinheim bomber program. During the 1930s the FAF had for years received a meager 5% of the total defense budget of the FAF, but with the situation in Europe slowly escalating, the defense spending of Finland kept slowly rising as well. The "fighter duo" as Magnusson and Lorentz were called among Army leadership was now constantly promoting for purchases of new modern fighter aircraft. When FAF finally begun to test new fighter aircraft in 1938, Magnusson already had a favourite among the candidates. During his visit in Germany he had a chance to test both brand-new Messerschmitt Bf 109 and its competitor, Heinkel He 112. Magnusson considered the latter design to be "the best aircraft he had flown", and in the rigorous FAF tests the plane type performed well. Germany was even willing to sell a patch of 50 planes to Finland, but in the end commander Lundqvist stated that the purchase would cost too much. Instead he opted to buy Duch-made Fokker D.XXIs, a plane originally intented to be used in the Duch East Indies. Lundqvist had only reluctantly abandoned the preference for bomber squadrons and stated that Finland should now look for quantity, not quality, to bolster the ranks of the fighter units as quickly as possible. By now it was however far too late to correct earlier mistakes. When WWII begun, fighter arm of FAF consisted of 31 Fokkers and ten obsolete Bristol Bulldogs.


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Designed to operate in a tropical climate and act as a CAS aircraft when necessary, the Fokker D.XXI was less-than-ideal fighter design for the FAF. But by 1939 none of the major powers was no longer willing to sell their first-class fighter designs abroad, and Finns had to come by with what was available.