The United States: 'Prophets of a New Order'

The_Frozen_1: As was mentioned in the update, Luxembourg was incorporated into France, while the lands in Poland were kept under direct military control with the understanding that it is only a temporary arrangement.

yourworstnightm: Care to make any guesses?

Nathan Madien: Ah, but did the United States deal with France because they seek to be friends, or is business just business?

Kurt_Steiner: Terrified, I would imagine. It faces potential aggressors on both sides.

Enewald: Oh really?

Milites: What do you mean by saying it won't be pretty?

Plushie: I intend to. Thank you.

Spitfire_Pilot: It certainly has made quite a mess of the geo-political situation, at the very least.

Red Star Over Germany - Part II

Though its victory over the German Empire established France as the pre-eminent power on the European continent, many battles still needed to be fought to solidify and ensure that predominance would not slip away as it had done in the Napoleonic Wars. Both Spain and Britain were involved in protracted battles in Algeria and the north Atlantic respectively, and requested French assistance. Pivert had hoped that, at least for the time being, France would be able to spend the immediate future recouping the losses in manpower and resources suffered in the German war, but the alliance's calls grew more and more insistent.

But rather than assist in the war against Canada or General Petain's Algerian enclave, the French instead turned to undoing the final provisions of the much-hated Treaty of Berlin; despite choosing the wrong side of the Great War, Italy was treated comparatively leniently by the victorious Austro-German armies. In exchange for Austria's reoccupation of Venice, the crumbling Italian nation received back Savoy and Nice, given to France following the combined Franco-Sardinian victory in 1859. Although these lands were predominantly French, opposed to closer integration with the Papal Italian Federation which replaced the collapsed monarchy, and economically worthless, Pope Pius XI resisted any suggestion of returning those lands, chiefly due to the threat of a hostile reaction from Germany or Austria-Hungary.

Citing its territorial claims on those lands and the oppression meted out by the staunchly authoritarian Pope Julius IV, France declared war on the Italian Federation on September 9. Within hours, the Republic of the Sicilies followed suit, eager to claim the whole of the Italian peninsula for syndicalism. Privately, Pivert admitted that the general consensus was that Togliatti and Gramsci had waited long enough for a showdown with the Papacy. Caught in a war on two fronts, the Federation's armies were simply too few to stem the Syndicalist advance.

The collapse of German power in Europe also produced serious repercussions in the east, as well. With their patron and chief military and economic benefactor now brought down, the Ukrainian and White Ruthenian states suddenly found themselves isolated. As the insecurity about these new developments grew in Kiev and Smolensk, so too did the boldness of St. Petersburg grow. For years, the simmering nationalist resentment over the massive territorial concessions forced upon Russia by the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk had been skillfully repressed by the Kerensky government, and subsequently by the Social Liberal-Menshevik coalition headed by Viktor Chernov.

But with the changed situation, the oppurtunity to make an abrupt about-face to an adventurist policy was simply too great to resist. On September 12, despite the cautious Foreign Minister Konovalov's objections, Russia threatened to close the borders with Ukraine and White Ruthenia if the process of reintegration was not begun immediately; with the fall of Germany, both countries' link to the Baltic Sea, and with it access to the world market, hinged on Russia's whims. Chernov was therefore essentially threatening them with total economic ruin should they decide to refuse. With no viable alternative, Ukraine and Ruthenia surrendered peacefully to Russia.


The reaction throughout Russia was heartening for the leadership in St. Petersburg. Hundreds of thousands took to the streets in spontaneous celebrations of Russia's return to the ranks of the Great Powers. For the moment, it seemed as if Chernov and the Social Liberals had scored a critical victory over the Menshevik Soviets with this foreign policy triumph. But the decision ultimately set into motion forces within the Russian state Chernov could not long hope to contain. Within a week, popular pressure throughout the country was mounting; many hoped that Russia would turn its attention southward and reclaim Central Asia and the Caucasus, which had fallen under the Islamic rule of Mohammed Alim Khan, formerly the Emir of Bukkhara, who with the able military guidance of Ibrahim Bek had successfully conquered Kazakhstan in 1937, and the Cossacks in '38.

But the process of reintegrating Ukraine and Ruthenia had only just begun, straining the resources of the Russian state. In spite of the people's demands, St. Petersburg could not seriously hope to deliver a quick defeat to the self-styled Caliph, or maintain a drawn-out war under the current circumstances. On September 19, Prime Minister Pavel Milyukov blundered by declaring in front of the Duma that Russia would not seek to alter the situation in Central Asia. Smelling blood in the water, the Menshevik faction went on the offensive, condemning the Milyukov government of selling Russia's greatness off. In the nationalist fervor of the moment, popular indignation exploded. But the President, loyal to his political cronies, refused to abandon the beleaguered Prime Minister, only exacerbating the blunder.

The situation in both the cities and countryside rapidly spiraled out of control. The Soviets, long dormant since the suppression of the Bolshevik uprising, mobilized themselves, taking to the streets. Sensing the winds of change, Nikolai Bukharin once more emerged onto the political stage, calling upon all Soviets to unite under him in opposition to 'the bourgeois stooges' in St. Petersburg. With the capital completely surrounded by pro-Soviet forces and the Mensheviks Maria Spiridonova and Konstantin Rokossovsky in command of the Bureau of Internal Security and the Stavka respectively, Chernov and the Social Liberals resigned themselves to at least hear out the Soviet demands.

Ironically, Bukharin, from his newly-established headquarters in Smolensk, was stunned by the government's decision; having spent his time hurriedly planning for a violent confrontation, the Menshevik leader was caught unprepared. Without bothering to consult with the deputies of SOVNARKOM, most of whom were still arriving in Smolensk when Chernov's concession arrived, Bukharin responded with the demand for the establishment of a popular front government to be established on the basis of free elections within four weeks.

Chernov now stood at a crossroads. Accepting Bukharin's demand would spell doom for his government, since any election held would deliver a crushing victory to the Mensheviks. Field Marshal Blucher insisted that the majority of the army's loyalty could be counted upon and that the Soviet militias could be swept from the field of battle with ease. But only German intervention could have assured success in Chernov's mind, and with Syndicalist France towering like a colossus in the west, the President caved. To his credit, Chernov's fateful choice averted a potentially catastrophic civil war, but it would prove to be his political ruin.


Syndicalism seemed to be on the march on all fronts: the stalemate in Algeria had finally been broken, and it seemed as though Petain's 'Nationalist France' regime was on its last legs. In Russia, the Mensheviks had successfully seized power in a bloodless political coup. And in Italy, after a slow but steady and unstoppable offensive, the French marched into Rome on November 8, signaling the surrender of the Italian Federation. Savoy, Nice, and Sardinia were returned to France, while the remainder was portioned out to a jubilant Togliatti, who proclaimed the formation of the newly-reunified Italian nation on November 11, 1942.


The seemingly unstoppable Syndicalist steamroller played a critical part in the midterm election season unfolding in the United States. The Republicans, eager to curb the dominance of the Democrats in both houses of Congress, stepped up their anti-Syndicalist rhetoric, accusing the President of contributing to the upheavals in European affairs. Aurther Vandenberg, a former Senator from Michigan who had lost his reelection bid in 1934 to the Syndicalists, became the leading figure in this criticism, touting his internationalism prominently.

Although the possibility of losing the Democratic hold on Congress seemed unlikely, Roosevelt's language nevertheless began to shift subtlety through the fall months of 1942. In October, the President promised that the trade deals with France that had lapsed the previous year would not be renewed unless 'under the circumstances are altered radically to a condition more amendable to American interests.' In a further speech delivered a week later, the President admitted to his 'profound relief that the expanding instability in Europe has not adversely affected our friends and neighbors south of our borders.' And in November, just before the midterm, the President declared that, with the fall of the Italian Federation imminent, he would guarantee the Pope sanctuary in the United States; the offer was extended to ousted President Chernov, who politely refused since his life was hardly in any danger in Russia.

Unsurprisingly, the Republican Party succeeded in making gains in both the House and the Senate. With the economy continuing to prosper, negative reaction to the Syndicalist victories in Europe and the perception of Roosevelt's complicity in providing military aid to France was chief amongst the electoral rebuff, epitomized by Vandenburg's narrow victory over interim incumbent Prentiss Brown. Together with Alf Landon, the pair emerged as the heart of the Republican minority in the Senate. In the House, the Republicans managed to gain thirty-one new seats, which still fell far short of threatening the comfortable Democratic majority. Though the 1942 midterm did not seriously alter the political landscape in Washington, it proved the effectiveness of the changing attitude of the Roosevelt Administration toward events in Europe. Most political analysts had expected a far larger Republican victory, Roosevelt among them. The President, always a perceptive observer, certainly realized the reason behind it.

Enewald: How many do you think?

Kurt_Steiner: "Hateful"!?


Red Star Over Germany - Part III

Following the successful conclusion of the war in Italy, French attention turned toward the Atlantic, where the Union of Britain had been fighting a fierce naval campaign against the Canadian fleet. With Iceland under firm Synidcalist control, a peculiar stalemate emerged, in which the numerically inferior British fleet sought to engage their more cautious Canadian counterpart in a decisive battle as a prelude to an invasion. Though the second half of the plan was far-fetched, the Syndicalists nearly achieved their victory at the Labrador Sea in September 1942. The majority of the Canadian battle fleet had gathered there in the hopes of luring the British into a trap. Realizing this, the British requested the French send out their own fleet, and together crush the Canadians.

Ultimately, the French chose to turn their attention toward Italy, preferring the likely victory over the Papacy rather than risk a serious strategic defeat in the north Atlantic. Forced to do without the French fleet for the time being, the British dispersed its navy, intending to prey upon Canadian shipping to Australia, South Africa, and India. The policy met with modest successes, enough to continue it for the immediate future.

But by mid-January 1943, several high-ranking members of the Admiralty were becoming increasingly dissatisfied with the results of the commerce raiding. Chief among them was Admiral Bertram Ramsay, who was put in command of a recombined Atlantic Fleet. By then, the Canadian fleet had given up attempting to engage the disparate British raiders and returned to port, laying anchor at the city of St. John on Newfoundland. Ramsay proposed to destroy the Canadian fleet with a series of long-range carrier-based air attacks. The first such attack occurred on January 27, 1943, achieving only modest success. Alert to any attacks, the Canadians managed to send up a wall of flak that drove most of the British Swordfish bombers. Only the battleship HMS Queen Elizabeth was significantly damaged, but the results encouraged Ramsay that continued carrier attacks could achieve greater successes; two more such raids were made in February before Ramsay returned back to Scapa Flow.

With relations with the Syndicalist powers already tense and deteriorating since Roosevelt's foreign policy shift in the lead-up to the midterm elections, the sudden proximity of the war to American shores caused alarm in Washington. Concern over the security of American shipping, as well as the integrity of the coast, prompted Naval Secretary Ralph Bard to order Admiral Stark, then Chief of Naval Operations, to draw up plans for a show of strength. The Atlantic Fleet was to conduct a circumnavigation of the north Atlantic, heading from Norfolk down to the Bahamas, then east around Bermuda, and north to Newfoundland before steaming back along the New England coast. As well as asserting the integrity of American territory and commerce, it was to act as a shake-down cruise for the recently completed USS Wasp. The fleet set out under the command of Admiral Nimitz on March 14, having received reliable intelligence from spies within Britian that the attack on St. John scheduled for the 18th would be the last for the month.

This most recent British attack proved the least effective since the start of the campaign and forced the fleet to fall back to safer waters. Knowing they had driven the British fleet back, the Canadian fleet grew bold and steamed out from St. John, hoping to ambush Ramsay before he could reach the safety of Iceland or Scapa Flow. Uncertain as to Ramsay's precise whereabouts, Admiral Chattfield sent flotillas of destroyers and reconnaissance planes ahead. After encountering these advanced units of the Canadian fleet, Ramsay ordered an abrupt course change southward on the night of the 19th, hoping to elude Chattfield. Squadrons of aircraft were sent out to act as a light screen, which spotted several capital ships isolated out on the open sea. Seeing an opportunity to destroy or damage a sizable chunk of the Canadian fleet, Ramsay ordered all available bombers to be launched from Victorious and Formidable at dawn on the 20th. Within two hours, the British had found the fleet and waves of Swordfish bombers commenced their attack, focusing on the battleships and carriers.

Before anyone could realize what was unfolding around them, the USS Lexington was rocked by a direct torpedo hit to its starboard side. From the Washington, Nimitz hastily ordered Wasp and Ranger to get all available fighters into the air as fast as possible while Lexington was to steam as fast as possible toward the protection of improved anti-air batteries of the heavy cruisers Louisville and Northampton. Realizing that the Atlantic Fleet was under attack, anti-aircraft fire from the American ships intensified, but not before the battleship South Dakota was struck by two torpedoes. By now, however, it began to dawn on the British attackers that this was not part of the Canadian fleet, and orders were frantically given to abort. In the confusion of the moment, the second wave of Swordfish continued onward, scoring hits on Northampton and the Pensacola, another cruiser. As the Swordfish retreated, five of them were shot down by Wildcats launched from Wasp, and another two were destroyed by anti-aircraft fire.


Reeling from the surprise attack, Nimitz immediately ordered the fleet to sail back to the United States, radioing Washington of the incident. When informed of the incident by Admiral Stark, Roosevelt is reported to have been rendered speechless. Quickly, the President regained his composure and demanded he be kept constantly appraised of the situation. Units all along the East Coast were placed on alert and readied for battle, but Ramsay was steaming back to Britain and full speed, realizing the magnitude of the blunder he had committed. On the 21st, General Secretary Tom Mann conveyed his personal 'shock and dismay at this unfortunate tragedy.' Severely damaged, Lexington and Northampton limped into the New York naval yards on the 22nd while the rest of the Atlantic Fleet anchored at Norfolk. Reports of a death toll of 1,118 stunned the nation, and Mann's apologies were quickly swept away by a tide of national outrage.

On the night of March 22, Roosevelt appeared before a joint session of Congress. Although worn from a day of frenzied activity and shaken by news of the attack, Roosevelt remained resolute and undeterred. Drawing on national feeling, Roosevelt began:

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and House of Representatives, yesterday, March 20, 1943, a date which will live in infamy, the United States was suddenly attacked by the forces of the Union of Britain. The United States was at peace with that nation, and had made no hostile provocations to justify such treachery.

The President continued his speech by emphasizing America's pacific intent in comparison to British and French aggression:

The tragedy of yesterday is but one manifestation of the thirst for conquest and domination sought by the nation of Britain and her allies. These aggressors have shown time and again, in Belgium, in Germany, in Denmark, in Italy, and across the globe, complete disregard for the interests of peace, freedom of trade, and all such conventions of nations. This dastardly attack has made it clear that the time for negotiation and diplomacy is over. Should we fail to act, our territory and our interests are in grave danger. That is why I ask that the Congress declare a state of war has existed between our two nations.

Roosevelt concluded by declaring boldly and defiantly that 'No matter how long it will take us, to overcome this threat to the United States and the peace-loving nations of the world, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.'


Swept up in the sentiment of the times, Congress responded overwhelmingly to Roosevelt's call with a unanimous vote to declare war on Britain. Dismayed by the diplomatic disaster but loyal to its allies, France responded by declaring war on the United States the following day. Faure contemptuously declared that 'the Americans know nothing of what it is like to fight a real war. The great nations of Europe stands united against her. How can she hope to triumph against our arms?' But the truth was that the Syndicalists had inadvertently awoken a sleeping giant.