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Very good. I like the style and themes. Things are shaping up well. Your updates are laced with charm.
 
Enewald said:
Oi, and soon the revolution shall begin.

Care to update your sig? :rolleyes:

I doubt an outright revolution. One of my issues with Kaiserreich is their treatment of the US. In OTL, the Depression happened, but nothing approaching an actual popular revolution did (Bonus Army notwithstanding). Here, there's more of a deep, prolonged recession, and with a clear foreign element to it - Germany. One thing that will drive the US to war during this period is being shut out of markets.

I've also seen nothing here to suggest that Germany can match the USA's industrial might.

Still, I am intruiged by this.

David K
 
Sir Humphrey: Huh, quite the compliment. I don't recall my work ever quite having any "charm" to it, as you say.

Enewald: Ah yes, my signature. It never shows up when I'm logged in, so I had forgotten completely about it.

DavidK: Why the United States will go to war is a bit premature. There's still the question of if the United States will go to war at all.

And at the start of '36, the United States could easily double Germany's industrial power, but the recession has reduced that lead significantly and keeps it from reaching its real potential.
 
January – November 1936: The Presidential Election – Part I

The world watched in fascination on news of the assassination of Alexander Kerensky, de facto tsar of Russia that had kept the various Russian factions under a tenuous alliance since the White victory in the civil war, and of the death of Britain's exiled King George V. Both events promised monumental shifts in the political fates of both countries. But the United States had more important things on its mind.

36Events_1.jpg

Events elsewhere were quickly overshadowed by domestic developments.

By the beginning of 1936, it was clear that the November presidential election would be like no other. A recession that had been plaguing the United States for over a decade had taken a sudden turn for the worse in 1933, disgusting millions of Americans with the political situation. Now, the fruits of that disgust were beginning to emerge.

When three Senators and twelve House Representatives arrived in Washington after the 1934 midterm elections claiming to be socialists, people took notice. Faced with sharp unemployment, depressed wages, and blatant corporate greed, the reaction of Americans was inevitable. Experiencing an unprecedented influx of voters and inspired by syndicalist victory in France and southern Italy, the American Socialist and Communist Parties merged into the American National Combined Syndicalist Party, or 'Syndicalists' for short. An early front-runner within the party had emerged, John 'Jack' Reed. A graduate of Harvard, Reed became a journalist, finding wide audiences for his anti-war and isolationist views. Reed was also one of the few American witnesses to the failed 'Bolshevik' October Revolution.

As the abuses of America's capitalist system became more obvious as the recession dragged on, Reed grew increasingly radical in his insistence that syndicalism offered the country's best hope of restoring the economy and addressing economic and social inequality plauging the United States. The preeminent left-wing intellectual of the country, Reed presented his audiences with a scholarly, articulate man and a moving speaker, capabling of bringing tears to the most embittered factory worker's eyes. People listened, and as the economy crumbled, more still listened. By 1936, the industrial urban centers of the Midwest and East Coast belonged to Reed and the Syndicalists. Both the AFL and CIO unions endorsed Reed, quickly swelling in size to encompass huge percentrages of the working class urbanites. Unionization reached unprecedented levels, and worker-run local cooperatives began appearing on the streets of cities like Chicago, New York, and Pittsburgh, acting as a worker police force, as well as fulfilling other civic responsibilities. Not even Al Capone's Chicago mob was powerful enough to do battle with these radicalized organizations.

Out of the Louisiana swamps emerged Reed's polar opposite: Governor Huey Long. Technically a Democrat, Long won popularity throughout the South for his firery condemnations of big business and upper-class 'parasites.' Seen as nothing more than a loud-mouthed demagogue to his opponents, Long argued that the working man, particularly farmers and small-townspeople, had suffered for too long under the yoke of big business corporations and government corruption. These people, Long argued, were the backbone of America's greatness.

From outward appearances, Long appeared to be an advocate of Reed's syndicalism, but was adamant that syndicalism was the antithesis of everything he and any decent Americans stood for. More accurate perhaps is the term 'national socialist,' an ultra-nationalist social conservative with a socialist economic plan insisting on government intervention to better the state and improve the lives of the citizenry. Having won the gubernatorial election with an incredible ninety-six percent of the vote, it was clear Long's message had won appeal. On September 8 1935, like-minded delegates from across the country, some of them recently elected Congressmen, united under Long's 'national socialist' umbrella and formed the National Populist Party, or the 'America First!' Party.

36Election1.jpg

Huey Long and Jack Reed became serious third-party candidates for the presidency.

Both the Syndicalists and Nationals gained substantial ground in the polls as 1936 began, having the advantage of freshly-picked candidates and receptive audiences. The last sixteen years had all but discredited the two major political parties, convincing many that if the United States was ever going to emerge from the economic quagmire, it would require radical, even revolutionary change. The Democratic and Republican Parties, still reeling from their humiliating midterm election defeats, had been badly outmaneuvered; their election cycles had hardly just begun and two dynamic, populist candidates were already in the field siphoning away their support. More amazing still, President Herbert Hoover was in serious trouble of actually losing the Republican nomination. As both major parties approached their national conventions, everyone wondered who they would nominate to challenge Long and Reed.

 
Building up something big, but who though? Whatever happens though it will be interesting reading.
 
Perhaps the Dems and GOP could join together (at least temporary) to form a "moderate" party. It could end up hurting them (the Dems might very well not want to be associated with Hoover), but it would unite the moderate vote, which could be crucially important in some swing states.
 
Sir Humphrey: Very much so. The electorate is terribly divided, and the events of the following months could tip the scales in one direction or the other...

GeneralHannibal: I'm sure that's crossed a few politicians' minds. But who to pick?
 
January – November 1936: The Presidential Election – Part II

As the elections approached the convention phase for the Democratic and Republican Parties, the situation countrywide continued to deteriorate. Though the stock market had finally leveled off after months of steady decline, the Hoover Administration showed no signs of moving to relieve the American people's hardships. The President was too preoccupied in battling for his party's nomination for his bid for reelection, and most of the National and Syndicalist Congressmen used the opportunity to lob oratorical bombs at their political opponents. Tensions were running high, particularly between the opposing third parties. But their ire was not reserved just for each other. On February 11, news spread across the country that two prominent union leaders leading a strike against the Ford Motor Company in Detroit had been attacked and brutally beaten by company-paid thugs. The brawl quickly grew out of control, culminating in an attack on a group of workers' wives handing out leaflets.

Synidcal1.jpg

Corporate abuse aided Reed's cause.

The 'Battle of the Overpass' immediately galvanized American Syndicalists, prompting a spike in union enrollments and private donations to Reed's campaign fund. Reed himself used the incident to argue that despicable corporate greed and exploitation of the working class would only continue to grow worse and more outrageous if something was not done. The Nationals, too, used the incident to their advantage. Society, Long insisted, was crumbling to the point that men had lost their honor; attacking defenseless women was unjustifiable, but so too was the Syndicalists' actions that had put them in harm's way in the first place. Naturally, Reed did not take kindly to such accusations.

Long's interpretation of the Detroit incident fit nicely with the overall narrative being crafted by the Nationals. Unlike Reed, Long was not the supreme party leader, and did not exercise the same degree of control over his supporters and other Nationalist politicians. Father Charles Coughlin, a Catholic priest, had begun conducting weekly radio broadcasts in 1933. Passionate and charismatic, Father Coughlin had kept audiences spell-bound as more and more Americans tuned in to listen. As of late, his views had grown increasingly vitriolic and polemical. Harping on the moral decay of the United States, Coughlin quickly became identified as a raging anti-Semite and strong proponent of racial segregation. By the spring of 1936, Coughlin had gained a huge following in the Midwest and South, adding further popular support to Long's National coalition.

Though while Long was not entirely able to, nor necessarily willing, to silence Coughlin, Coughlin's masters were. The Papal States, now in possession of north and central Italy following the syndicalist revolution in the south, was none too pleased with a Catholic priest raging on about the supposed evils of the Jews, especially to an audience of millions. After Coughlin refused to comply with direct Papal instructions to cease broadcasting, the Papal embassy in Washington appealed to the Hoover Administration. As much as Hoover wanted to, he claimed that Coughlin's right to speak was protected by the 1st Amendment, and thus the federal government's hands were tied.

AmFir1.jpg

Father Coughlin was dangerous, but within his rights.

Long and Coughlin, surprised by Hoover's response, complimented the Administration on their wise choice. Reed took the opportunity to accuse the Republicans and Nationals of conspiring to brainwash Americans with Victorian Age racism, earning the Syndicalist leader the appreciation of the Jewish and other minority communities.

Reed then surprised many Americans by announcing he would be temporarily leaving the country to travel abroad. His destination was Paris, France, sight of the upcoming Third International, a week-long summit of all the world's major syndicalist leaders. Reed departed the United States under a barrage of accusations of being in the pocket of the French. On May 11, Reed gave his speech to the assembled world audience, dazzling his foreign counterparts with his finely-honed eloquence and alluring promises of the United States on the brink of syndicalism. 'A modern Benjamin Franklin!' one British attendee exclaimed amidst thunderous applause. Reed returned home confident he had won the support of global syndicalism.

Syndical2.jpg

Reed wins world Syndicalist support at the Third International.

Tempers were running high back in the United States in June, currently in the grips of one of the hottest summers on record. The election was still five months away and voters were already being worked up into a fever pitch by campaigners across the country. It was fast becoming apparent that the Nationals and Syndicalists were irreconcilably opposed. All this played out in the minds of the Democratic and Republican delegates as they gathered for their conventions.

 
So the stage is set for the USCW_vol2! It's the coolest thing in Kaiserreich, IMHO, for with up to 4 factions (CSA, America First, USA and California) it can drag on for years, and is a great fun to play with any of the opponents. Let's hope you'll get as much enjoyment as I always do with this one! :)

For if you do, with your writing skills it'll make one hellofan AAR for us to read on.
 
Yikes. I doubt that anyone will have the majority in the elections, but hopefully Reed's foreign support doesn't end up costing him the support of actual voters...
 
I like the Civil War, I especially like that it starts very early and that you kind of have to jury-rig your army. No slow build-up for the titanic showdown, just get what you can get and try to use it.

Oh, and I think I can almost hear MacArthur waiting to step out from the wings...
 
No one is going to get bored in the States, no... :D
 
I really like the tension that is being built up as the political climate hurtles towards the climax.

Arilou said:
Oh, and I think I can almost hear MacArthur waiting to step out from the wings...

Actually, I think MacArthur is measuring the size of the wings.
 
Black Guardian: I'm quite complimented you hold the style of this AAR in such high regard. Thank you.

Enewald: Now now, let's not be hasty. They still have yet to wow the electorate with their candidates, themselves.

Kasakka: I never quite liked Kaiserreach's event chain, though that has more to do with the fact that it was unplayable, since more often than not some "You Lose" even would fire and ruin everything.

GeneralHannibal: Rooting for Reed, then?

Arilou: Yeah, military expenditure is pretty much out of the question with the whopping 0 IC you start the game out with.

Kurt_Steiner: Things are certainly getting exciting, I'll grant you that.
 
January – November 1936: The Presidential Election – Part III

On June 9 1936, Democratic delegates from across the country gathered in Cleveland, Ohio for the four-year ritual of selecting the candidate for president. As they were the ‘out-party’ this time around, the convention began before the Republicans'. The primary season had been a remarkably interesting one, sharply contested all the way to the end. Though most states deigned to do without primaries, it still stood as an effective gauge for the mood of the Democratic Party. Many of the delegates, arriving amidst boos and protests from crowds of Syndicalist sympathizers, expressed their uncertainty to a receptive press.

Indeed, the Democratic Party was facing the complete erosion of its principal base, the South, which had consistently voted Democrat since the Civil War. Many politicians had outright defected to the America Firsters, sensing the winds of change. Many loyal Democrats voiced concerns that regions that had voted overwhelmingly in their favor for generations might be seriously contested at all levels.

In this environment, three major contenders for the presidential nomination emerged: John Nance Garner, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and Henry A. Wallace. Born in Texas, Garner enjoyed the support of Southerners and the party 'Old Guard.' Wallace, formerly a liberal Republican who had defected after Hoover's disastrous economic policy, was popular among more reform-minded Democrats and disaffected Republicans, and seemed to be the most likely candidate to blunt the populist appeal of Long and Reed. Roosevelt, the closest to a 'dark horse' option, stood squarely between the two. Connected to the Roosevelt dynasty and untainted by President Smith's legacy of corruption, Roosevelt had miraculously managed to defeat incumbent Republican Governor Charles Tuttle on the promise to clean up Tammany Hall corruption.

Of the three, Garner was the frontrunner, with Roosevelt in second and Wallace in a close third. The first two ballots proved indecisive; Garner did not have the majority to clinch the nomination. Garner's agents approached Wallace to broker a deal on the night of the 11th. Once the two of them came together, the nomination would soon follow suit. The meeting, however, took an unexpected turn when Wallace suggested that he, not Garner, ought to be the presidential candidate, with the Texan becoming his vice-president. Perhaps it was the sweltering summer heat in the stuffy Cleveland rooms, but Garner grew incensed, railing that the vice-presidency was ‘not worth a bucket of warm piss!’ Taken aback, and with a clear picture of his role in any Garner administration, Wallace terminated the negotiations and approached Roosevelt. The two quickly came to an understanding.

The next day, the convention was startled by the announcement of a Roosevelt-Wallace ticket. More than a few questioned if the names had been reversed on accident. The assembled delegates were shocked by the results of the third ballot as all remaining delegates shifted their votes in response to the development: Roosevelt gained a majority. Out of nowhere, the Democrats had their candidate.

DemConv36.jpg

Roosevelt's nomination surprised many Americans.

On the final day of the convention, Roosevelt stepped to the podium to make his acceptance speech. After expressing a short thanks to the party and commending Wallace, as well as Garner for his dignified acceptance of the inevitable, Roosevelt spent several minutes condemning the Syndicalists and Nationals for their radicalism and the division their implacability was creating in the United States. He assured Americans that his nomination was a symbolic act by the Democratic Party to its commitment to reformation. Revitalizing the economy and reuniting the country, he promised, would be the administration's top priority.
'The great social phenomenon of this period, unlike any experienced by our forefathers, cannot be met by reaction. To meet by reaction that danger of radicalism is to invite disaster. Reaction is no barrier to the radical. It is a challenge, a provocation. The way to meet that danger is to offer a workable program of reconstruction, and the party to offer it is the party with clean hands. Let us pledge before this assembly to bring renewed leadership, a new deal, to America. Give me your help, not to win votes alone, but to win in this crusade to restore America to its own people.'​
The Democratic Party was impressed.

The Republican delegates who arrived in Oklahoma City on June 23 had little time to react to this unexpected development in Cleveland. Like the Democrats, the Republicans were met in Oklahoma by third-party supporters, 'Firsters' that tempted Republicans to defect with prospects of populist mass-support. The Republican Party had already been badly hurt by the undermining of their influence over unions by Syndicalists and farmers by Long's Nationals. Worse, President Hoover was fighting desperately to actually gain the party nomination, something that seemed less and less likely as more primary results came in. Unprecedented in modern politics though denying an incumbent president the nomination was, Republicans, and Americans in general, had little confidence in the man that had precipitated the worst economic and social crisis in national memory. More shocking still, it was Vice-President Charles Curtis of Kansas who emerged as the front-runner. In third place was Frank Knox, identified as a Progressive Republican. Desperately, Hoover argued behind closed doors with the party elite to renominate him. Not doing so, he assured them, would doom the party's chances of reelection. Mindful of the growing influence of the third-parties and the surprise nomination of Roosevelt, the leadership was unswayed. Humiliated and beaten, Hoover was forced to bow to the party wishes. On the second ballot, Curtis and Knox were nominated.

RepubCand.jpg

Charles Curtis clinched the Republican nomination.

The outcome of both major parties' national conventions demonstrated aptly the growing crisis facing the United States. On the Democratic side, a 'dark horse' candidate had emerged from the rupture in the embryonic Garner-Wallace coalition, one only possible thanks to the siphoning of Southern Democrats away by Long. On the Republican side, President Hoover made the precedent of being unseated in favor of his Vice-President, largely for being blamed for the crisis the nation was in. As the process wound down to its final phase, the country had its four candidates. The 1936 election was finally set in full motion.
 
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So let the four-way battle begin. I look forward to what happens next.

TC Pilot said:
DemConv36.jpg

Roosevelt's nomination surprised many Americans.[/i]​

Where did you find this picture? It's funny. :p