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Chapter III: Part XLVI

Chapter III: The Lion’s Den

Part XLVI


December 5, 1936

From the brick tower parapet of St. Michael’s church, Oberst Fridolin von Senger und Etterlin trained his binoculars to the north and surveyed the approaches to Colchester. The countryside was smoldering as though coals had rained down from heaven, and the city’s skyline was almost indistinguishable. The bulk of his 6. Panzer-Regiment was rolling forward out there, and even though he could see little sign of them, the tankers were in close contact by wireless and semaphore. The staffers up in the churchtower with him had run a telephone line down to his command car parked below, and as radio reports came in, they marked platoons’ latest positions on a large 1:15,000 scale map.

The vicar had bravely tried to set fire to the tower as the Germans approached, to deny them the observation post, but von Senger’s men had intervened in time. The man and four local farmers were now locked under guard in the rectory. Since crossing the Colne at Wivenhoe the day before, the regiment had for the first time encountered significant franc-tireur activity. Although enemy regulars were hard to find in this stretch of the land, officers had reported nearly two dozen incidents with armed civilians. Panzers had driven into primitive ambushes -- trees downed across the road and men with firebombs lying in wait; barrels of gasoline ignited and rolled down from earthen berms; artillery shells rigged in the ground as land mines. Several times, men in the open country had fired shotguns or hunting rifles at passing tankers. A few troopers had been killed, and the Germans counted sixteen partisans in return. About half of them had been wearing “EDV” armbands, and the rest without a stitch of uniform. Operational orders mandated the execution of any unlawful combatants captured alive, but none had yet been taken.

Still, von Senger was taking no chances. He had most of a Schütze company posted around his field headquarters, and ordered machine guns deployed around St. Michael’s in case a larger British force managed to slip around the panzers and into the rear. Earlier that morning, one of his platoons had seized a large cache of arms on Roman Hill after being led there by a local boy, and his interrogators believed there were similar troves nearby.

Despite the stillness around the church, four kilometers ahead, the artillery thudded and boomed like a summer thunderstorm. It was now 1340, and 6. Panzer-Regiment was pressing its attack anew. Earlier, cavalry from the other side of the city had made contact with friendly lines at the fortified hamlet of Shrub End, followed by Jägers from Haase’s 3. Infanterie-Division, and it appeared that they had overrun several artillery batteries that had been blocking von Senger’s way. His priority now was to make up for lost time.

“Herr Oberst, a message from Major Lippert!”

von Senger turned to find one of his adjutants holding a yellow paper in his hand.

“1334. II. Bataillon has reached Colchester Cemetery,” the man read. “Anti-tank rifles within. Schütze to engage.”

“Good.” von Senger raised his binoculars again. “Good.”

Rolf Lippert’s battalion was driving northward, along and to the east of the Mersea road that ran into the center of Colchester. Tracks tearing up the ground of the Essex Regiment’s large suburban rifle range, Lippert’s panzers had advanced for nearly a kilometer without any casualties.

The sting of the anti-tank 2-pounders in the cemetery had been painful, and now von Senger could see through his binoculars two plumes of darker smoke where he reckoned Lippert was. He turned again to his adjutant and dictated a reply to the Major ordering him to press forward into the city. Then he dashed off a message detaching some of the Schützen from I. Panzer-Bataillon, which was advancing up the Berechurch road, about a thousand meters to the west of Lippert’s position. With infantry storming the cemetery from both sides, the Oberst hoped, the guns could be knocked out quickly.

All he could do now was wait. Many commanders would have bombarded their lieutenants with exhortations and requests for information, but von Senger knew that that would only distract them. The artillery rumbled on. After twenty frustrating minutes, word came from Lippert that the cemetery had been taken with moderate losses, and that a surrendered unit of Essexes was being sent to the rear.

II. Bataillon’s forward screens were now just 750 meters from the city center, and were encountering stiffening resistance as they neared the large Victorian barracks complex that formed the Essex Regiment’s headquarters. von Senger raised III Armeekorps on the radio and instructed them to halt the artillery barrage. von Weichs came on the channel personally, and after a brief conversation about the situation, the Generalleutnant agreed. The shelling stopped.

As von Senger waited for an update, he heard rumble of a lorry below and looked down onto the roadside next to the church. It was a commandeered British troop carrier with men in pioneer helmets hanging to the frame. Their captain dismounted and spoke with the guards at the churchyard gate before being shown in.

Within a minute, his adjutant introduced the man up in the belfry: “Pionier-Hauptmann Kopriva.”

von Senger shook his hand. “I am pleased.”

“We have neutralized seven pillboxes that were defending the approaches to the city. Unless reconnaissance has identified any more in that area, then I request that my unit be detached for independent action to the west.”

“Denied, I’m afraid, Hauptmann. We may have need of you yet, and I’ve had reports of enemy armor on the London road. You may remain here until further orders.”

“Major Lippert for you,” an adjutant interrupted.

“Excuse me.” von Senger took the radiotelephone. “Major, what is going on up there?”

“We are ready to launch a frontal assault on the city center upon your order, Herr Oberst.”

“Well done. What is the enemy strength there?”

“We destroyed three light tanks, but aside from that only infantry.” Gunfire sparked and crackled in the background. “I’d say a battalion and a half. Largely holed up in buildings and cellars. It’ll be tricky going for the panzers, but the Schützen will lead the way.”

“Yes. Now listen, Major.” The Oberst waved an adjutant over with the 1:15,000 map and traced his finger into the city. “The objective is the railway station in the city center. From there, Haase’s men are just four blocks north, along High street. They report that they took Colchester castle around noon. Haase’s men are the anvil against which our armor will hammer the city open. Once the station is taken, the defenders will be split in half, and can be cleared systematically. Is that clear?”


“Yes, Herr Oberst.”

“We will wait until all assault elements are in place. Take a defensive posture and await my order. I am sending up a Sturmpionier detachment to assist you with the cellars and strongpoints.” He held the receiver away from his mouth. “Hauptmann Kopriva, how many effectives do you have?”

“Sixty-one.”

“That’s 61 assault pioneers, Major. Await my order.”

Within fifteen minutes, all three of his battalions were poised around the center of Colchester. von Senger delayed the attack to call von Weichs, inquiring about the continued absence of air cover. The grandfatherly general’s adjutants kept him -- rather surprisingly -- waiting.

A reek of smoke still rose from the city, but there was now an eerie silence. The air was empty, and the artillery had stopped. If there was small arms fire being exchanged, the sound didn’t reach St. Michael’s.

He had been here before, in 1912, and knew the history intimately. Perhaps then, still a student, he had even ridden past this church, unable to comprehend the sweep of modern history that would take him back here. He remembered the day he had spent here so clearly. Those roads that were now filled by his panzers curved and undulated, following the shapes of the time-worn earthen ramparts raised by the first barbarians that settled here.

Later, as Camelodunum, Colchester had been the capital of Roman Britain. Emperor Claudius had traveled there personally to receive homage from the Briton chiefs, and the city had been a hub of culture and civilization for nearly four centuries. At Oxford, von Senger had been exposed to the theory that over time, this period became mythologized as a golden age. The legends grew, and in the songs of the bards, Camelodunum took on a slightly altered name -- Camelot. As Colchester, it was the setting of the nursery rhymes “Old King Cole” and “Humpty Dumpty,” and home of Shakespeare’s Cymbeline. History was once again knocking on the city’s door.

“von Weichs.”

He jerked the receiver to his mouth. “Herr Generalleutnant, I am concerned that our Luftwaffe support has been withdrawn. What’s going on?”

“I don’t quite know, von Senger, but it sounds like something bad down south. I can’t get a single propeller for anything.”

“Shall I proceed with the assault, nonetheless?”


“Absolutely.”

This was all the final encouragement von Senger needed. At 1435, he plunged all three panzer battalions into the city’s gut.

With little in the way of anti-tank weapons, the remaining defenders had a hard time slowing their momentum. Some streets were blocked with rubble or overturned automobiles, but the panzers’ machine guns were enough to keep the Essexes’ heads down while assault pioneers cleared the way forward. Two Schütze companies stormed the old barracks while a third secured Abbey field, the open green just west of the city center. It had been an encampment for the emergency volunteers called up to swell the Colchester garrison, but the past days’ shelling had reduced the tent city to a cratered wasteland. With many of the taller buildings in ruins, there were few vantages for Lewis guns or sharpshooters, and the Germans crossed with minimal casualties.

Block by block, the armor rolled on, as infantry engaged any bypassed strongpoints. The enemy soldiers fought less cohesively now -- the close-quarters combat separated them into small and isolated units which fought haphazardly, if no less bravely. At any rate, many of the remaining defenders were remnants of other formations that had been shattered closer to the coast, and had straggled back to Colchester during the long nights.

von Senger had received conflicting reports about what proportion of the civilian population was still stuck in the city. The Luftwaffe believed that most of the inhabitants had fled over the preceding forty-eight hours, but captive locals like the vicar of St. Michael’s insisted that at least two thirds of Colchester’s non-combatants were still trapped there. The problem troubled Oberst von Senger deeply, but for many reasons, he found it easier to conclude that the Luftwaffe estimates were more trustworthy.

At 1456, Major Lippert’s II. Bataillon radioed that the old barracks had been captured. Bitter fighting continued to the north as German forces advanced to within view of the railway station. Soon, the commander of III. Bataillon reported that his panzers had linked up with Generalmajor Haase’s infantrymen on the viaduct over the tracks about 500 meters to the east. von Senger urged them on without delay.

Just moments into the final assault, a British corporal mounted the roof of the station with a scrap of white cloth, announcing that his commander wished to discuss terms. The colonel of the regiment had been captured during the storming of the barracks, and he was now brought forward to negotiate the surrender.

screenshotiii46ab.jpg

Battle of Colchester, afternoon of December 5.


It was not long before astonished reports came back to von Senger at St. Michael’s church. The station complex had been packed with nearly three thousand men -- about a seventh Essexes, but the rest a hodgepodge of Territorials, Auxiliaries and Emergency Defense Volunteers. Other than the regulars, few of them had more than a few rounds of ammunition, and all were dirty, cold and exhausted after the past days’ fighting. Other reports came over the radio of the civilians’ fate. The officers were still trying to get an accurate count, but according to the mayor, at least fifteen thousand men, women and children were huddled in the city’s crowded cellars. In the chaos, the true number could be double that.

The Germans consolidated their lines and cleared holdouts into the early-falling evening. von Senger’s regiment counted 97 dead. To the north, Haase’s bloodied infantrymen had lost 210 more. And still, no sign of the Luftwaffe.

Oberst von Senger looked north one more time before going down from the churchtower. A last company of Essexes was holed up in the Paxman diesel engine factory, but with Colchester effectively taken, there was no point in a wasteful assault during the night. It would be well for both sides if they gave themselves up before morning. In the meanwhile, III Armeekorps had fifteen hours of darkness to repair the Colne bridges and get started rolling inland again. To the west, the London road lay open like a gate swinging in the wind.
 
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I'd tell you I'm happy to see an update, but that's obvious. What's frustrating to me is that you're still much, much better at these than I am. :p
 
Excellent to see you back. Hoping they'll be a bit more regular, if you don't terribly mind my saying.
 
It's a long way to Tipperary, indeed.
 
I can't believe you've been writing this for almost three and a half years, and you haven't yet gotten to 1937. You've been on December 5 for the last 4 months. Thousand-Year Reich indeed.

Get back to work! :D
 
Pip's Butterfly began to fly five years ago and we're only in the summer of 1937 :D

Sorry Pip, but I couldn't bit my tongue. I had to tease you a bit. ;)
 
Pip's Butterfly began to fly five years ago and we're only in the summer of 1937 :D

Sorry Pip, but I couldn't bit my tongue. I had to tease you a bit. ;)
You can't rush quality. Besides updates more complex than victory through wishing away the enemy navy do take time.
IndeedSir.gif
 
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You can't rush quality. Besides updates more complex than victory through wishing away the enemy navy do take time.
IndeedSir.gif

Of course, and having to suffer that right now in your AAR French tanks are *gasp* the best *gasp gasp* ones you can find in the battlefield deserves a lot of time. Appaling, of course. :D
 
I thought you were still convinced I was spamming Nav bombers, Pip. No?
No I'm still bemused at the effort you put into writing detailed and clearly heavily researched updates that nevertheless have a massive gaping chasm where the naval portion should be. It's a mystery and no mistake. :confused:
 
No I'm still bemused at the effort you put into writing detailed and clearly heavily researched updates that nevertheless have a massive gaping chasm where the naval portion should be. It's a mystery and no mistake. :confused:

The great mystery...or, what the hell does the British AI do with the Royal Navy...

I'm reminded of the scene in Blackadder, where the RN is hiding out in Alaska trying to decive 'Bony' about their intentions...
 
No I'm still bemused at the effort you put into writing detailed and clearly heavily researched updates that nevertheless have a massive gaping chasm where the naval portion should be. It's a mystery and no mistake. :confused:

As I've explained before, I constrain myself to the "reality" provided to me by the simulation of the game engine. I'm the first to admit that those are often very difficult limits to work within.

Speaking in specifics, though, so far we've seen Counties active in the Channel during night hours actively sinking shipping. There's a reasonable case to be made that the RN wouldn't waste the battleships on something like that. The Dover beachhead (in the minds of the government the more threatening one) is still completely contained, and the Harwich beachhead is still far from the capital. Better to try a measured approach night by night than throw everything in in a panic. Remember, if the battleships are committed and lost, winning the war is quite unlikely even if the invasion is repulsed on land.

What strategy would you like to see the Royal Navy pursue, here?
 
As I've explained before, I constrain myself to the "reality" provided to me by the simulation of the game engine. I'm the first to admit that those are often very difficult limits to work within.

Speaking in specifics, though, so far we've seen Counties active in the Channel during night hours actively sinking shipping. There's a reasonable case to be made that the RN wouldn't waste the battleships on something like that. The Dover beachhead (in the minds of the government the more threatening one) is still completely contained, and the Harwich beachhead is still far from the capital. Better to try a measured approach night by night than throw everything in in a panic. Remember, if the battleships are committed and lost, winning the war is quite unlikely even if the invasion is repulsed on land.

What strategy would you like to see the Royal Navy pursue, here?

Of course, every day the beachheads survive equals more Germans on the island...at some point, their numbers will overwhelm any defence the British army can bring forth.

Now, another question, and one that begs answering...what, exactly, have the Germans that can actually sink a British battleship at sea?

Mines? Psha...they haven't had time.

Aircraft? This is 1936, their bombs aren't big enough, and their torpedos are too slow.

Submarines? Might get lucky, but that's only one ship...maybe two ships.

The reality is that there really is nothing but AI incompetence from keeping the RN battleship and cruiser squadrons from making nightly raids on the beacheads. Losses would be expected, but now is the time to strike, before the beacheads get too strong. You know exactly where the Germans have to get too...and most likely where they are coming from.

There just isn't room to hide.

But, of course, we've said this before...and we are waiting on your explanation as to what the RN is up to...
 
Of course, every day the beachheads survive equals more Germans on the island...at some point, their numbers will overwhelm any defence the British army can bring forth.

Now, another question, and one that begs answering...what, exactly, have the Germans that can actually sink a British battleship at sea?

Mines? Psha...they haven't had time.

Aircraft? This is 1936, their bombs aren't big enough, and their torpedos are too slow.

Submarines? Might get lucky, but that's only one ship...maybe two ships.

The reality is that there really is nothing but AI incompetence from keeping the RN battleship and cruiser squadrons from making nightly raids on the beacheads. Losses would be expected, but now is the time to strike, before the beacheads get too strong. You know exactly where the Germans have to get too...and most likely where they are coming from.

There just isn't room to hide.

But, of course, we've said this before...and we are waiting on your explanation as to what the RN is up to...

Here's my thinking on this, TheExecuter.

Mines - Thousands of mines have been laid. The Royal Navy was keenly aware of battleships' vulnerability to mines, and I believe this is their primary worry. I'm basing my time estimates on fairly conservative historical minelaying rates.

Aircraft - Not a negligible threat, and one certainly in planners' minds, but no capital ship at sea has yet been sunk solely by air power.

Submarines - RN planners were worried about the danger of submarines in the cramped waters of the Channel. Steaming cautiously enough to reduce mine danger increases vulnerability to U-boats. Even under good conditions, the Revenge-class battleships aren't making more than 19 knots these days anyway.

Calais Batteries - Unlikely to actually hit anything in an action with 1936 fire control, but 11-inch guns can still threaten Revenges at steep angles.

So, in sum, the answer is "mines." If I'm mistaken, and there has not been enough time to lay the fields, I'd be curious to see the numbers you use to draw that conclusion.
 
So, in sum, the answer is "mines." If I'm mistaken, and there has not been enough time to lay the fields, I'd be curious to see the numbers you use to draw that conclusion.
On a very quick skim Germany is aiming for about 300km of mine belt, taking the nearest comparable mine field with available figures (the North Sea Barrage of WW1) they wanted 100,000 mines to seal off 370km. On that basis Germany needs to lay 80,000 mines to cover a proportional distance. The OTL WW2 Dover Barrage was 10,000 mines to cover ~40km that also points to the German field needing 75-80,000 mines.

Basically Germany needs to lay far too many mines, in far too short a time and far too close to enemy territory (do I need to say that ideal mine laying figures don't apply in contested waters?). Looking back at Chapter III: Part XXXVI that talks of the Eastbourne to Dieppe field starting to be laid on the 29th November and the use of 'thousands' more mines. Germany needs tens of thousands of mines and weeks of work if not more.

Sorry I just don't see mines working, barring the certainty of AI incompetence of course but what kind of narrative is that?
 
So...

The two main main belts total almost exactly 300 km, but there are additional fields of Sheerness and Dungeness Head that have been in place for some time. In total, this would indeed amount to at least 70,000 mines, allowing figures somewhat below optimal.

I believe the “thousands more mines” you are referring to in III:XXXVI is when Raeder is explaining the linking of existing minefields: “Thousands more mines would connect the thick minefields dotted between Great Yarmouth and the Hague into a single impenetrable cordon.” The same applies for the Eastbourne to Dieppe fields. One of the maps with that update shows a sizeable field already in place off Eastbourne.

Concerted minelaying efforts have been underway in the Channel since July, by both dedicated and auxiliary surface minelayers, submarines and aircraft. The British have been doing much the same, of course. The minelaying phase of Löwengrube proper is not to start the fields, but to come as close as possible to totally sealing off the invasion area, excepting narrow Channels against the French and Dutch coasts.

Here’s the stable of German dedicated minelayers as of November 28, 1936, with their mine capacities. The long hours of night allow most of these to lay their full complement of mines in darkness. Ships like Pelikan, Kormoran, Rossbach and Hohenfriedenberg would be forced to schedule their operations to already by close to the French coast while laying their last mines after sunrise.


Albatros: 420
Brandenburg: 250
Drache: 120
Hohenfriedenberg: 590
Hydra: 70
Kormoran: 610
Liegnitz: 510
Lundby: 370
Medusa: 70
Möwe: 520
Nautilus: 40
Niedersachsen: 260
Oldenburg: 145
Pelikan: 610
Rossbach: 590
Schwan: 470
Tannenberg: 460
Torgau: 445

Total = 6,550


Given that their task immediately preceding the invasion is merely to seal off previously clear channels and link already-sown fields, the task for the nights of November 29, 29-30 and 30-31 is much less formidable than sowing >300 km of minefields. With nominal capacity of 6,550 mines a night (again, discounting auxiliary minelayers, U-boats, aircraft and limited daytime minelaying), putting up an additional 10-15 thousand mines during the invasion period is not unreasonable.

The remaining 60,000 or so mines would have been laid over the preceding five months.

The British were well aware of this activity, and also aware that sweeping efforts could not possibly hope to keep pace. Based on this, I remain firmly convinced that the RN would be hesitant to send its battleships charging into tremendously dangerous circumstances without either an absolutely decisive blow within reach or taking time to assess how the Germans are defending the invasion waters.

Our next update concerns, in part, the further development of the battle for the Channel.
 
Germany could use mines (and torpedoes) seized in captured countries' arsenals (France, notably), but would it suffice?

Manufacturing the mines themselves is much less of a challenge than getting minelayers. Nautilus, Hydra and Medusa are, in fact, seized Dutch minelayers. No French minelayers were captured intact.
 
Manufacturing the mines themselves is much less of a challenge than getting minelayers. Nautilus, Hydra and Medusa are, in fact, seized Dutch minelayers. No French minelayers were captured intact.

The light cruiser Pluton would have come in handy with its 270 Bréguet mines (though I'm sure Bréguet must be churning out mines for the Kriegsmarine like there's no tomorrow). The Saphir-class subs had a minelaying ability as well. Oh well, good to see they haven't been pressed into service by the HKK.