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Quick sounding out here:
One of my greatest challenges in writing Hitler is to write his non-oratory dialogue in a way that is realistically rambling and repetitive and yet does not bore readers.
Taking the Scholl Conference as a benchmark, where does your tolerance level lie?
Would you prefer that I excise, for example, the near word-for-word repetition of a paragraph of rambling and say, in effect, "Hitler rambled on and repeated the foregoing almost verbatim" -- or include the full thing to give a better sense of how he would have sounded to his generals?
Any feedback on what you prefer is appreciated!
One of my greatest challenges in writing Hitler is to write his non-oratory dialogue in a way that is realistically rambling and repetitive and yet does not bore readers.
Taking the Scholl Conference as a benchmark, where does your tolerance level lie?
Would you prefer that I excise, for example, the near word-for-word repetition of a paragraph of rambling and say, in effect, "Hitler rambled on and repeated the foregoing almost verbatim" -- or include the full thing to give a better sense of how he would have sounded to his generals?
Any feedback on what you prefer is appreciated!
There cannot be enough bad Hitlerite rhetoric IMHO. Reading "Hitler ranted about the generous terms of surrender he'd offer to Britain" cannot be as delectable as having the Obermustacheführer truly chew on the rag about how Boy Scouts would be disbanded, Baden-Powell shot by a special Hitler Youth firing squad and the House of Windsor asked to re-use their original name of Saxe-Coburg Gothas.
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ERRATA: The British light cruiser in Castletownbere was misidentified in the update as the HMS Diomede. It was actually the HMS Dauntless. The error has been corrected.
For what it's worth
.
For what it's worth
.
ERRATA: The British light cruiser in Castletownbere was misidentified in the update as the HMS Diomede. It was actually the HMS Dauntless. The error has been corrected.
For what it's worth
"In a fiery speech at the Sportspallast, the German Chancellor rambled about Britain's shifty ship-naming, saying that as soon as the war-stricken nation would agree to his most generous terms of surrender, such irresponsible behavior would not be tolerated anymore, and that a multinational Commission would be appointed to make sure British ships would be named after various species of mollusks... Speaking from the doorstep of Ten, Downing Street, the British Prime Minister declared that His Majesty's government's answer to 'that bloody Austrian midget' was ' a sound pfffrrrt', a move which further enraged Germany and drew the ire of Argentina's raspberry growers. When asked to comment, Vichy and Free French delegates both called first dibs over a Gallic shrug. In other - and graver - news, readers of this AAR made it known that they expected an update pretty soon, and that the powers that be should better, quote, 'be forthcoming in their promises about that or else', unquote."
I honestly wouldn't mind reading the whole thing, adds more flavor to his dialouge I think
What and have Germany face opponets who aren't mentally retartded!? That's practically treason around here you know.
Liberal use of ersatz wank. :nods:
Can the Luftwaffe dispute the RAF's air superiority over Ireland? That seems to be the crux of the matter. If it cannot, the German forces in Ireland are in one Hell of a fix, and they'll join Général Humbert's column in the list of foreign soldiers forced to go native.
Atlantic Friend (1 & 2), Slaughts - Glad to see you enjoy that! Your preferences are duly noted!
El Pip -
Germany had a hard time doing that until 1940.
?
Atlantic Friend (3) - The Luftwaffe can certainly dispute it, but controlling it altogether seems quite unlikely. The question for the RAF is where to get the planes to contest the skies over Ireland? Most of the fighters needed for that role are pinned around London.
Update going up presently.
El Pip -
Germany had a hard time doing that until 1940
.What have I told you about the use of that word and the type of outsiders that it might attract
?Atlantic Friend (3) - The Luftwaffe can certainly dispute it, but controlling it altogether seems quite unlikely. The question for the RAF is where to get the planes to contest the skies over Ireland? Most of the fighters needed for that role are pinned around London.
Update going up presently.
Chapter III: Part XXXII
Chapter III: The Lion’s Den
Part XXXII
November 13, 1936
“Heil Hitler!”
The Führer of the German Reich brushed into the Chancellery conference room in a somber gray jacket, Iron Cross pinned to his breast. He clasped a hand on Himmler’s shoulder and sat down at the table’s head as an aide distributed briefs.
Eight of Hitler’s most powerful chieftains had gathered there -- to have what would be perhaps the most pivotal argument in Nazi Germany’s four year history. The Führer’s mad ambition to invade Britain had divided them into unfamiliar camps, each one certain that the other would lead the nation headlong into defeat. At Hitler’s left sat Himmler, the bespectacled leader of the feared SS; next to him was Field Marshal von Küchler, the reliable old officer who had succeeded von Blomberg as War Minister and was now head of HKK; then Generaloberst von Rundstedt, the Heer’s senior field commander; at the end sat General von Fritsch, Himmler’s Weimar-era nemesis and current Army chief. Glaring back from Hitler’s right sat General Göring, father of the Luftwaffe; the drawn-looking spymaster Admiral Canaris; Generalmajor Bayerlein, HKK’s lead staffer; finally Generaladmiral Raeder, the man who had been called “Hitler’s Tirpitz”. They all sat around the familiar oaken table and unrolled map of Europe, waiting for the Warlord to speak. So was Cristoph Scholl, sitting at the end, ready to take the transcript of the meeting.
“I have already made up my mind that invasion is the inevitable course,” Hitler began, sweeping his gaze across each of them, “so I don’t want to hear anyone trying to talk me out of it.” He took several breaths, almost panting. “The question is what to do about the invasion. When -- when to invade?
“My intent as of the end of August, based on the advice of General Bayerlein and Field Marshal von Küchler, was to carry out the Invasion of England at the beginning of March, 1937. Since then, the situation of the war has changed. Most important to this is the blockade. Fortunately I had foresight, though. I knew that by making obvious plans to invade Denmark, Great Britain could be distracted -- and, more importantly, lulled into false assurance about our military buildup on the North Sea. When the blockade was declared, along with the fortunate workers’ uprising in Ireland, I decided that the time was right to openly support the Irish in taking back their island, in hopes of effecting a radical change of he strategic situation.
“It was bold action, but it was called for. Just like for Frederick the Great at Leuthen, there was a risk, and we have taken it. The British are now faced with a choice: cede Ireland to us, so that we can use it as an important base in our invasion, or fight for Ireland. If they do -- if they fight for Ireland, they will inevitably deplete the defenses of England. The battle hangs in the balance even now.
“When I committed soldiers to Ireland, it was with the understanding that depending on the situation there, we would be ready to follow up by advancing our schedule for Löwengrube to before the winter. Again, this required foresight. For six months, HKK has been preparing for this invasion. Now, we have shipping massed in the Netherlands and North Sea Coast in numbers great enough to physically do it. The Army, thanks to my foresight, is poised for action. The question is whether to go before winter or not.” He sank a little deeper into his chair, and as Scholl caught up on his stenotype, silence fell over the room.
Bayerlein began to make the case for an early invasion. “Our armored force is strong, Mein Führer, but realistically Hausser can only last so long in Ireland. If we don’t launch the invasion before the weather turns against us for good, both Hausser and 15,000 German soldiers will be beyond our help for three months. Without an invasion to distract them, there will be nothing stopping the British focusing all their efforts to retaking Ireland.”
“And in doing so they deplete themselves,” Himmler said, ready to spar, “which is the whole point, no?”
“No it is not. When we say that Operation Harfe is aimed at depleting the defenses in England, that means by way of diversion. From our best understanding of how their general staff would assess this, the fact that all of Ireland is in danger of coming over to our side has placed this at the very top of their priorities. The only thing that could take greater precedence would be a threat to England itself -- or perhaps the imminent fall of the Suez Canal, which is no longer likely.” Bayerlein sighed. “What this means is that unless England is invaded, Ireland will remain the highest defense priority until it is retaken. It will be blockaded by the Royal Navy, and the men there will have exhausted the supplies brought from Germany by early December. Our goal is merely to monopolize British attention long enough for our invasion to catch them out of position, if you understand.”
“What the general is saying,” Canaris joined, “is that if we keep to the March first date, the British may very well be able to retake Ireland -- occupying even the Free State -- and get back into defensive posture in England before we can launch the invasion. I do not think the prospect of losing Generalleutnant Hausser, five experienced regiments and hundreds of armored vehicles in vain is justifiable under any circumstance whatsoever.”
“The second point,” Bayerlein said, “is the blockade.”
The Abwehr chief concurred. “One of the strongest reasons for launching the invasion before winter is the blockade. Our own needs will go up during the winter, and the British are effectively choking off vital goods and supplies.”
Himmler squinted. “What about all the ships running the blockade? What about the Burgenland? The Tsingtao?”
“I’m afraid that is just propaganda,” Canaris said. “And while their escape to Bordeaux was certainly a heroic adventure, 10,000 tonnes of rubber is hardly going to solve the problems of our war economy. The fact remains that we have not achieved autarky and are being starved -- suffocated, month by month, by a blockade that is generally very effective. The only reason that we are not suffering worse shortages right now is that Dr. Schacht saw this coming months ago and instituted prudent measures. But just two or three months from now, we will be experiencing substantial pressure. An invasion -- whether ultimately successful or not -- would break up the blockade and relieve this pressure, which is why it must be done soon.”
“There is a third, and just as important consideration as well,” Bayerlein said. “The way it now looks us, by spring, Britain will be in a stronger position to resist invasion, not a weaker one.”
“No matter how it is assessed,” the Spymaster said, “next March shows a Britain much more prepared defend itself. As it is, there are some five active divisions in England, but for a number of reasons that figure could multiply fivefold by spring.”
“What reasons?” the Führer asked.
“I would remind you all that Britain is already mobilizing faster than we can. Just a week ago, they called for a quarter of a million volunteers to the Territorial Army, which they use as something like a reserve force. This morning -- as you’ll notice in your briefings -- their war minister called for a second quarter-million in response to the situation in Ireland. With this unusually swift action by the British government, we expect that within sixty days, some of these new Territorial Army units could actually be deployed in defensive postures throughout the country. Although they would not be of anything approaching good quality, many of them have fought in the last war, and they are in numbers so great as to potentially cause serious problems.”
New volunteers in Britain’s Territorial Army train in marksmanship.
“In addition,” said Canaris, “although we would rather not consider it, the war in the desert is not going well right now. The British are again on the offensive, and we have every reason to believe that they will attempt to continue on through the mild North African winter. Bastico’s invasion of Egypt bought us the critical diversion that we were looking for, but it is doubtful that it can last another four months. Yet even if the Italians can restabilize the front, which is certainly probable at some point, it will not be long before many of the naval units which had been on emergency redeployment to the Suez are brought back to home waters.”
“I fear there is not a great deal that I can do about four more battleships suddenly appearing in European waters,” Raeder said. “Or the Glorious and Courageous.”
Canaris nodded. “Proceeding from that, there is also bad news which we have deduced from our codebreaking. As you will recall, the Abwehr arranged a sabotage operation that badly damaged Britain’s premier aircraft carrier while in Hong Kong. She was sent to Scotland for repairs, which our initial estimate had as lasting until May of next year. Our fleet position intercepts show, however, that the Royal Navy believes that this aircraft carrier, the Eagle, will be repaired and ready for a move to Gibraltar by February. An invasion before then leaves one fewer aircraft carrier to face.
“And that is not the only field in which the clock is ticking against us. Although Britain started the war almost undefended, our most secret intelligence sources have now indicated a very large program of fortification along the southeast coast of England. By March it is doubtless that a considerable improvement will be made in these beach defenses. We believe also that before the end of this year, the ports will all be wired with explosives. Baldwin’s government is hardly ignorant of the coup at Eben-Emael, and they know that we would like to repeat it. Once the ports are properly prepared for demolition, it would be nearly impossible to capture one intact, no matter what we do.”
“More than anything, Mein Führer,” Raeder said, “it is an issue of the defenses of the ports. If they become so rigged with explosives that it becomes impossible to capture the ports intact, there is almost no point in carrying on the invasion at all. As I have told you, the Kriegsmarine can ship men and guns and supplies into proper ports, but we haven’t the landing craft to storm defended beaches. By March, I fear that our hopes for ports would be out of reach. We would then be without the landing craft and proper wherewithal to assault entrenched beach defenders before nineteen thirty-eight or -nine. You know my caution. You know that I am not normally the man to advocate something like this -- but it is the only way. As far as the Kriegsmarine is concerned, our reasonable chances of success are ruined as soon as the ports are reasonably fortified.”
“And when will they be reasonably fortified?” Hitler asked.
“Probably by January or February,” said Raeder.
“Good. That’s time.”
Canaris shook his head. “What you must remember, though, Mein Führer, is that that date does not matter. It does not matter if the beaches aren’t well-defended until early February -- even though it could conceivably be much before that. The only date that matters is the closure of our weather window. Once that closes in early December, we’re not going to see breaks in the weather either long enough or predictable enough for an invasion until the beginning of March.”
Göring, looking to Scholl unusually on-form, stirred. “In many ways, Führer, it is the weather which could be ruinous.”
As it was, Göring explained, the RAF had been weakened past its breaking point. Luftwaffe Staff-HKK and the Abwehr concurred that Kesselring’s fighters now held nearly a six-to-one advantage over those ADGB could put up to oppose them. With added support from the planes of a second Luftflotte being moved to from Germany to Holland, this was considered enough advantage to maintain total air superiority over the Channel and most of the Southeast.
During the winter, though, the RAF would be able to safely bring its reserves down from the north while German planes were grounded by bad weather. If one also accounted for the expected redeployment of squadrons from the Empire and Britain’s wobbly but increasing domestic aircraft production, ADGB could be back to rough air parity over the south by the time of a March invasion. What was worse, it was believed that at least several squadrons would be flying the powerful new Hawker-designed monoplane by then -- still well before the Bf 109 could see combat.
No one could predict what would happen then, Göring said, but the one thing that was clear was that it wasn’t clear whether Germany’s hard-won air advantage, once ceded, could be regained.
Canaris nodded. “In the opinion of the Abwehr, General Göring is quite correct -- this next generation of British fighters will see service perhaps four months before our own next-generation fighter, the Bf 109. In that period, the British will have a distinct advantage in the air. It wouldn’t be until midsummer that the Luftwaffe would be back on even footing again. Again we find ourselves at around this time next year before we could even possibly hold the same air advantage that we have today. Everything in this cries out for a strike before the winter.”
Himmler was shaking his head in smug disdain. “We must think, Führer, of the ultimate aim of this operation. I have heard, in some quarters of the Wehrmacht, the idea that aim of Löwengrube is merely to put men ashore and shock the current government into signing an armistice. Correct me if I err, Führer, but I believe that that is not your intention. You established your war aims very clearly at Berchtesgaden in June, and it is under that understanding that I have abided since. We all had hoped that Great Britain could serve as a powerful ally to Germany in the struggle for Europe, but you saw that her treachery in siding with France was suggestive not of any defect in the current government, but in a defect in the national character. You saw then that which has been clearly borne out by the months since -- that Great Britain is an implacable enemy that is fundamentally opposed to German strength. That truth, clearly recognized, means that armistice with Britain in this war or any other is unthinkable. Our ends can never be achieved merely by a change of government but only by the dismantling of the British imperial system.”
Hitler nodded.
“And so, we must continue to think of the military operation just as the first component of the larger political effort, to the conditions of which it must be subservient.” Himmler eyed Canaris restively. “As even the Admiral will admit, a March invasion will allow eight or nine reasonably warm months before the next winter. Because the political effort will necessarily entail long-term occupation of the British Isles, we need the nine months to have this occupation properly established before the onset of winter. With winter will come shortages of all the necessities: food, coal, petrol and warm clothing. It is only by controlling these supplies that we can attain the compliance of the British people.”
Göring harrumphed. “I think you’re not looking --”
“No,” the SS chief continued, “it would be a disaster. Think of it. If we invade just at the onset of winter, we’ll barely be able to feed and clothe ourselves -- barely be able to heat the occupation bureaus. Although the destruction of the British system is advantageous, the destruction of the British people is not. If they are starving through that first winter, they will find in hunger the will to resist. If life returns to normal, however, we will undermine support for the warmongers. This is a well-known principle.”
Canaris balked. “I quite concede that a spring invasion grants us the advantage of more time to stabilize the country before the winter -- but the first question, before the political question, is the military question. If the military invasion is not successful, all the consequent political questions are purely academic.”
“It is a very military question, Mein Führer,” Himmler said, “that the Heer has expressed to me its discomfort with launching the invasion this soon, before further damage can be inflicted on the enemy navy.”
“Yes,” von Küchler said, “realistically, the fact that the Royal Navy is concentrated in the Mediterranean does not discount it from the battle by any means. It would buy us a few days at the most -- a week, perhaps -- but when those capital ships arrive, our force in England will be cut off. Until we can sink more of the Royal Navy, we simply cannot hope to control the Channel for any length of time.”
“What about resupply by aircraft?” Hitler asked Göring.
“A few divisions or corps, yes, but we would be hard-pressed to attempt anything more.”
“Even that is extremely optimistic,” said Canaris briskly. “But the Field Marshal forgets that all we can get is a few days anyway. Even the cruisers already at Scapa Flow and on blockade could cut off the Strait of Dover just as surely as both Nelsons. The strategy is merely to keep those units at a distance from our area of operations until we have landed in force and captured airfields. Even between mines, torpedo boats, and our guns at Cap Gris-Nez, a determined and loss-tolerant Royal Navy will be through with surprising rapidity.”
Generaloberst von Rundstedt, the man who was to command the invasion, scowled. “Then, you’re saying, Admiral, that the British capital ships can defeat the invasion.”
“Yes. And no. The Royal Navy certainly has a fair chance of inflicting a nasty defeat upon our invasion force. But that is a risk that the Führer has already appraised and accepted. At the same time, though, we must realize that that risk is not actually going to be very much less if we wait until next year in hopes of sinking the battleships.”
The Warlord had been nodding along with Canaris. “Why not?”
“The battleships would not really be any more effective against our unarmored transports than would the British heavy cruisers -- in some ways less so. Further, it is unlikely that even in case of invasion the Royal Navy would commit its battleships to the cramped space of the Channel. Why risk these enormously expensive ships against the danger of mines, submarines, coastal artillery and bomber aircraft to do a job that cheaper, faster ships could do as well or better? Why gamble the entire fleet while there is still an overseas empire to protect? And all this is quite conjectural anyway. There is nothing to say that we would necessarily sink any of the capital ships between now and the first of March, and even if we did, I doubt it would make any difference for the reasons I’ve explained.”
Hitler pursed his lips. “General Bayerlein. I seem to remember your own very glowing report of the tests you personally observed. Armor-piercing bombs?”
“I --”
“The very thing I was going to mention,” the Field Marshal puffed. “The bombs that could be a devastating weapon against capital ships. What of them, Generalmajor?”
Bayerlein appeared to Scholl rather off-balance as he stumbled for a reply.
“The bombs are excellent,” Canaris said. “But.”
“Yes, Admiral?”
“Well, Field Marshal, it’s just that the bombs are dropped from rather vulnerable new aircraft, and it seems that they would be rather unlikely to do much good once the RAF can put up three or four hundred fighters a day again, many of them the new monoplanes.”
HKK’s chief of operations slipped slowly down into his seat.
“Is there any chance,” the Führer asked, “that our own battleship construction could be reopened in time?”
Twin lonely giants -- one at Kiel and one at Wilhelmshaven -- sat neglected on the slips. Ordered a year into Hitler’s rule, work on the two great battleships had been halted at the start of the war, leaving them unfinished, their ribs standing open to the sky like the scoured carcasses of strange, forgotten beasts. Their mighty guns had been cannibalized to furnish the batteries at the Pas-de-Calais -- replaced with wooden dummies intended to fool spies -- and their boilers plundered for the conversions of other, lesser ships.
“In short,” Raeder said, “no.”
Himmler glanced up from his notes. “How much progress could be made between now and March, given unlimited resources, of course?”
Canaris and his Generaladmiral exchanged a look. “We could probably launch both hulls,” said Raeder, “but they wouldn’t have any guns, which are, when it comes to war, widely considered to be rather important.”
German officers oversee final construction on gun batteries at Cran-aux-Oeufs, disguised as a house and a stand of trees. These comprise Batterie Reichskanzler Otto von Bismarck, armed with 280 mm naval artillery stripped from one of the cancelled battleships.
Fortified blockhouse at Cran-aux-Oeufs, disguised as a seaside hotel.
Göring chuckled.
“Well submarines can be completed much more quickly,” von Fritsch said. “I am sure that more Type VIIs could see service in the next three months if production is accelerated. I have spoken to a considerable proportion of the Kriegsmarine staff who believe that the U-boats may prove far more effective at blocking off the Channel than sea mines.”
“I will speak for the Kriegsmarine, General,” clipped Raeder. “And in the opinion of the Kriegsmarine, the shallow waters of the Channel would not give very much advantage even to more advanced submarines.”
“That seems an rather more dismal than what I have heard,” said von Rundstedt. He scanned several of his reports. “Moreover, just that interval of three months will bring -- I believe the figure is 130 -- additional Panzer IIs into combat service. That tank is much more rugged than the Panzer I, and although it is still not a match for the heavier British tanks, it has a rapid-fire cannon and enough firepower to at least contend with the pillboxes and infantry machine gun emplacements that I would have to overcome in an invasion.”
“Not to mention,” Field Marshal von Küchler added, “the advantage in air support. With the level of praise that the Ju-87 has received in trials, I am frankly surprised why General Göring seems so reluctant to embrace its use.”
“I embrace its use, von Küchler. I just also embrace not wiping out the gains that my pilots have paid for in blood so the Heer can get a little less seasick in the boats.”
“This is childish,” snapped the laconic von Fritsch. “The Army is concerned only for victory, and you know it.”
von Rundstedt glanced back and forth between the red-faced Heer and Luftwaffe chiefs. “Disagreements aside, there is also the very real issue of weather. If I am to lead this invasion, I must have an acceptable weather window, and our meteorologists are not happy with the outlook for an autumn invasion even should it happen today.”
“I’ve seen the same reports you have General, and a good many you haven’t,” Canaris countered. “It all looks acceptable to me.”
“Acceptable must mean a very different thing to the Kriegsmarine. Gales are not invasion weather.”
Canaris glowered. “Better weather is helpful, but there are reliable pockets of fair weather until nearly Christmas! I cannot tell you that the trip across the Channel is going to be in balmy air over a mirror-smooth sea, but I promise that we’ll get your men across safely.”
“Better weather is never to be underestimated,” von Rundstedt chided. “Napoleon had pockets of fair weather in Russia, but nine tenths of the Grand Armée still lies buried there. The March one date assures almost two and a half very good months.”
“And really,” von Küchler said before Canaris could respond, “weather is only a secondary issue. The foremost is logistics.”
von Küchler stood, rapping his red-enameled marshal’s baton on the map. “Ireland. Ireland has the cream of the Panzerwaffe, and by God, its best general. The men, shipping tonnage, supplies and fuel dedicated to that expedition would preclude the three simultaneous landings that are in the plan for Löwengrube.”
He circled the coast of England on the map with the baton. “Dover, Ramsgate, Harwich. According to Löwengrube, we land in force at each, with each army supporting the others with the ultimate aim of taking London. Dover is the strategic key to Kent, screening the west side of the invasion from any reserves held in Sussex. Ramsgate must be taken to support the landings at Dover, and capture Canterbury, which will block the way in toward London. Harwich shall be taken to tie up defenses east of London and prevent the deployment of reserves to Kent. Each landing frees pressure from the others and serves to prevent local numerical superiority from bogging us down. As we all understand, if the invasion bogs down for even a few days, the consequences could be fatal.”
Planned landings called for as of November 10 draft of Unternehmen Löwengrube.
“As it is, we have only the ability to carry out two landings before the end of the year. And with only two landings, especially given the good defensive terrain in the Southeast, it is possible that neither will be able to break through.”
Canaris shook his head. “From what we do know of the Imperial General Staff’s planning on the subject, it seems that Britain probably still considers an East Anglia landing more likely. With less pressure on us in the south, it would be possible to land only at Dover and Harwich.”
The Field Marshal shook his head. “Unless there is a third landing at Ramsgate, the invasion could be effectively split in half by the force of destroyers stationed there and the coastal artillery. Further, the army landing at Dover would be forced to divert almost half its strength to take Ramsgate and Canterbury. In doing so, the left flank would be weakened against a concerted counterattack from the direction of Ashford, and vital days lost.”
“No,” said the Spymaster. “Based on British planning, the Harwich landings would probably tie up a majority of the mobile units in the country. We could still succeed with less force in the south.”
von Küchler had grown chilly. “With respects, that is something that we ought not risk, Admiral.” Yet it appeared to Scholl that the Field Marshal was perhaps feeling resigned. “If the Führer decides against our advice to launch Löwengrube prematurely, let the two landings at least be in the south. Concentrate them in Kent and forget about East Anglia altogether. Just Dover and Ramsgate. Push inland as soon as we can, taking advantage of the narrower front and greater density for friendly bomber support. It would allow the minefields on either side of the operating area to be all that much denser.”
“I think you mistake a few specific advantages for a general justification to delay the operation, Field Marshal.” The Spymaster looked intently at his Führer. “Assuredly there are risks, but you were never averse to risks -- and now have conquered France. This is not a case for blind gambling, but these are dice we have all agreed must be thrown. It shows a certain brilliant audacity to see that the odds will only get longer between now and March, and to launch a two-pronged Dover-Harwich invasion while the British are yet strategically diverted and underprepared.”
“We must speak more broadly then, Admiral,” von Küchler said. “The Heer planned for the outbreak of this war occurring four or five years from now. I know we no longer have that luxury. But the interval of several months that would be allowed by a March invasion would allow considerable advantage. We would have more panzers, obviously, and more transport vehicles. We would have more time to give our men the critical training required to conduct an amphibious operation. We would have more time to train the glider troops and parachutists now training in Lübeck. Our propaganda would have more time to demoralize the enemy population. In short, more time would allow the Wehrmacht to make itself fully ready to mount this complex and historic operation. Committing to an invasion now would prevent us from reacting to changes in the situation.”
“I agree,” Hitler said, “on that principle, at least. But I am concerned not to lose the gains made by the Luftwaffe during the winter, especially because I have laid that out as the primary precondition for invasion. I would like to hold a conference each week about developments in the general situation. If in three weeks or a month I feel that satisfactory progress has been made, we can select a suitable date for the operation.”
Scholl watched as Canaris shook his head silently. “If you want to launch Löwengrube before next year, Mein Führer, you must make the decision in the next few days. As you know, we require two weeks of last preparations once a date is finalized, and our weather window will close for good in early December.”
The Warlord took two heavy breaths, and nodded. “Very well. The invasion is to begin on the twenty-eighth of November.”
Chapter III: The Lion’s Den
Part XXXII
November 13, 1936
“Heil Hitler!”
The Führer of the German Reich brushed into the Chancellery conference room in a somber gray jacket, Iron Cross pinned to his breast. He clasped a hand on Himmler’s shoulder and sat down at the table’s head as an aide distributed briefs.
Eight of Hitler’s most powerful chieftains had gathered there -- to have what would be perhaps the most pivotal argument in Nazi Germany’s four year history. The Führer’s mad ambition to invade Britain had divided them into unfamiliar camps, each one certain that the other would lead the nation headlong into defeat. At Hitler’s left sat Himmler, the bespectacled leader of the feared SS; next to him was Field Marshal von Küchler, the reliable old officer who had succeeded von Blomberg as War Minister and was now head of HKK; then Generaloberst von Rundstedt, the Heer’s senior field commander; at the end sat General von Fritsch, Himmler’s Weimar-era nemesis and current Army chief. Glaring back from Hitler’s right sat General Göring, father of the Luftwaffe; the drawn-looking spymaster Admiral Canaris; Generalmajor Bayerlein, HKK’s lead staffer; finally Generaladmiral Raeder, the man who had been called “Hitler’s Tirpitz”. They all sat around the familiar oaken table and unrolled map of Europe, waiting for the Warlord to speak. So was Cristoph Scholl, sitting at the end, ready to take the transcript of the meeting.
“I have already made up my mind that invasion is the inevitable course,” Hitler began, sweeping his gaze across each of them, “so I don’t want to hear anyone trying to talk me out of it.” He took several breaths, almost panting. “The question is what to do about the invasion. When -- when to invade?
“My intent as of the end of August, based on the advice of General Bayerlein and Field Marshal von Küchler, was to carry out the Invasion of England at the beginning of March, 1937. Since then, the situation of the war has changed. Most important to this is the blockade. Fortunately I had foresight, though. I knew that by making obvious plans to invade Denmark, Great Britain could be distracted -- and, more importantly, lulled into false assurance about our military buildup on the North Sea. When the blockade was declared, along with the fortunate workers’ uprising in Ireland, I decided that the time was right to openly support the Irish in taking back their island, in hopes of effecting a radical change of he strategic situation.
“It was bold action, but it was called for. Just like for Frederick the Great at Leuthen, there was a risk, and we have taken it. The British are now faced with a choice: cede Ireland to us, so that we can use it as an important base in our invasion, or fight for Ireland. If they do -- if they fight for Ireland, they will inevitably deplete the defenses of England. The battle hangs in the balance even now.
“When I committed soldiers to Ireland, it was with the understanding that depending on the situation there, we would be ready to follow up by advancing our schedule for Löwengrube to before the winter. Again, this required foresight. For six months, HKK has been preparing for this invasion. Now, we have shipping massed in the Netherlands and North Sea Coast in numbers great enough to physically do it. The Army, thanks to my foresight, is poised for action. The question is whether to go before winter or not.” He sank a little deeper into his chair, and as Scholl caught up on his stenotype, silence fell over the room.
Bayerlein began to make the case for an early invasion. “Our armored force is strong, Mein Führer, but realistically Hausser can only last so long in Ireland. If we don’t launch the invasion before the weather turns against us for good, both Hausser and 15,000 German soldiers will be beyond our help for three months. Without an invasion to distract them, there will be nothing stopping the British focusing all their efforts to retaking Ireland.”
“And in doing so they deplete themselves,” Himmler said, ready to spar, “which is the whole point, no?”
“No it is not. When we say that Operation Harfe is aimed at depleting the defenses in England, that means by way of diversion. From our best understanding of how their general staff would assess this, the fact that all of Ireland is in danger of coming over to our side has placed this at the very top of their priorities. The only thing that could take greater precedence would be a threat to England itself -- or perhaps the imminent fall of the Suez Canal, which is no longer likely.” Bayerlein sighed. “What this means is that unless England is invaded, Ireland will remain the highest defense priority until it is retaken. It will be blockaded by the Royal Navy, and the men there will have exhausted the supplies brought from Germany by early December. Our goal is merely to monopolize British attention long enough for our invasion to catch them out of position, if you understand.”
“What the general is saying,” Canaris joined, “is that if we keep to the March first date, the British may very well be able to retake Ireland -- occupying even the Free State -- and get back into defensive posture in England before we can launch the invasion. I do not think the prospect of losing Generalleutnant Hausser, five experienced regiments and hundreds of armored vehicles in vain is justifiable under any circumstance whatsoever.”
“The second point,” Bayerlein said, “is the blockade.”
The Abwehr chief concurred. “One of the strongest reasons for launching the invasion before winter is the blockade. Our own needs will go up during the winter, and the British are effectively choking off vital goods and supplies.”
Himmler squinted. “What about all the ships running the blockade? What about the Burgenland? The Tsingtao?”
“I’m afraid that is just propaganda,” Canaris said. “And while their escape to Bordeaux was certainly a heroic adventure, 10,000 tonnes of rubber is hardly going to solve the problems of our war economy. The fact remains that we have not achieved autarky and are being starved -- suffocated, month by month, by a blockade that is generally very effective. The only reason that we are not suffering worse shortages right now is that Dr. Schacht saw this coming months ago and instituted prudent measures. But just two or three months from now, we will be experiencing substantial pressure. An invasion -- whether ultimately successful or not -- would break up the blockade and relieve this pressure, which is why it must be done soon.”
“There is a third, and just as important consideration as well,” Bayerlein said. “The way it now looks us, by spring, Britain will be in a stronger position to resist invasion, not a weaker one.”
“No matter how it is assessed,” the Spymaster said, “next March shows a Britain much more prepared defend itself. As it is, there are some five active divisions in England, but for a number of reasons that figure could multiply fivefold by spring.”
“What reasons?” the Führer asked.
“I would remind you all that Britain is already mobilizing faster than we can. Just a week ago, they called for a quarter of a million volunteers to the Territorial Army, which they use as something like a reserve force. This morning -- as you’ll notice in your briefings -- their war minister called for a second quarter-million in response to the situation in Ireland. With this unusually swift action by the British government, we expect that within sixty days, some of these new Territorial Army units could actually be deployed in defensive postures throughout the country. Although they would not be of anything approaching good quality, many of them have fought in the last war, and they are in numbers so great as to potentially cause serious problems.”
New volunteers in Britain’s Territorial Army train in marksmanship.
“In addition,” said Canaris, “although we would rather not consider it, the war in the desert is not going well right now. The British are again on the offensive, and we have every reason to believe that they will attempt to continue on through the mild North African winter. Bastico’s invasion of Egypt bought us the critical diversion that we were looking for, but it is doubtful that it can last another four months. Yet even if the Italians can restabilize the front, which is certainly probable at some point, it will not be long before many of the naval units which had been on emergency redeployment to the Suez are brought back to home waters.”
“I fear there is not a great deal that I can do about four more battleships suddenly appearing in European waters,” Raeder said. “Or the Glorious and Courageous.”
Canaris nodded. “Proceeding from that, there is also bad news which we have deduced from our codebreaking. As you will recall, the Abwehr arranged a sabotage operation that badly damaged Britain’s premier aircraft carrier while in Hong Kong. She was sent to Scotland for repairs, which our initial estimate had as lasting until May of next year. Our fleet position intercepts show, however, that the Royal Navy believes that this aircraft carrier, the Eagle, will be repaired and ready for a move to Gibraltar by February. An invasion before then leaves one fewer aircraft carrier to face.
“And that is not the only field in which the clock is ticking against us. Although Britain started the war almost undefended, our most secret intelligence sources have now indicated a very large program of fortification along the southeast coast of England. By March it is doubtless that a considerable improvement will be made in these beach defenses. We believe also that before the end of this year, the ports will all be wired with explosives. Baldwin’s government is hardly ignorant of the coup at Eben-Emael, and they know that we would like to repeat it. Once the ports are properly prepared for demolition, it would be nearly impossible to capture one intact, no matter what we do.”
“More than anything, Mein Führer,” Raeder said, “it is an issue of the defenses of the ports. If they become so rigged with explosives that it becomes impossible to capture the ports intact, there is almost no point in carrying on the invasion at all. As I have told you, the Kriegsmarine can ship men and guns and supplies into proper ports, but we haven’t the landing craft to storm defended beaches. By March, I fear that our hopes for ports would be out of reach. We would then be without the landing craft and proper wherewithal to assault entrenched beach defenders before nineteen thirty-eight or -nine. You know my caution. You know that I am not normally the man to advocate something like this -- but it is the only way. As far as the Kriegsmarine is concerned, our reasonable chances of success are ruined as soon as the ports are reasonably fortified.”
“And when will they be reasonably fortified?” Hitler asked.
“Probably by January or February,” said Raeder.
“Good. That’s time.”
Canaris shook his head. “What you must remember, though, Mein Führer, is that that date does not matter. It does not matter if the beaches aren’t well-defended until early February -- even though it could conceivably be much before that. The only date that matters is the closure of our weather window. Once that closes in early December, we’re not going to see breaks in the weather either long enough or predictable enough for an invasion until the beginning of March.”
Göring, looking to Scholl unusually on-form, stirred. “In many ways, Führer, it is the weather which could be ruinous.”
As it was, Göring explained, the RAF had been weakened past its breaking point. Luftwaffe Staff-HKK and the Abwehr concurred that Kesselring’s fighters now held nearly a six-to-one advantage over those ADGB could put up to oppose them. With added support from the planes of a second Luftflotte being moved to from Germany to Holland, this was considered enough advantage to maintain total air superiority over the Channel and most of the Southeast.
During the winter, though, the RAF would be able to safely bring its reserves down from the north while German planes were grounded by bad weather. If one also accounted for the expected redeployment of squadrons from the Empire and Britain’s wobbly but increasing domestic aircraft production, ADGB could be back to rough air parity over the south by the time of a March invasion. What was worse, it was believed that at least several squadrons would be flying the powerful new Hawker-designed monoplane by then -- still well before the Bf 109 could see combat.
No one could predict what would happen then, Göring said, but the one thing that was clear was that it wasn’t clear whether Germany’s hard-won air advantage, once ceded, could be regained.
Canaris nodded. “In the opinion of the Abwehr, General Göring is quite correct -- this next generation of British fighters will see service perhaps four months before our own next-generation fighter, the Bf 109. In that period, the British will have a distinct advantage in the air. It wouldn’t be until midsummer that the Luftwaffe would be back on even footing again. Again we find ourselves at around this time next year before we could even possibly hold the same air advantage that we have today. Everything in this cries out for a strike before the winter.”
Himmler was shaking his head in smug disdain. “We must think, Führer, of the ultimate aim of this operation. I have heard, in some quarters of the Wehrmacht, the idea that aim of Löwengrube is merely to put men ashore and shock the current government into signing an armistice. Correct me if I err, Führer, but I believe that that is not your intention. You established your war aims very clearly at Berchtesgaden in June, and it is under that understanding that I have abided since. We all had hoped that Great Britain could serve as a powerful ally to Germany in the struggle for Europe, but you saw that her treachery in siding with France was suggestive not of any defect in the current government, but in a defect in the national character. You saw then that which has been clearly borne out by the months since -- that Great Britain is an implacable enemy that is fundamentally opposed to German strength. That truth, clearly recognized, means that armistice with Britain in this war or any other is unthinkable. Our ends can never be achieved merely by a change of government but only by the dismantling of the British imperial system.”
Hitler nodded.
“And so, we must continue to think of the military operation just as the first component of the larger political effort, to the conditions of which it must be subservient.” Himmler eyed Canaris restively. “As even the Admiral will admit, a March invasion will allow eight or nine reasonably warm months before the next winter. Because the political effort will necessarily entail long-term occupation of the British Isles, we need the nine months to have this occupation properly established before the onset of winter. With winter will come shortages of all the necessities: food, coal, petrol and warm clothing. It is only by controlling these supplies that we can attain the compliance of the British people.”
Göring harrumphed. “I think you’re not looking --”
“No,” the SS chief continued, “it would be a disaster. Think of it. If we invade just at the onset of winter, we’ll barely be able to feed and clothe ourselves -- barely be able to heat the occupation bureaus. Although the destruction of the British system is advantageous, the destruction of the British people is not. If they are starving through that first winter, they will find in hunger the will to resist. If life returns to normal, however, we will undermine support for the warmongers. This is a well-known principle.”
Canaris balked. “I quite concede that a spring invasion grants us the advantage of more time to stabilize the country before the winter -- but the first question, before the political question, is the military question. If the military invasion is not successful, all the consequent political questions are purely academic.”
“It is a very military question, Mein Führer,” Himmler said, “that the Heer has expressed to me its discomfort with launching the invasion this soon, before further damage can be inflicted on the enemy navy.”
“Yes,” von Küchler said, “realistically, the fact that the Royal Navy is concentrated in the Mediterranean does not discount it from the battle by any means. It would buy us a few days at the most -- a week, perhaps -- but when those capital ships arrive, our force in England will be cut off. Until we can sink more of the Royal Navy, we simply cannot hope to control the Channel for any length of time.”
“What about resupply by aircraft?” Hitler asked Göring.
“A few divisions or corps, yes, but we would be hard-pressed to attempt anything more.”
“Even that is extremely optimistic,” said Canaris briskly. “But the Field Marshal forgets that all we can get is a few days anyway. Even the cruisers already at Scapa Flow and on blockade could cut off the Strait of Dover just as surely as both Nelsons. The strategy is merely to keep those units at a distance from our area of operations until we have landed in force and captured airfields. Even between mines, torpedo boats, and our guns at Cap Gris-Nez, a determined and loss-tolerant Royal Navy will be through with surprising rapidity.”
Generaloberst von Rundstedt, the man who was to command the invasion, scowled. “Then, you’re saying, Admiral, that the British capital ships can defeat the invasion.”
“Yes. And no. The Royal Navy certainly has a fair chance of inflicting a nasty defeat upon our invasion force. But that is a risk that the Führer has already appraised and accepted. At the same time, though, we must realize that that risk is not actually going to be very much less if we wait until next year in hopes of sinking the battleships.”
The Warlord had been nodding along with Canaris. “Why not?”
“The battleships would not really be any more effective against our unarmored transports than would the British heavy cruisers -- in some ways less so. Further, it is unlikely that even in case of invasion the Royal Navy would commit its battleships to the cramped space of the Channel. Why risk these enormously expensive ships against the danger of mines, submarines, coastal artillery and bomber aircraft to do a job that cheaper, faster ships could do as well or better? Why gamble the entire fleet while there is still an overseas empire to protect? And all this is quite conjectural anyway. There is nothing to say that we would necessarily sink any of the capital ships between now and the first of March, and even if we did, I doubt it would make any difference for the reasons I’ve explained.”
Hitler pursed his lips. “General Bayerlein. I seem to remember your own very glowing report of the tests you personally observed. Armor-piercing bombs?”
“I --”
“The very thing I was going to mention,” the Field Marshal puffed. “The bombs that could be a devastating weapon against capital ships. What of them, Generalmajor?”
Bayerlein appeared to Scholl rather off-balance as he stumbled for a reply.
“The bombs are excellent,” Canaris said. “But.”
“Yes, Admiral?”
“Well, Field Marshal, it’s just that the bombs are dropped from rather vulnerable new aircraft, and it seems that they would be rather unlikely to do much good once the RAF can put up three or four hundred fighters a day again, many of them the new monoplanes.”
HKK’s chief of operations slipped slowly down into his seat.
“Is there any chance,” the Führer asked, “that our own battleship construction could be reopened in time?”
Twin lonely giants -- one at Kiel and one at Wilhelmshaven -- sat neglected on the slips. Ordered a year into Hitler’s rule, work on the two great battleships had been halted at the start of the war, leaving them unfinished, their ribs standing open to the sky like the scoured carcasses of strange, forgotten beasts. Their mighty guns had been cannibalized to furnish the batteries at the Pas-de-Calais -- replaced with wooden dummies intended to fool spies -- and their boilers plundered for the conversions of other, lesser ships.
“In short,” Raeder said, “no.”
Himmler glanced up from his notes. “How much progress could be made between now and March, given unlimited resources, of course?”
Canaris and his Generaladmiral exchanged a look. “We could probably launch both hulls,” said Raeder, “but they wouldn’t have any guns, which are, when it comes to war, widely considered to be rather important.”
German officers oversee final construction on gun batteries at Cran-aux-Oeufs, disguised as a house and a stand of trees. These comprise Batterie Reichskanzler Otto von Bismarck, armed with 280 mm naval artillery stripped from one of the cancelled battleships.
Fortified blockhouse at Cran-aux-Oeufs, disguised as a seaside hotel.
Göring chuckled.
“Well submarines can be completed much more quickly,” von Fritsch said. “I am sure that more Type VIIs could see service in the next three months if production is accelerated. I have spoken to a considerable proportion of the Kriegsmarine staff who believe that the U-boats may prove far more effective at blocking off the Channel than sea mines.”
“I will speak for the Kriegsmarine, General,” clipped Raeder. “And in the opinion of the Kriegsmarine, the shallow waters of the Channel would not give very much advantage even to more advanced submarines.”
“That seems an rather more dismal than what I have heard,” said von Rundstedt. He scanned several of his reports. “Moreover, just that interval of three months will bring -- I believe the figure is 130 -- additional Panzer IIs into combat service. That tank is much more rugged than the Panzer I, and although it is still not a match for the heavier British tanks, it has a rapid-fire cannon and enough firepower to at least contend with the pillboxes and infantry machine gun emplacements that I would have to overcome in an invasion.”
“Not to mention,” Field Marshal von Küchler added, “the advantage in air support. With the level of praise that the Ju-87 has received in trials, I am frankly surprised why General Göring seems so reluctant to embrace its use.”
“I embrace its use, von Küchler. I just also embrace not wiping out the gains that my pilots have paid for in blood so the Heer can get a little less seasick in the boats.”
“This is childish,” snapped the laconic von Fritsch. “The Army is concerned only for victory, and you know it.”
von Rundstedt glanced back and forth between the red-faced Heer and Luftwaffe chiefs. “Disagreements aside, there is also the very real issue of weather. If I am to lead this invasion, I must have an acceptable weather window, and our meteorologists are not happy with the outlook for an autumn invasion even should it happen today.”
“I’ve seen the same reports you have General, and a good many you haven’t,” Canaris countered. “It all looks acceptable to me.”
“Acceptable must mean a very different thing to the Kriegsmarine. Gales are not invasion weather.”
Canaris glowered. “Better weather is helpful, but there are reliable pockets of fair weather until nearly Christmas! I cannot tell you that the trip across the Channel is going to be in balmy air over a mirror-smooth sea, but I promise that we’ll get your men across safely.”
“Better weather is never to be underestimated,” von Rundstedt chided. “Napoleon had pockets of fair weather in Russia, but nine tenths of the Grand Armée still lies buried there. The March one date assures almost two and a half very good months.”
“And really,” von Küchler said before Canaris could respond, “weather is only a secondary issue. The foremost is logistics.”
von Küchler stood, rapping his red-enameled marshal’s baton on the map. “Ireland. Ireland has the cream of the Panzerwaffe, and by God, its best general. The men, shipping tonnage, supplies and fuel dedicated to that expedition would preclude the three simultaneous landings that are in the plan for Löwengrube.”
He circled the coast of England on the map with the baton. “Dover, Ramsgate, Harwich. According to Löwengrube, we land in force at each, with each army supporting the others with the ultimate aim of taking London. Dover is the strategic key to Kent, screening the west side of the invasion from any reserves held in Sussex. Ramsgate must be taken to support the landings at Dover, and capture Canterbury, which will block the way in toward London. Harwich shall be taken to tie up defenses east of London and prevent the deployment of reserves to Kent. Each landing frees pressure from the others and serves to prevent local numerical superiority from bogging us down. As we all understand, if the invasion bogs down for even a few days, the consequences could be fatal.”
Planned landings called for as of November 10 draft of Unternehmen Löwengrube.
“As it is, we have only the ability to carry out two landings before the end of the year. And with only two landings, especially given the good defensive terrain in the Southeast, it is possible that neither will be able to break through.”
Canaris shook his head. “From what we do know of the Imperial General Staff’s planning on the subject, it seems that Britain probably still considers an East Anglia landing more likely. With less pressure on us in the south, it would be possible to land only at Dover and Harwich.”
The Field Marshal shook his head. “Unless there is a third landing at Ramsgate, the invasion could be effectively split in half by the force of destroyers stationed there and the coastal artillery. Further, the army landing at Dover would be forced to divert almost half its strength to take Ramsgate and Canterbury. In doing so, the left flank would be weakened against a concerted counterattack from the direction of Ashford, and vital days lost.”
“No,” said the Spymaster. “Based on British planning, the Harwich landings would probably tie up a majority of the mobile units in the country. We could still succeed with less force in the south.”
von Küchler had grown chilly. “With respects, that is something that we ought not risk, Admiral.” Yet it appeared to Scholl that the Field Marshal was perhaps feeling resigned. “If the Führer decides against our advice to launch Löwengrube prematurely, let the two landings at least be in the south. Concentrate them in Kent and forget about East Anglia altogether. Just Dover and Ramsgate. Push inland as soon as we can, taking advantage of the narrower front and greater density for friendly bomber support. It would allow the minefields on either side of the operating area to be all that much denser.”
“I think you mistake a few specific advantages for a general justification to delay the operation, Field Marshal.” The Spymaster looked intently at his Führer. “Assuredly there are risks, but you were never averse to risks -- and now have conquered France. This is not a case for blind gambling, but these are dice we have all agreed must be thrown. It shows a certain brilliant audacity to see that the odds will only get longer between now and March, and to launch a two-pronged Dover-Harwich invasion while the British are yet strategically diverted and underprepared.”
“We must speak more broadly then, Admiral,” von Küchler said. “The Heer planned for the outbreak of this war occurring four or five years from now. I know we no longer have that luxury. But the interval of several months that would be allowed by a March invasion would allow considerable advantage. We would have more panzers, obviously, and more transport vehicles. We would have more time to give our men the critical training required to conduct an amphibious operation. We would have more time to train the glider troops and parachutists now training in Lübeck. Our propaganda would have more time to demoralize the enemy population. In short, more time would allow the Wehrmacht to make itself fully ready to mount this complex and historic operation. Committing to an invasion now would prevent us from reacting to changes in the situation.”
“I agree,” Hitler said, “on that principle, at least. But I am concerned not to lose the gains made by the Luftwaffe during the winter, especially because I have laid that out as the primary precondition for invasion. I would like to hold a conference each week about developments in the general situation. If in three weeks or a month I feel that satisfactory progress has been made, we can select a suitable date for the operation.”
Scholl watched as Canaris shook his head silently. “If you want to launch Löwengrube before next year, Mein Führer, you must make the decision in the next few days. As you know, we require two weeks of last preparations once a date is finalized, and our weather window will close for good in early December.”
The Warlord took two heavy breaths, and nodded. “Very well. The invasion is to begin on the twenty-eighth of November.”
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Bravo!
A very nice update. I found myself wanting to jump into the meeting and shake all those guys wanting to postpone the invasion.:rofl:
A very nice and through update! Thanks again.
A very nice update. I found myself wanting to jump into the meeting and shake all those guys wanting to postpone the invasion.:rofl:
A very nice and through update! Thanks again.
That was some hard discussing.
So, Hitler conquers half of West Europe before Christmas 1936?
Sir, you're winning this game far too fast.
So, Hitler conquers half of West Europe before Christmas 1936?
Sir, you're winning this game far too fast.
Shadow Master - Thanks so much! I'm very glad you enjoyed it, and yes, it's a tough debate. Who ever knew readers would be rooting for Göring to win an argument, eh?
Enewald - So much for "Home by Christmas," eh? Stay tuned!
Enewald - So much for "Home by Christmas," eh? Stay tuned!
Atlantic Friend, do you mind if I post our recent PM exchange in-thread? I think it might be interesting to readers.
Pah! The seas will be flat, the Royal Navy will get lost and anything that goes wrong will be insignificant. This is Tom Clancy Germany, victory is assured!
Don't goad me, El Pip, or I'll have to include a scene with Chet Nomura
The pain, the horror!
Never has the line between geopolitical technothriller and clumsy erotica been so tragically blurred...