VILenin: Good, you know what happens to those traitors to the Motherland who can't live with it 
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24 kilometers west of Birobidzhan
April 18, 1937
Zhukov sighed and shook his head; the Manchurian resistance was beginning to fall apart. It was a slow process, due in part to the vast distances, the very wide frontages and poor infrastructure. Nevertheless, he could see from the intelligence he was receiving that the Manchurian defense was beginning to unravel. The Manchurians had won in Vladivostok but they had paid a heavy price for it. Shapkin had done a good job, Zhukov knew, a better job that had honestly been expected of him. He had halted the Manchurians.
Shapkin had fought a desperate defense of Vladivostok’s inner city, relinquishing his hold on streets, corner, barricades and houses only after bitter fighting. However, the Manchurians had kept advancing, pushing bloodily along the main roads toward the city center. However, after over twenty-four hours of heavy urban combat, the Manchurian cavalry had had enough. They were ill-suited to such warfare and had taken heavy casualties numbering in the hundreds if not even perhaps thousands. Their two cavalry divisions had spent their offensive energy striving to break down fortification after fortification and had finally given up. To everyone’s surprise, they had broken off and straggled out of the shattered ruins that marked the desperate fighting. Shapkin had won that first round.
However, the transports had not brought him what he had expected. Instead of bringing him the armor he had hoped for or even reinforcements at all, they came empty. They were there to evacuate his division in the case of a defeat; however, at the moment there had been no need. The transports, however, remained in Vladivostok harbor, where they quickly came under the attack of Japanese bombers operating from their home islands nearby. With little room to maneuver, the transports were, one after another, slowly damaged and sunk, right before Shapkin’s heartbroken eyes. Ever the professional, he did not despair, publicly. He put on a front of determination, though Zhukov wondered how convincing it actually was, and reoccupied the division’s outer positions and waited.
Shapkin’s division had tied up two cavalry divisions for over ten days by the 15th. Indeed, the division had attracted two Manchurian infantry divisions, which set up camp east of Jilin. Each of these infantry divisions had arrived with a brigade of heavy artillery, which then began a systematic bombardment of western Vladivostok. That side of the city, already devastated from the previous fighting, suffered again as the two fresh Manchurian divisions launched their assault in the early morning on the 15th. By that time, the transports had been destroyed. Shapkin’s division had not fully recovered from the difficult fighting ten days earlier. The Manchurians were armed with inferior weapons but held a superiority in heavy firepower, thanks to their massed artillery, and numbers. They slowly but surely broke through Shapkin’s defenses.
The second Manchurian assault on Vladivostok.
Shapkin’s infantry resisted gallantly, striving with all their courage to hold back the Manchurians. They were, however, far better suited to urban combat than the cavalry had been ten days previously. The Manchurian cavalry did not take part, they were still too shattered from their failure to provide any real offensive power. The Manchurian infantry, on the other hand, systematically reduced strongpoint after strongpoint. They worked along the smaller roads and cut through gardens, they tore down fences and smashed through the communal houses. They struck into the very heart of the city. Shapkin’s division disintegrated, the general himself disappeared in the last stages of the battle according to the few reports that filtered out of the city. The battle for Vladivostok had ended, the Manchurians were victorious.
Nevertheless, Shapkin had tied up considerable Manchurian forces for more than a week with his stand for Vladivostok. It was a strategic effect out of proportion to the significance of his division in purely numerical terms. It made Zhukov’s job easier.
Zhukov was thus pushing toward Birobidzhan. He had opted to remain on the Soviet side of the Amur River for a while longer. He hoped that his thrust toward Birobidzhan would help secure his supply lines, which were under threat from Manchurian militia based near Nikolayevsk-na-Amure who were marching on Chumikan, one of his two corridors of supply, the other being through Tynda. Once he secured Birobidzhan, he planned to turn southwestward at last and cross the Amur toward Heihe. With Vasilevskij thrusting through Hailar and planning to attack Qiqihar, they would link up and Zhukov would be guaranteed supply for the remainder of the campaign even if Chumikan fell and Tynda was threatened.
He was also glad that the Manchurian militia in Birobidzhan was leaderless and thus lacked direction; it was very organized and Zhukov’s corps was becoming worn from having begun campaign nearly immediately after reaching Okhotsk. Zhukov’s units had crossed several hundred kilometers in two month, first in the last gasps of winter and then in the burgeoning mud of spring, all the while at the end of a long line of supply. He knew that this was an impressive achievement.
Zhukov’s attack toward Birobidzhan.
Zhukov looked with satisfaction at the map of Manchuria; he and Vasilevskij were beginning to make vast inroads into the Manchurian strategic depth and he anticipated that the campaign would continue rolling along quite nicely.
April 18, 1937
Zhukov sighed and shook his head; the Manchurian resistance was beginning to fall apart. It was a slow process, due in part to the vast distances, the very wide frontages and poor infrastructure. Nevertheless, he could see from the intelligence he was receiving that the Manchurian defense was beginning to unravel. The Manchurians had won in Vladivostok but they had paid a heavy price for it. Shapkin had done a good job, Zhukov knew, a better job that had honestly been expected of him. He had halted the Manchurians.
Shapkin had fought a desperate defense of Vladivostok’s inner city, relinquishing his hold on streets, corner, barricades and houses only after bitter fighting. However, the Manchurians had kept advancing, pushing bloodily along the main roads toward the city center. However, after over twenty-four hours of heavy urban combat, the Manchurian cavalry had had enough. They were ill-suited to such warfare and had taken heavy casualties numbering in the hundreds if not even perhaps thousands. Their two cavalry divisions had spent their offensive energy striving to break down fortification after fortification and had finally given up. To everyone’s surprise, they had broken off and straggled out of the shattered ruins that marked the desperate fighting. Shapkin had won that first round.
However, the transports had not brought him what he had expected. Instead of bringing him the armor he had hoped for or even reinforcements at all, they came empty. They were there to evacuate his division in the case of a defeat; however, at the moment there had been no need. The transports, however, remained in Vladivostok harbor, where they quickly came under the attack of Japanese bombers operating from their home islands nearby. With little room to maneuver, the transports were, one after another, slowly damaged and sunk, right before Shapkin’s heartbroken eyes. Ever the professional, he did not despair, publicly. He put on a front of determination, though Zhukov wondered how convincing it actually was, and reoccupied the division’s outer positions and waited.
Shapkin’s division had tied up two cavalry divisions for over ten days by the 15th. Indeed, the division had attracted two Manchurian infantry divisions, which set up camp east of Jilin. Each of these infantry divisions had arrived with a brigade of heavy artillery, which then began a systematic bombardment of western Vladivostok. That side of the city, already devastated from the previous fighting, suffered again as the two fresh Manchurian divisions launched their assault in the early morning on the 15th. By that time, the transports had been destroyed. Shapkin’s division had not fully recovered from the difficult fighting ten days earlier. The Manchurians were armed with inferior weapons but held a superiority in heavy firepower, thanks to their massed artillery, and numbers. They slowly but surely broke through Shapkin’s defenses.
The second Manchurian assault on Vladivostok.
Shapkin’s infantry resisted gallantly, striving with all their courage to hold back the Manchurians. They were, however, far better suited to urban combat than the cavalry had been ten days previously. The Manchurian cavalry did not take part, they were still too shattered from their failure to provide any real offensive power. The Manchurian infantry, on the other hand, systematically reduced strongpoint after strongpoint. They worked along the smaller roads and cut through gardens, they tore down fences and smashed through the communal houses. They struck into the very heart of the city. Shapkin’s division disintegrated, the general himself disappeared in the last stages of the battle according to the few reports that filtered out of the city. The battle for Vladivostok had ended, the Manchurians were victorious.
Nevertheless, Shapkin had tied up considerable Manchurian forces for more than a week with his stand for Vladivostok. It was a strategic effect out of proportion to the significance of his division in purely numerical terms. It made Zhukov’s job easier.
Zhukov was thus pushing toward Birobidzhan. He had opted to remain on the Soviet side of the Amur River for a while longer. He hoped that his thrust toward Birobidzhan would help secure his supply lines, which were under threat from Manchurian militia based near Nikolayevsk-na-Amure who were marching on Chumikan, one of his two corridors of supply, the other being through Tynda. Once he secured Birobidzhan, he planned to turn southwestward at last and cross the Amur toward Heihe. With Vasilevskij thrusting through Hailar and planning to attack Qiqihar, they would link up and Zhukov would be guaranteed supply for the remainder of the campaign even if Chumikan fell and Tynda was threatened.
He was also glad that the Manchurian militia in Birobidzhan was leaderless and thus lacked direction; it was very organized and Zhukov’s corps was becoming worn from having begun campaign nearly immediately after reaching Okhotsk. Zhukov’s units had crossed several hundred kilometers in two month, first in the last gasps of winter and then in the burgeoning mud of spring, all the while at the end of a long line of supply. He knew that this was an impressive achievement.
Zhukov’s attack toward Birobidzhan.
Zhukov looked with satisfaction at the map of Manchuria; he and Vasilevskij were beginning to make vast inroads into the Manchurian strategic depth and he anticipated that the campaign would continue rolling along quite nicely.
Quite the heroic stand by Shapkin. Should go down well in the annals of Soviet military history.
Well, at least the Banners took Vladivostock before they were ground under the heels of Zhukov's advancing army.
Well, at least the Banners took Vladivostock before they were ground under the heels of Zhukov's advancing army.
Myth said:VILenin: Good, you know what happens to those traitors to the Motherland who can't live with it
Update coming up!
I want you to know that I strongly considered making a beet-related joke in response to this comment but I resisted the urge. You're welcome in advance.
If you're having this kind of vicious street fighting against the Manchurians then I shudder to think what the fighting against the Germans is going to be like!
At least Zhukov's armored column has almost made it to Vladivostok, though too late to help Shapkin.
grayghost: Haha. Manchuria will be crushed!
Deus Eversor: No one ever thinks of the people occupied by the defeated nation. You can see this dynamic at work in history as well, specifically WW2. The Germans were terrible and ruthless occupiers but because they lost, no one ever really speaks of that and there are hundreds of German AARs where the players hope to propel that horrendous regime to world conquest! But on the other hand, full sympathy is given to those same Germans who happened to be in East Germany...
Discomb: Yes yes, but statements like that need context
VILenin: Thanks And as for the Germans, well, let me tell you about them...actually, I'll let you find out for yourself once I get to that stage
First comment day!
Deus Eversor: No one ever thinks of the people occupied by the defeated nation. You can see this dynamic at work in history as well, specifically WW2. The Germans were terrible and ruthless occupiers but because they lost, no one ever really speaks of that and there are hundreds of German AARs where the players hope to propel that horrendous regime to world conquest!
But on the other hand, full sympathy is given to those same Germans who happened to be in East Germany...Discomb: Yes yes, but statements like that need context
VILenin: Thanks
And as for the Germans, well, let me tell you about them...actually, I'll let you find out for yourself once I get to that stage First comment day!
while you're on the subject of bad occupiers, i dont think you can exactly say the soviet union were friendly and courteous to the people of the places they took
Coming back, it seems. The Manchurians don't seem to care what infrastructure they destroy. Will the Soviets repay the favor once the tide is turned?
Naturally, but the difference here is that they won. Myth was arguing for that the occupation policies of defeated nations are often overlooked. It should be noted, we know a lot more about nazi germany's population supression methods on their own territory than on occupied territory, or rather, it's accented much less. When I went to school in Belarus for 4 years, we actually learned this stuff, and then most people I met since then didn't know a tiny portion of the details.BritishImperial said:while you're on the subject of bad occupiers, i dont think you can exactly say the soviet union were friendly and courteous to the people of the places they took
It seems that Zhukov as managed to get much of the glorty I anticipated he would get, it doesn't seem like Shapkin had a good time though.
BritishImperial: Yeah, of course, but that in no way mitigates what I said. In fact, it probably takes a step toward proving it
coz1: Well, the Manchurians aren't as skilled at the art of war as the Soviets are, so its possible that the Manchurians are just heavy handed in a way the Soviets aren't. We'll see
Discomb: Yes.
General Jac: Yeah, Zhukov is doing well, and no, Shapkin isn't. He now floating around in the Soviet leader pool, without a command. Poor Shapkin
Second comment day!
coz1: Well, the Manchurians aren't as skilled at the art of war as the Soviets are, so its possible that the Manchurians are just heavy handed in a way the Soviets aren't. We'll see
Discomb: Yes.
General Jac: Yeah, Zhukov is doing well, and no, Shapkin isn't. He now floating around in the Soviet leader pool, without a command. Poor Shapkin
Second comment day!
19 kilometers southeast of Hailar
April 27, 1937
Vasilevskij stood, stretched and rubbed the back of his neck strongly before sitting back down at the table, which was overflowing with maps of all sorts. The strategic map of Manchuria and surrounding area was at the bottom, and on top of that were a handful of maps indicating operational level activities past, present and proposed for the future. Finally, to round out the collective mountain of paper were the tactical maps indicating the movements of brigades and even smaller subsections of his divisions against similarly sized Manchurian units at various locations. The campaign was going quite well, Vasilevskij thought, though it was also going slowly due to the unforgiving terrain and terrible infrastructure.
His forces and Lukin’s had finally reached Hailar and were already pushing further south, toward Qiquhar. Vasilevskij shook his head at the strange, strange and slightly unpronounceable Asiatic names, before continuing to review the situation. At Qiquhar, the Manchurians had a single cavalry division under the command of a Lieutenant General Wang Dianzhong. He wasn’t even as skilful as Lukin was, which Vasilevskij knew was a fairly damning statement. However, the mud slightly compensated for his lack of tactical cleverness, which had first proved itself when he let himself be defeated by inferior forces led by Lukin at Borzya months ago. Though Vasilevskij knew that at least Lukin was clever enough to let Vasilevskij do things his own way, even if he did technically outrank him.
The battle for Qiquhar.
Vasilevskij also knew that the campaign was evolving into a race with Zhukov, who was at Birobidzhan. Zhukov faced a largely fresh cavalry division, much as Vasilevskij did, with tired and disorganized troops, again as at Qiquhar. There was no mud on Zhukov’s battlefield at Heihe, but he was crossing a river instead, with its own difficulties. Also, Zhukov’s opponent, Colonel General Zhang Jinghui, was a better tactician than Wang Dianzhong. Vasilevskij wanted to be the one to accept the Manchurian surrender, not Zhukov. However, once Qiquar and Heihe were reached, Vasilevskij’s and Zhukov’s corps would be essentially equidistant from Harbin, and Harbin was the gateway to both Mukden and the Manchurian capital at Xinjing.
Zhukov’s battle for Heihe.
Thus, Manchuria was being split in two as Vasilevskij’s and Zhukov’s corps linked up along the Qiquhar-Heihe line. Not only would two Manchurian divisions be cut off in the very north, at Mohe, from which they were apparently marching northward toward Mogocha like the not-very-clever strategists they were, but the link up would guarantee lines of supply and allow for a slight rest before the final assault on Manchuria’s vital possessions. However, annexation would likely not come immediately as Vladivostok also had to be liberated, lest the Manchurian army believe that they were stabbed in the back by the greasy civilian government, somewhat like that outrageous German belief along the same lines. Both armies were, or were in the process of, being quite defeated; but the Soviet Union was being thorough where the Entente had not been in the previous war; they were invading Manchuria’s own sovereign territory.
Vasilevskij had only one hope for the predetermined future war with Germany; that Equatorial Africa remained benevolently neutral rather that throw in its lot with one side or the other, and particularly that it did not side with Germany. It had not remained neutral in the Great War, but its diplomatic signals in the past year or so revealed that it had become increasingly isolationist. Perhaps it would not intervene, Vasilevskij wished for the war to remain a duel between the world’s two superpowers. Vasilevskij shook as a shiver ran up his spine; his mind was wandering.
The twin offensives toward Manchuria’s heartland.
Vasilevskij looked toward the maps again, seeing quite clearly the roads that needed to be taken to finally bring this conflict to a close.
April 27, 1937
Vasilevskij stood, stretched and rubbed the back of his neck strongly before sitting back down at the table, which was overflowing with maps of all sorts. The strategic map of Manchuria and surrounding area was at the bottom, and on top of that were a handful of maps indicating operational level activities past, present and proposed for the future. Finally, to round out the collective mountain of paper were the tactical maps indicating the movements of brigades and even smaller subsections of his divisions against similarly sized Manchurian units at various locations. The campaign was going quite well, Vasilevskij thought, though it was also going slowly due to the unforgiving terrain and terrible infrastructure.
His forces and Lukin’s had finally reached Hailar and were already pushing further south, toward Qiquhar. Vasilevskij shook his head at the strange, strange and slightly unpronounceable Asiatic names, before continuing to review the situation. At Qiquhar, the Manchurians had a single cavalry division under the command of a Lieutenant General Wang Dianzhong. He wasn’t even as skilful as Lukin was, which Vasilevskij knew was a fairly damning statement. However, the mud slightly compensated for his lack of tactical cleverness, which had first proved itself when he let himself be defeated by inferior forces led by Lukin at Borzya months ago. Though Vasilevskij knew that at least Lukin was clever enough to let Vasilevskij do things his own way, even if he did technically outrank him.
The battle for Qiquhar.
Vasilevskij also knew that the campaign was evolving into a race with Zhukov, who was at Birobidzhan. Zhukov faced a largely fresh cavalry division, much as Vasilevskij did, with tired and disorganized troops, again as at Qiquhar. There was no mud on Zhukov’s battlefield at Heihe, but he was crossing a river instead, with its own difficulties. Also, Zhukov’s opponent, Colonel General Zhang Jinghui, was a better tactician than Wang Dianzhong. Vasilevskij wanted to be the one to accept the Manchurian surrender, not Zhukov. However, once Qiquar and Heihe were reached, Vasilevskij’s and Zhukov’s corps would be essentially equidistant from Harbin, and Harbin was the gateway to both Mukden and the Manchurian capital at Xinjing.
Zhukov’s battle for Heihe.
Thus, Manchuria was being split in two as Vasilevskij’s and Zhukov’s corps linked up along the Qiquhar-Heihe line. Not only would two Manchurian divisions be cut off in the very north, at Mohe, from which they were apparently marching northward toward Mogocha like the not-very-clever strategists they were, but the link up would guarantee lines of supply and allow for a slight rest before the final assault on Manchuria’s vital possessions. However, annexation would likely not come immediately as Vladivostok also had to be liberated, lest the Manchurian army believe that they were stabbed in the back by the greasy civilian government, somewhat like that outrageous German belief along the same lines. Both armies were, or were in the process of, being quite defeated; but the Soviet Union was being thorough where the Entente had not been in the previous war; they were invading Manchuria’s own sovereign territory.
Vasilevskij had only one hope for the predetermined future war with Germany; that Equatorial Africa remained benevolently neutral rather that throw in its lot with one side or the other, and particularly that it did not side with Germany. It had not remained neutral in the Great War, but its diplomatic signals in the past year or so revealed that it had become increasingly isolationist. Perhaps it would not intervene, Vasilevskij wished for the war to remain a duel between the world’s two superpowers. Vasilevskij shook as a shiver ran up his spine; his mind was wandering.
The twin offensives toward Manchuria’s heartland.
Vasilevskij looked toward the maps again, seeing quite clearly the roads that needed to be taken to finally bring this conflict to a close.
I see the thoughts are turning to the inevitable great war. And if the Soviets keep up like they have been, there will be very few countries left out there to pick sides.
I think most countries will be pretty happy just to sit around and watch as two super powers bludgeon each other to death
First comment day!
First comment day!
Well good for you annexing those AI nations. But when are you going to show us some humans vs human action?
Delex: As Erkki1 said, I mention the date we go to war in the very first post: April 1, 1942. If you want to know when that will be, I'd estimate that it would begin in about 30 updates
Erkki1: Yup
General Jac: They had been causing problems, but not so much any more, y'know, since I've begun winning again
Second comment day!
Erkki1: Yup
General Jac: They had been causing problems, but not so much any more, y'know, since I've begun winning again
Second comment day!