The liberation of Rome
The famous breech of Porta Pia in old photo
The Milanese
Felice Cavallotti is a figure quite different from those that have governed a unified Italy for 35 years now. Born in 1842, he was too young for the First Independence War, but fought valiantly under Garibaldi in the Third (1866-70). Generous, turbulent and brilliant, during his adulthood he cultivated poetry, dramas, freemasonry and duels – in his entire life, he would collect 33 duels and also be killed in 1898
[RH] – all activities he did not stop after becoming deputy in the Parliament in 1871 and founder of the
Partito Radicale in 1877. Now, being only 44 years old, he finds himself leader of the major Italian party with an ambitious plan of radical reforms for a country that has just witnessed the murder of its biggest statesman in 20 years.
The new government is born with Cavallotti PM and Foreign Minister, Zanardelli Minister of Justice and other radicals appointed to minor Ministries. Several members of the liberal
Sinistra Costituzionale gain key roles: Mancini at Interiors, Nicotera at Public Works, a promising Giolitti at Finance. In some way,
Cavallotti delegates to those who already know the "state engine" its functioning and retains for the radicals the guidance of really "political" Ministries.
The first sign of rupture with the past comes with the decision to accelerate the end of the presidential term and elect a new Head of State rather than keep the President of Senate as substitute until its end in 1890. The second sign of rupture is precisely the
designated Head of State, Luigi Pianciani. Resident in Rome, 76 years old, he shares with Felice Cavallotti the curriculum vitae: Mazzinian, freemason, volunteer in the Independence War (the First, in this case), not exactly a clerical. His election is a clear warning for Pope Leo XIII.
In December 1886, the Guarantee Law (a bill adopted for the first time in 1853 and since then yearly ratified by the Italian Parliament to sanction the inviolability of the Papal borders) does not get the majority for the extension. In the same days, a memorandum sent to other European capitals tries to persuade the partners about the unhistoricalness of the temporal power of Leo XIII over Rome and its evil effects on the Italian stability (as shown by the assassination of Depretis). In January 1887, President Pianciani addresses from Naples a letter to the Pope, in which he petitions a voluntary cession of Rome in the name of patriotism, peace and tolerance. Unfortunately, despite some openings to consider tighter kinds of cooperation in specific areas (like police and postal services in Rome), Leo XIII answered as already did Pius IX –
"Non possumus" – and consequently the word is left to the cannons.
On 1st February, not without some disreputable objections from European chancelleries, 68.000 Italian soldiers, who have already been concentrating along the border, receive the order to move on Rome and land at Civitavecchia, commanded respectively by Generals Acavari and Gucci. On the other side, 48.000 Roman men under the able General Guarino are ready to fight, despite any attempts of conciliation, in defence of the Pope.
Unexpectedly, Guarino opens the hostilities with an aggressive stance, attacking and capturing Viterbo on 27th February. Even if this achievement gives some satisfaction to Leo XIII and embarrasses Naples, in the longer term it would prove inopportune for the defence of Rome. Actually, when the original six Italian divisions (one of which is inexorably ruined during the advance in the
campagna) receive the support of two additional from Northern Italy, the garrison left in defence of Rome's walls would rapidly dissolve and surrender to General Acavari on 17th May.
Even with Rome entirely occupied by the Italian troops, the stubborn Leo XIII does not issue a capitulation until he knows the last remnants of Guarino's army is keeping Viterbo, where he even plans to retire until it's definitively reoccupied by the Italians on 8th June. On 16th June, encircled in the politically inviolable area of the Vatican, the unyielding Pope is finally convinced by his counsellors to give up.
The borders of Vatican City, later unilaterally established by Italy
The annexation of Rome really completes the unification of Italy, but the Italian administrators find a city really undersized and outmoded, as the rumours about the incompetent Papal management have been stating for a while. A winery barely surviving with the fruits of the surrounding lands is the only significant manufacturing initiative; unemployed peasants hang around the countryside and railroads are nonexistent. With slightly more than 550.000 residents, Rome is one third of Naples (1.8 million) and half time Milan (1 million). Notwithstanding, none could resist to its evocative name and, as a natural consequence of the annexation, the works to improve its transportation and living conditions begin immediately, with the perspective to
move to Rome the Italian capital (as sanctioned by a Law passed on 8th July, the same that leaves Leo XIII with the few square kilometres of the Vatican City but a conspicuous endowment to forgive and forget the sins of the Italian government).
As a gesture of confidence in a fast progress, President Pianciani takes residence into the
Quirinale. Later, the two Chambers of the Parliament move to
Palazzo Madama and
Palazzo Montecitorio and – next to the latter – Cavallotti and his cabinet establish themselves at
Palazzo Chigi. These four places represent even now the "houses" of the Italian State.
Left: Palazzo del Quirinale (President of the Republic), Right: Palazzo Madama (Senate)
Left: inside Palazzo Montecitorio (Chamber of Deputies), Right: Palazzo Chigi (Government)