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Union leadership is looking better and better.

Also, Wouldn’t it be bitterly ironic if a good showing from Creole troops ultimately led the confederacy to begin to use non-Anglo troops, ultimately prolonging the war?
 
merrick - yes, I've been deadlocked at the keyboard. Sleepless, depressed... some call it writer's block. I don't often suffer from a lack of desire to write, but this was one of those times.

You know, if you ever get down this way (or if I ever get over to wherever you live) we really should talk. I have a hunch we could sell the History Channel on a series. :p Maybe the 'Director-merrick Dinner Debates'. :D

Your comments about Beauregard made me sit down and think about what I thought of the man, and I was surprised to find my opinion was pretty flat. His war record is mixed: strong at Manassas, poor at Shiloh, a masterful retreat from Corinth after losing 10,000 men to disease, good work defending Charleston and Richmond. His strategic record is also good; he was the one who articulated the railway strategy, saying the Confederacy should take advantage of its inner lines to concentrate an army in the west and then the east, beating the Union in detail with a series of knockout blows. Worked OK at Shiloh and Chickamauga as far as the strategic concentration, but the 'decisive' battle was not found. Without shattering the enemy army it was impossible to move the reinforcements out, which led to the loss of New Orleans and hampered Lee in 1864.

Jefferson Davis considered him a politicking back-stabber who was more talk than action, and some of that is undoubtedly true. One wonders what would have become of the west with Beauregard in command instead of Bragg. I don't think the Confederacy was going to win, but I think PGT might have been a better choice over the long run.

'My' Beauregard certainly has crafted his statements for their public impact, and there is more than a bit of apple-polishing going on. The amount of spin put on the 'victory' in western Virginia is remarkable. Still, it is hard to see how a large Confederate army could have gotten across the Ohio (in real life, not in the game). Jackson would probably have lunged at Pittsburgh, and worn out his army without taking the place. So... I agree that Beauregard's motives are not of the purest, but I do think he did the right thing by abandoning a strategy that no-longer seemed workable.

The 'only' strategy for the South is to defeat the Union armies. Do that often enough, and inflict enough casualties, and the Union will quit.

Fulcrumvale - Some familiar names are beginning to appear. :) The Union actually does have a number of capable generals, but the armies are still mostly in the 'recruiting and training' mode.

I don't think I'm giving too much away to say that the Confederacy DOES eventually deploy slaves as troops. Imagine my surprise on running into divisions of irregulars!
 
belmontky2.jpg

A modern aerial map of the battlefield at Belmont, KY

There followed days of tension and inactivity. Custer’s cavalry troop was pushed past their limits, to no avail; Forrest’s cavalry controlled the roads and the countryside, warding the movement of Beauregard’s infantry from hostile eyes with an impenetrable screen. The civilian sources of earlier warnings had dried up, also intimidated by Forrest and his men or, as Hancock thought more likely, waiting to see who would win the contest for Kentucky before exposing themselves further. Communications from Grant were short, clear and uninformative about the larger situation, but daily written reports from Major Parsons carried the background information that Hancock craved. The first regiments of FitzJohn Porter’s division had arrived in Louisville, boated up from Fort Rodgers. It was ironic, Parsons wrote, that Grant had come to Kentucky for men to support the drive on Memphis, only to find he first had to move more men to Kentucky! The thing Hancock wanted most to know - the whereabouts of Hooker’s men - seemed not to be known with any certainty. Parsons hinted that Hooker was avoiding communication with Grant, which only added to Hancock’s unease.

The calm broke in the hour before dawn on Tuesday, April 14th of 1863. Hancock’s orderly thrust his head into the tent to see his general already awake and buttoning the brass buttons of his blue tunic. “Sir! There is a report from Colonel Hardesty!” Commanding of the 3rd Creole Infantry Division, Hardesty should have worn a brigadier’s stars, but officers in the Creole Corps were usually at least a grade below the rank of men in the Volunteer Army with the same responsibilities. Hardesty had also come over from the Quartermaster’s Department. He was dry and more dogged than thoughtful, and he was famously fond of having eight hours of sleep every night. If Hardesty was up, so were the Confederates, Hancock could reason with little fear of contradiction, but he hadn’t needed his orderly to tell him that. The low rumble he heard was gunfire, not thunder, and it had brought Hancock bolt upright out of bed a quarter-hour before.

“What does the Colonel have to say, Fred?” The orderly backed away instead of answering and another shadowy figure took his place. “Beggin’ yer pardon, General, but Colonel Hardesty says the rebels have hit his position in strength. His men are holding the entrenchments on the Louisville Pike, but he is concerned about his left.”

Hardesty had been worried about his left flank since Grant’s arrival, and with good reason: Hancock’s corps didn’t have enough men to hold the entire length of Crooked Creek. Rawson’s 2nd Creole Division was in the west, on a line going south from the rough foothills, past Horsefly Hollow, across the Belmont Road, then curving east along the main run of Crooked Creek. Once across the L&N Railroad bridge and past the scattered houses and the train station that marked Belmont proper, the line of the 2nd continued easterly to a point just short of the Louisville Pike. The 3rd was responsible for the defense of the Turnpike Bridge and the hills to the east: high, steep and rugged, they sloped down to the verge of the creek with only a little strip of brushy ground at their foot. There were only three good approaches to the Union position: up the valley on the Belmont Road, along the railroad track, or via the Pike. East of the Pike the land was wooded and wild, without a road for a dozen miles. The ground south of Crooked Creek matched the terrain north and east of the Pike, being steep, hilly and thickly wooded, meaning it would be difficult for the Confederates to move men from one side of the field to the other without a long, roundabout march. Hancock’s concerns about his position were two-fold. Firstly, a prominent height south of the creek called Collings Hill overlooked the central part of his line, a commanding position for artillery if guns could be wrestled to the summit. Secondly, there was Hardesty’s concern for his left flank, which hung unsupported on the hills north of Crooked Creek. Hancock didn’t doubt that the Confederates could find a way through the ravines and gullies there, if they had time and men enough. But he thought that Beauregard would try a straight-up push first, for the sake of speed. The only question was from which direction the main attack would come: from the southwest along the Belmont Road, from the center up the railroad line, or from the south along the Pike.

“Are the horses saddled, Fred?” Hancock asked, ducking his head to clear the tent flap and donning his hat in one motion. His other hand reached for the proffered cup of coffee; his legs never ceased propelling him forward toward the campfire. “Good. Then let us go see what the rebels are about, shall we?”



Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard, General of the Army of the Confederate States, Commanding General of the Western Department and victorious hero of the campaign in western Virginia, brushed his moustache with one finger. The wax was still fresh, the movement of his gloved knuckle along the glossy slope soothing, the mannerism as dandified as the sharp black color of his hair and the elegant crisp cut of his uniform. It was always important to provide an example to the officers and men, today perhaps more so than before. For today he would lead his men in battle, not a skirmish like those of last summer in western Virginia, but a clash of two armies, his own larger than Johnston’s had been at Manassas Station and the victory to be gained thus more glorious.

The march from Bowling Green had been vexing. These men had never worked beside or even seen each other before they had been pulled together from every corner of the Confederacy. Only the regiments he had brought from western Virginia had ever seen combat; most were entirely raw, without discipline or training, and he had not had the time to make up their deficiencies. The march from Bowling Green to Elizabethtown had not been especially hard: the weather fine, the roads as good as could be expected. But the men were soft, and had straggled, and so his army had not progressed as quickly as he had hoped and planned. Forrest’s cavalry were rough and unmilitary, but they were good scouts, and they had returned with good information on the enemy’s deployment. Those defenses were good but shallow; the real strength of the position lay in the surrounding terrain. Faced with a prepared enemy in entrenchments, Beauregard would have preferred to flank them, or to mask the force and swing widely around it. But to the west of Belmont lay a wilderness of rugged, wooded hills unbroken by road or track. The situation on the east was little better; turning that flank would have meant sending a detachment a dozen miles east to Bardstown, then twenty miles northwest to Shepherdsville. In the two days required for that movement the enemy might risk engagement with Beauregard’s divided force, or fall back untouched.

No; the enemy was here and must be fought here. Beauregard had put Hardee’s corps on the Turnpike and Van Dorn’s to the west, covering the railroad line and the Belmont Road. His men would go forward in a broad push, but he expected success at the Turnpike Bridge first. A push straight up that valley would isolate the enemy in Belmont town; their rout or surrender must follow.

He had left the army staff to their work and ridden forward with Hardee. Around them, the land was dark but alive with the sounds of men in motion. Beauregard hoped to achieve surprise, even at this late date; forbidding campfires had deprived his men of a hot supper and breakfast, but those fires would also have revealed their strength and position. In a few moments the dawn would be coming and the contest would begin. He had no doubt of the outcome, but prayed silently that his men would not exhaust themselves in the effort. Much remained to be done after this battle was won.

Beauregard realized they had ridden too far forward only when they came upon the main line of infantry waiting crouched in the darkness, disappearing in both directions into the gloom and brush. There seemed to be no danger, not yet; dawn was just a glow above the eastern hills. He shushed an importuning aide and rode a little farther, coming on a group of half a dozen men, all dressed in the motley browns and greys of Confederate soldiers save for one, whose face was darker than his tunic. Beauregard could see no details in the weak light but he was certain the patrol had been beating their captive, had seen the arm swings as they plied their rifle butts.

“Here, now! You men! Leave off! We do not abuse prisoners!”

The men straightened; one cursed, softly but with real anger. “This ain’t no prisoner, sir. He’s just a darky, got up in fancy dress.” The man on the ground rolled white eyes but did not open his mouth. “Gen’ral!” another soldier said, startled. “Didn’t know it was you, sir!”

“This man is a Union soldier and must be treated as such. Take him to the rear.”

“He ain’t no soldier!” It was the man who had cursed, before. “He’s just a goddamn n-“

The roar of a cannon at close hand was followed by another, and another, and another as the pieces of a battery spoke. So dark was it, and so intent had he been on the scene in the road, that Beauregard had not seen the artillery in the copse to his left. Now he concentrated on keeping his seat on the dancing, terrified horse; when he got the animal in hand he was some distance back the way he had come and the long gray lines were moving forward.

“Hardee! General Hardee!”

“Here, sir. Here!” Not Hardee’s voice, but that of an aide. Beauregard was not inclined to quibble. From the woods behind him came the rolling crash of musketry; thousands of men loosing their weapons in short order. These men had all heard newspaper accounts of the Battle of Manassas Station and had been entranced by reports of the terrifying scream first used there. The Richmond papers had tried to label it the ‘Stonewall shout’, but it was the ‘rebel yell’ in the popular mind. His western troops had taken up the idea but infused it with a twist of their own, creating a deeper, baying howl that owed more to bear than catamount. Now that unearthly howling lifted with the white powder smoke from the woods; Beauregard caught a glimpse over his shoulder but could spare no more attention from his trembling horse.

“It seems Van Dorn has been impatient.” William Hardee was not a big man, but his voice was deep and he sat his horse with confidence. It must be dawn now, for Beauregard could see the buttons shining on his tunic. The small head was shadowed under a large-brimmed hat of his own design, but the bottle-brush chin whiskers that spread over his breast were unmistakable. It was very like Hardee to censor Van Dorn for moving early; Hardee had never in his life been anything but perfectly punctual, perfectly reliable. “Once his men cut loose I told Cleburne to go ahead.”

“You were correct.” There was nothing else to say; the plans were made and the battle begun. It only remained now to see the price exacted.

“Damn them for putting colored troops in the line, anyway.” Hardee’s comment so perfectly paralleled his own thoughts that Beauregard was startled. “I served with some of those men, before…” Hardee’s voice trailed away, but Beauregard knew he meant to say, ‘before the War, before the country was torn in half, before all of this’.

“Yes. Good soldiers, then – but not enough of them here today to stop us, I think. Still, pass the word down that they are to have proper treatment as prisoners of war. I want no… incidents to stain our honor.”

Hardee shook his head, but Beauregard knew he was expressing sadness, not disagreement. “I shall, sir, but I fear it will do little good. We shall see few prisoners this day.”
 
The fact that so many of Beauregard's troops are green give a certain indication of how I think this battle will end up.

Interesting parallel between the common soldiers beating up the captured 'negro' and the generals unhappy fighting the men they knew personally.
 
Hehe...just read the wikipedia on this very campaign today. Looking forward to seeing how van Dorn...um...screws things up. May today be a valiant Union victory!

TheExecuter
 
All the usual hallmarks are there: the clear description of the strategic situation on the battlefield, main characters that come alive with a few well-chosen characteristics, believable scenes of combat (or, in this particular update, the start of combat). Not surprising, excellent as ever. :)

What stands out most to me is the sensitive treatment of the topic of Southern prejudice against blacks and the fact that black Union troops did not always survive capture. I think that the brief scene of soldiers abusing their Creole prisoner, combined with Hardee's last words, perfectly convey that message without showing it directly. You acknowledge the historic fact (which I think is proper), but don't let it dominate your story (which I also think is right). Job well done, very impressive <doffs hat>.
 
You are doing great work to humanize these icons of history, Director. Especially Beauregard's concern for position and glory. As well, he shows a deeper understanding of the color issue likely given his time spent with others of the same skin color in Louisiana. But his officers sound a little impatient and it appears this early morning skirmish has taken them by surprise. Hancock seems to be well able to see his position, strengths and weaknesses.
 
The confederates will probably be finding out firsthand very soon that frontal assaults on entrenched positions with green troops are a Bad Idea.
 
Yes, I've been deadlocked at the keyboard. Sleepless, depressed... some call it writer's block. I don't often suffer from a lack of desire to write, but this was one of those times.
Oh dear. Here's hoping no relapses.
You know, if you ever get down this way (or if I ever get over to wherever you live) we really should talk. I have a hunch we could sell the History Channel on a series. :p Maybe the 'Director-merrick Dinner Debates'. :D
Now there's a compliment. :)
Seriously, if you're ever going to be in England, let me know.

Your comments about Beauregard made me sit down and think about what I thought of the man
I don't know nearly as much about the Civil war as I pretend (certainly not as much as you) and a number of the figures in this AAR (Hancock for one, and Buell, and Porter, and Pillow and Polk...) are little more than names to me. So my comments are more about your Beauregard than the historical one. I was wondering why I was being so critical of him and it struck me that your Beauregard reminds me strongly of McClellan. The Young Napoleon, for all his politicking, was a gifted organiser, genuinely popular with his troops and on paper a perfectly adequate general - and yet the futility of his tactics drove Lincoln to despair. McClellan (in addition to his chronic over-caution, which your Beauregard appears not to share) was another general who despised slogging matches and dreamed of bloodless "victories of military skill".

I tend to see the Civil War falling psychologically into four phases - the initial "On to victory!" euphoria; the realisation the it would not all be over by Christmas and the struggle to create and employ a large, modern military force over a very wide area; the search (against a background of failed operations and indecisive clashes) for a battle or a weapon or a tactic or a strategy that would deliver the elusive decisive victory and the final realisation (under Grant and Sherman) that there were no quick knock-outs and that victory would only be won by battering the enemy to exhaustion.

Beauregard strikes me as being stuck between phases 2 and 3 - he's smart enough to realise that the Union won't simply crumble at his approach and that logistics and organisation are going to have a huge effect, but when he thinks of victory, he still imagines an Austerlitz, or at least a Waterloo.

The coming battle is a case in point - Beauregard has a nice little picture in his head of how things ought to go, but when Hancock and the Creoles don't cooperate, is there a Plan B somewhere, or will he just decide "I've done all I could" and allow the Union forces to concentrate? Likewise, if he does take the position, will he push on while he still has the initiative, or rest, regroup, and find that the chance has passed?

The 'only' strategy for the South is to defeat the Union armies. Do that often enough, and inflict enough casualties, and the Union will quit.
True, but the big problem for the South is that tactical victories in border clashes - and thus far, there have been few enough even of them - aren't enough. The Union has a massively greater manpower pool and all the goods and money it needs. To win, the South either has to inflict wholly disproportionate casualties or break the Union morale. The first, given the technology, requires a strictly defensive strategy. The second requires offensive victories not only to be obtained, but to be effectively followed up.
 
Great as always P.! I really liked that look of how the common soldiers and the Generals see the Creole troops. Both Beuregard, a different type of Creole but no less a Creole, and Hardee both seem to know that those are good troops, and I suppose news of mass 'executions', for want of a better word, of captured Creole troops would do nothing to aid the Confederate cause. It will be a tough fight ahead, but Beuregard is confident, even with the superior, in all ways but numeral, troops placed in front of him. Let us see just how this battle unfolds, but I doubt it will go the way our 'Little Creole' has planned in his head. Van Doorn has already seen that nothing is going quite on schedual...
 
And so it begins. Interesting to see who wins the fight and how, if at all, the success or failure of the creole troops is attributed to their race.

Vann
 
To all - my apologies. I've had a serious case of the blues along with a mild sinus infection. The weather here has gone from the high twenties to the low seventies, over and over and over. My nose doesn't like it. :p

You know, I feel like I have to really stretch to make the writing match the quality of the comments. Thank you!



J. Passepartout - That is a great point, and I'm glad you mention it. What I have in mind here is the Battle of Shiloh, though Belmont will bear only a passing resemblance to it in events. Almost every source I've read on Shiloh comments that the green troops on both sides either threw down their arms and ran away or fought like madmen, without the sense of 'what is possible' that more experienced troops have. Green troops can fight hard, but their organization is fragile... Beauregard has some good generals - Hardee is one of the best of the war, and Van Dorn may be a skirt-chasing idiot but he could inspire troops. Both his major battles (Pea Ridge and Corinth) came within a whisker of success.

TheExecuter - Oh, you mean Earl 'Is that your wife?' Van Dorn? Yeah, he was a character - the Confederate Dan Sickles, if you know what I mean. :p (*Both men were involved in major scandals; Van Dorn chased other mens' wives and Sickles was cuckolded by a relative of Francis Scott Key. Van Dorn was shot and killed by an outraged husband; Sickles shot Key and got off on the first-ever plea of temporary insanity. Students of Sickles' military career might argue the insanity was not temporary. :p *)

Stuyvesant - Race was not a clear-cut issue in this country before the Civil War and it still isn't. You can find Yankees who wouldn't let a black man stay in town overnight and Southerners who treated their servants like family... This is a big, diverse country and most social issues are complicated, anyway.

I was drawing a parallel to Forrest's men at Fort Pillow, to the treatment of black troops at Fort Wagner and at the Crater... war is complicated, emotions run high and the nasty side of a civil war is enhanced when race is added to the mix.

As you say, this is something I wanted to touch on - it is an important background element - but I have no desire to dwell on it.

coz1 - you know, that's what I'm going for here - humanizing these people. They were flawed, living, inconsistent and human. Sometimes they even understood how far out of their depth they were... Thank you. Glad to know some of the effort is working out.

Fulcrumvale - yes, but 'Quantity has a quality all its own', and Belmont is not a terrifically strong position.

I took a look at it in Google Earth (as the map above shows) and then I spun it around, dropped the angle and looked over the battlefield at the hills... Reminds me of Gettysburg, actually, with the town on the right and the big hills on the left. Google Earth *rocks* is all I can say. :)

merrick - add to Beauregard a certain petty, vindictive streak, because his feuding with Jeff Davis certainly compromised his military career. I take your point about the parallel between McClellan and Beauregard, and I think it is a good one.

Oddly enough your visualization of the War is shared by none other than US Grant. In his 'Memoirs' he says that stopping after Forts Henry and Donelson gave the Confederacy time to recover (Halleck ordered Grant to stay put; Grant wanted to move on south). The Battle of Shiloh convinced Grant he was in for a long war. By the time he took over command of the armies (1864) he was just working with what he had.

The length of the war was a function of Union failure to see and exploit Confederate weakness in the early years as much as it was due to Confedrate valor and tenacity. But then again, none of the major powers had ever dreamed of tackling the job of conquering an area the size of Western Europe (no-one after Napoleon, anyway, who didn't plan to but sort of got into the habit :) ).

Beauregard is looking for that decisive victory - that is the classic military thought of the time, borne out by Waterloo, the Austro-Prussian War and Scott's campaign in Mexico. The counter-example of the Crimea was thought to be an abberation. 'Meet them, beat them, dictate peace and go home' is the model in mind, and every general of his age thought the same way.

robou - No battle ever goes according to plan, and this one will be no exception. Both Beauregard and Hardee, along with other members of the pre-War Army, would have opinions of the American colonial troops. Some, like Hardee, may have seen them up close and in action.

Sad to say, Beauregard is probaly less concerned about the PR disaster that would follow a massacre than he is about losing control of his men. Fury that clouds the mind is not always a good thing to have on the front line.

Vann the Red - I haven't had a chance to get the next post up, but that should happen shortly. This little scrap could get ugly.
 
The storm broke with a roll of artillery thunder, a hail of minie bullets and the onward sweep of dense lines of men, grey-clothed as storm clouds and dark with purpose. Hardee’s lead division was largely a Kentucky affair, commanded by John C Breckinridge and having Buckner’s Brigade as its strongest element. They found the approach to Crooked Creek to be hot work, and despite desperate proof of valor, they made little progress until Compton’s artillery was positioned in support. On the Confederate left, Van Dorn’s assault had been audacious to the point of rashness, but it had also secured some concrete results. With Pat Cleburne’s division of Georgians and South Carolinians in the lead, the wild rebel rushes succeeded in turning the Federals out of their entrenchments at the Belmont Road. Stubbornly the Creole regiments fell back into and through the hamlet of Belmont, the handful of houses providing little cover for a defense. With the Federal grip come loose on the far western edge of their line, the troops along the railroad bridge were forced to retreat alongside them. Hancock made the best of the necessity that had been forced upon him; as his right wing contracted into a shorter line he fed the rest into the battle for the Turnpike Bridge.

By noon it was apparent to Hancock that they could not hold. Reports that Forrest had come over the hills to the east were probably exaggerated; sightings of horsemen indicated that Beauregard could be holding his cavalry in reserve south of the Pike. But someone would come over the hills sooner or later, and Hancock found himself without even the reserves he needed to hold his present line. Retreat was now inevitable, if the battle could be broken off, and rout and ruin were certain if it could not.

“Colonel Hardesty!”

“The Colonel is dead, sah.”

Hancock shook his head; the dead would have to wait their turn for mourning, lest thousands more be added to their ranks. “Who is in command here, Major Dubonnet?”

“I am, sah.” Dubonnet was a light-skinned Creole, a career Army man and one who had risen to command without the benefit of a West Point education. His was the 2nd Division’s Cap-Haitien Guards Brigade; if Hardesty had been still alive, Dubonnet would have been second on Hancock’s list of men to see. He was possibly more skilled than Hardesty, certainly more experienced at leading men, and if he lived to see his hundredth birthday would never receive another promotion from the US Army.

“We’re going to fall back. Put the Guards in line across the road, there at the narrow point between the hills, along with the reserve artillery. I’ll pass the other brigades on either side of you, Gordon’s first, to hold your right. Then your line will fall back behind us.”

Dubonnet nodded but looked doubtful. “You think those rebels let us do that?”

“They’re winding up for another push. If we move back now, we can throw off their timing, make them come to us.”

The rebels saw the movement, of course. Their artillery redoubled its fire, and west of the Pike Bridge a regiment with a Mississippi flag went forward at the double. They were unsupported and easily broken, but the action delayed the retreat even so. Dubonnet spared scarcely a glance for his own men – the Cap-Hatiens would stand where they were told, and leave when they were ready – but instead rode over to supervise the placement of a battery of the reserve artillery. Gordon’s men were bloodied and tired, but the valley narrowed toward the Pike to a natural chokepoint. If the men would stand, they could hold here long enough for the rest of the division to settle themselves in their new positions.

Hancock had sent a courier to Rawson, whose division would have to file down the railroad line and also cover the Horsefly Hollow Road. The land around the tracks was flat but the woods were impenetrable to wagons or artillery, and maintaining a coherent formation in the thick undergrowth would be impossible. But a mile or so north the land flattened out into fields where the men could deploy, and the Hollow Road angled in toward the railroad tracks. On the Confederate left, Van Dorn had shown a lot of dash but not much ability to co-ordinate his troops; Cleburne’s men were pressing the Federals hard but were almost unsupported and had to be tired. If the Federal line could hold along the Pike it would certainly hold along the railroad, and come dark they could slip away north to Shepherdsville. So instead of riding to the other side of the battlefield to speak to Rawson personally, Hancock turned his horse the opposite way, onto the paths that led up into the hills to the east of the Pike. There a regiment and a few companies were keeping the rebels pinned down across the creek, but a retreat up the Pike would expose them to encirclement.

Hancock heard a booming noise and turned his horse, a brief glance revealing all he needed to know. Hardee had seen what he was about and was throwing his men forward. This wild charge would be disorganized but it would force the retreating regiments to stand and fight – and be overwhelmed – or might inspire them to panic. He spurred his horse onward; there was a company drawn up, facing west as flank guard, officers in front in faultless array. Hancock’s horse scattered dust on them, but they neither moved nor looked away. “Lieutenant! Send a man now to get Honore’s regiment off that hill, and anyone else who is up there.” He spared a second for another look at Hardee’s men and his heart sank. Then in an instant he knew what must be done, could see the pieces moving like the cogs and gears of some mighty engine. “Lieutenant… what is your name?”

“I am Lieutenant Rene Duvalier, sah, of Compagnie D, 6th Haitian Infantry Ray-ge-ment!”

“Lieutenant…” He turned his head one more time to be certain, then looked the man straight in the eyes. “Lieutenant, I want you to take that standard – do you see it there, in the front? With your men at the double, charge, sir, and take me that flag!”

It was certain death. The black eyes never wavered; the black face was expressionless. “Sah! Compagnie, attendez-vous! The compagnie will advance, at the double! Sergeant…”

Hancock doffed his hat in respect and grief as the men stepped off, knowing he would never see them again.
 
Misuse of valuable Federal material? I suppose in a way, but I think the good outweighs the bad here. Firstly, and most importantly, this attack will hopefully hold up Hardee for long enough for Hancock to get his men moving back, I would take, and seek reinforcement further towards Louisville. This would certainly be a better option than losing an entire Corps rather than a single company... I guess to be a good commander you have to be willing to order the destruction of the thing you love most. Also, should win the Creoles some worldwide renown for reckless bravery, and might give the Union another point to rally around, showing the bravery of the troops under their command and will no doubt unnerve the Confederates from fighting the Creoles again.
 
And so the creole troops get into the thick of it. What on earth will the Confederates do when they see this dark skinned attack come forth? Shock and surprise or respect?
 
Okay, perhaps my earlier optimism about union prospects in this particular battle was unfounded. Nevertheless, it looks like the confederates are still taking heavy casualties while (hopefully) not inflicting a severe defeat on the union, which would be a de facto union victory in the long run.
 
I'm always impressed with your ability to paint battle scenes, as well as your talent for choosing set-ups that differ from the usual 'epic victory/epic defeat' mould. It seems clear here that the Union will lose the battle, but will Hancock be able to withdraw his forces in good order, essentially making this loss inconsequential in the larger scheme, or will the Confederates be able to pin down and destroy a good portion of his army? That will be the question providing tension to the following update.

As for throwing that Creole company into the maws of the Rebel advance, I can only hope that it's enough. I assume that Hancock's hope is that this shock attack will disrupt the Rebel advance long enough that his other forces can disengage in an orderly manner. Would one company be enough to accomplish that?

Nice, sober description of Hancock sending those men to their death. It's noted, but not overdone.
 
The field in front was chaos. The rebels had come on fast, but some madman had hit them from the side. A doomed effort, had he thrown in a brigade, and suicidal with a single company. It had thrown the Confederate lines into chaos and bought the Guards a few more precious moments, but the cost… Dubonnet shook his head. The cost of defeat would be the lives of all of them, killed or enslaved. But the sight of that lone flag plunging into the rebel line... Damned dust and smoke, his eyes were blurry.

The brigades that had stood and fought all morning at the ford were routing now, breaking for the rear in something close to panic with whooping, cheering white men on their heels. Dubonnet rode a little back behind his line – there was no chance of stopping them short of it – and saw Gordon whipping his men into line with his hat, curses lost in the maelstrom of sound that rocked the valley.

As the fleeing soldiers trotted past, some waved their arms, mouthing, ‘Go back! Go back! Sauvez! Sauvez!’ Others pointed and smiled; some cheered. Dubonnet could not stand it, could not abide it for another second, could not allow the instincts and virtues of a soldier’s life to be thrown away, not when all their lives were at stake. He raised himself in the stirrups and whirled his hat around his head; a few slowed and more began to cheer.

“Don’t cheer me!” he roared, basso profundo; those neared recolied from his fury. “By God, don’t cheer me! You haven’t the right to cheer me! Form up, goddamn your souls, form up and fight!” A sergeant ran up, then a corporal. Men gathered in little knots beside the road, hesitant. “Are you men?” he bellowed? “Are you soldiers? Will you leave us here to die for you? Will you run from the white men, then?” They snarled; he had them, the balance was tipping.

Hancock cantered up, his horse lathered and blown; the men cheered him lustily, but Hancock was having none of it either. “Don’t cheer me, you men – fight with me!” They did cheer them both then in earnest, weary arms pumping rifles in the air. Now they would let their sergeants place them in line, and just in time. Hardee’s men had sorted themselves out as best as they were able and were ready to slam into the Guards, skirmishers probing up the unprotected slopes of the flanking hills. They hit – the smoke covered all, but Hancock had the impression of men staggering back. Dubonnet waved his hat again and the remnants he had gathered swung into line to the left, a crashing volley sending the rebels tumbling on their heels in reverse.

Then it was over, the sullen retreat from the charge fading into the thick white smoke as Hardee’s men fell back toward the blood-and-body-filled creek. Hancock swayed with exhaustion but could spare no more than a moment to rinse his mouth – his saliva was streaked with blood; he had bitten his cheek and could not remember doing so. Then he set about the hard work of shoring up the weak elements of his fragile line, and preparing to fall back yet again.
 
Wow, you really brought out the sheer chaos of the moment there P.! Excellent writing. It seems tha Hancock has just saved his Division, but we will see if he can get back to Louisville unharmed. Hardee and Van Dorn are bloodied, but they are not beaten...
 
My apologies for not posting yesterday; I had intended to put up one a day until the battle was over, but I came home and collapsed in bed.

The post above is a short one, but it doesn't fit well with the next one so I have put it up solo.

Rather than answer you individually, since some of your concerns are similar I hope you won't mind if I address you as a group.

Hancock's sacrifice of a company is based on a true incident from Gettysburg, third day, Pickett's charge; I hope you will all look it up. Anyone who says the Federal troops wouldn't fight, and fight hard, is mistaken. The Creoles are freshly recruited up to full strength, so a company would be around a hundred men. By the third day of Gettysburg, some Union regiments were not much larger.

Hancock has the tiger by the tail; he can't fight it and he can't run. He has done well to hold off two or three times his own strength for six hours. At this point, only desperate measures will suffice.

As we will see next time, the Confederates have issues of their own.

I had two choices I liked for the presentation of this battle. One was a grand, high-level review of attacks and counter-attacks. The other was to ignore most of it (for reasons of length) and focus on a few moments. The resulting posts are short but very difficult for me to write, which I suppose is good for me.