Kordo: Thank you, that's indeed the hope.
Jape: Thanks! Regarding the latter--frankly, that's not so far out of line with what actually happened, in absolute if not in relative terms--I don't recall the exact numbers, but IIRC it's in the tens of thousands for blacks during Reconstruction, which is in addition mostly guesswork since few bothered (or was brave enough) to record them...Say probably about 50,000, half what quick googling seems to say as consensus for Bosnia.
Hence the topic title for this version of Reconstruction.
This is, however, hard to model in Victoria (how do you have a rebel pop killing another pop in the province?), let alone small scale riots (100 people at most, say), so most will be by authorial fiat. But then I never planned this to be very game-oriented; or at least that the tail will wag the dog in that regard.
And though I hate to lose him, stay tuned for Der Tag (it has been foreshadowed a lot...)
-Thaddeus Stevens, May 1865It is important to our wounded and maimed soldiers, who are unable to work for their living, and whose present pensions are wholly inadequate to their support. It is important to those bereaved wives and parents whose habiliments of woe are to be seen in every house, and proclaim the cruel losses which have been inflicted on them by the murderous hands of traitors.
-Pamphlet A Short History of the People's PartyThe first major economic bill passed during Reconstruction was the Pensions Act of 1865. The question of how to pay for it was left open: the Radicals hoped to persuade Lincoln to support some measure of confiscation. It was, however, a precedent for government aid, and Attorney General Ingersoll used it to good effect in 1871.
-Erin Fodor, America's Second RevolutionIt is quite possible that the Radicals sought to use the Pension Act to induce Lincoln towards support of confiscation, and certainly the terms of the act were generous enough for the time that a significant source of revenue would be required. Stevens certainly made that a central part of his argument, but it is doubtful that the attempted coercion was entirely conscious; at the very least it was not the primary motivation, despite pamphleteering to the contrary. But then except in the most reactionary, or ex-rebel, of circles, pensions for wounded veterans were unassailably popular, and the campaign against the Act failed miserably. Lincoln signed the Pension Act into law on May 10, 1865, and had nothing but good to say about it publically; it is not known whether he had any private misgivings regarding its affordability or the constitutionality of how sweeping it was.
The Act made no distinction on the basis of race or "previous condition" and Stevens, as Chair of Ways and Means--this being before the splitting off of both Appropriations and Banking into new committees--was of necessity and of choice very involved. In addition to working strenuously for its passage, he ensured that not only would dependents be covered by the pensions, but that there was considerable discretion in declaring women and children dependents even in the absence of formal marriage, a right denied many slaves and thus not yet common for the soldiers of the Colored Troops.