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Clblabin - Thanks. Actually, I wouldn't have been so eager to take on the fearsome Ottomans had they not already been reeling under a series of combined European attacks. It was opportunism-driven. And Saxony at that stage required a theatre of military ops outside the HRE where it could conquer/annex etc with relative political impunity.

Fulcrumvale - You are correct about the risks. I'm not sure if I have bitten off more than I can chew, but I guess we will find out. In any case, stopping the Ottoman menace in its tracks may be worth the cost of considerable provincial instability. Also, it's worth noting that to some extent, this AAR is character-driven. I try to make some decisions in keeping with the ruler's 'personality'. And Moritz - well, he's obssessed with proving himself on the battlefield. Besides, putting down revolts keeps my Men At Arms in practice.. :)

anonymous4401 - Well, if I should come into some surplus cash, a missionary or two might stumble over to the Balkans.......

Hasforth9 - My territorial ambitions in the Balkans are actually limited.. (although Ragusa may be an opportunity). I do, however, want to limit any Ottoman expansion (while ensuring that Hungary doesn't gobble up everything else). But the main focus for me now is to expand my 'homeland' territory in central Europe (if the Ottomans will let me). I can foreshadow several interesting developments in that sphere............
 
ubik said:
Excellent AAR! What are your future plans for the west?

Mainly defensive in nature for now. France is naturally a big concern. To that extent, I have come out in support of Burgundy's push for a kingdom (although this seems doomed in light of historical reality). What I want to do in Europe is annex bothAnhalt and Brandenburg - both allies, although one of them won't be for long ;) - and then acquire either Pommerania or M'burg. This will realise Luca Pitti's great dream of reaching the Baltic. His trade-based strategy for Saxony is now looking tattered - but it has only been temporarily shelved in favour of military expansion. I still want to develop Saxony as a key trading empire... and haven't forgotten about the goal of unifying Germany.

Let me also take the opportunity to thank you and the rest of the MM team for an absolutely superlative mod - it has given huge depth to the already impressive EU III experience and I'm enjoying it immensely!
 
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Chapter 4: Poison Thy Name is War

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Gilles Binchois, the second author of this journal and senior advisor to the Emperor, drew his last agonising breath last night. It is believed that he was poisoned. I do not need to say who is almost certainly responsible. I am Magnus Hamann and I am now the last of the original three advisors retained by Friedrich ‘the Gentle’ nearly 40 years ago. Alas, I fear that there is little gentleness these days in our turbulent kingdom. Certainly, my Emperor believes that the Ottomans will also try to do away with me. Extraordinary precautions are in place but there appears to be no safe haven, no level of government that Turkish assassins or contracted saboteurs cannot penetrate. Moritz was livid at this latest attack. The poor fellow in charge of security matters… ah but I will spare you those grisly details. In any case, I will endeavour to continue this journal as did my predecessor. But I am a busy man and one of few words. Since the Emperor-Elect, my King, is now without another trusted advisor save for myself, my entries here may prove infrequent.

1493-1496 - The Saxon-Anhalt War and its Aftermath: By early 1493, Anhalt had thrice in that year refused our legitimate demands for full annexation despite showers of gifts and intense diplomatic activity. Moritz, a proud man (some would say too proud), had had enough. It was bad enough that his troops were often forced to put down revolts in both Hum and Albania, that Saxony’s centres of government and commerce were infiltrated with a steady stream of enemy spies, that no other advisors had come forward due to fears of assassination. Anhalt’s refusal to join with our nation was the last straw. Our diplomats severed all economic and military access ties with Anhalt, and we cancelled its status as our vassal. Anhalt promptly became the lesser partner in a Personal Union with Baden. It also formed an alliance with The Paltinate and Friesland. This did not dissuade Moritz.


On 23 August 1493, Saxony declared war, supported by its allies. Saxon troops at once crossed into Anhalt and meeting no initial resistance crossed into Luneburg where a motley collection of Anhalt and Friesland rabble had placed the fortress there under siege. The enemy was easily defeated and Anhalt’s own fortress placed under siege. Over the next year or so, a series of engagements against Friesland forces took place in Luneburg, Hamburg, and Oldenburg. We were victorious in all but one engagement, which only proved a minor setback. The Friesland fortress was placed under siege. By October, Anhalt – which we still could not annex – was forced to the peace table and again became our vassal, paying us 50 ducats for the privilege. (By October of the following year, it would again become our ally).

In the meantime, our forces had placed The Palatinate’s fortress in Oberpfalz under siege. In March 1494, it capitulated.

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This left us free to pursue the pox-ridden Frieslanders. Moritz gleefully led his troops in a series of engagements, cornering the Friesland rabble in an epic battle in Hamburg and routing them. On Christmas Day, Friesland surrendered its fortress and we immediately sued for peace. Moritz was in no mood to be generous. For the first time, Luca Pitti’s dream of a northern seaport for Saxony had come to fruition:

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A week later, we came to terms with The Palatinate, which ceded to us Oberpfalz.

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But by late February, diplomatic reality had intruded. Our reputation was described in most noble circles as ‘rather bad’ (Bboy: 10/22) and a deputation of diplomats warned us that as Emperor-Elect of the HRE it was considered poor form to be attacking other HRE states. It was made plain to us that if we did not return Oberpfalz, we would suffer a severe blow to our relations with nearby states. Returning the province would help repair our standing and improve our reputation.

Moritz gritted his teeth and announced that we would hand back Oberpfalz. The formal transfer would not take place until September 1496.

A similar demand was made that we relinquish our newly gained province of Friesland. Moritz would have none of it. Not with the waters of the Helgoland Bight now lapping Saxony’s shores. Consequently, we took a large blow to our reputation amongst HRE states. In fact, we were in danger of losing crucial support for our nation among the Electors. Bribes were sent to repair some of the damage.

1497-1500: The Third Saxon-Ottoman War did nothing to improve Saxony’s diplomatic woes. Frankly, I always believed it was a huge miscalculation. The background in brief: A local boundary dispute had given us a claim on Serbia. Meanwhile, the Ottomans were again at war with Hungary, Bohemia and Cleves. Moritz saw all this and asked himself why should Hungary and Bohemia carve up Ottoman territory for themselves. I think he was simply hungry for a fight. Battle was something that he could understand, unlike the subtleties of political intrigue.

On 12 April 1497, we again declared war on the Ottomans. Almost immediately, four rebel regiments rose up in Janina, requiring quick reinforcements from Dresden to put down the revolt. I will spare you the fine details of the third conflict against the Turks. Suffice it to say that we won sieges in Athens and Serbia but had mixed fortunes in Salonica, which saw several bloody battles. But by October of the next year, it was clear that the war was draining Saxony of politcal support. Our reputation had never been worse (BB approx 11.5-12 from memory).

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Our economy was also under dire threat from an onslaught of foreign spies, most sent by the Ottomans but some by such states as Munster. Moritz sued for peace. Realising that the acquisiton of more territory would only see our reputation plunge further, he settled for a gift of ducats and an Ottoman renunciation of certain provincial claims.

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But peace did not stem the tide of foreign spies. By the close of the century, our admiralty, army, government and commercial centres were all infiltrated, slowing down our commerce and land research. It would take many gifts and much effort over a long time to repair the damage to our diplomatic standing. Moreover, Brandenburg, the one vassal that we longed to bring into the Saxon fold, continued to thumb its nose (respectfully) at the prospect of annexation. In any case, annexation of any kind was politically out of the question for now, thanks to our poor reputation. Although we had gained the province of Friesland, in many other respects, the Emperor-Elect’s love of war had backfired badly.
 
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From a designer perspective I really enjoy the results of the game system.

I find the Ottomans too weak, too early however...

Please comment on this and on spies. Note that countries will only perform certain spy missions if their relations with you are below a certain threshold.
 
Wow that stream of spies is pretty crazy!

Also I could've sworn your actions in annexing two countries and taking a province from a third in offensive war should have netted you more than 10 BB points...
 
anonymous4401 said:
Wow that stream of spies is pretty crazy!

Also I could've sworn your actions in annexing two countries and taking a province from a third in offensive war should have netted you more than 10 BB points...

Possibly he has a King capable enough to reduce it significatively and he can hire diplomatic advisors for the same effect. Also the effects are dilluted over time...
 
ubik said:
Possibly he has a King capable enough to reduce it significatively and he can hire diplomatic advisors for the same effect. Also the effects are dilluted over time...

Interesting. I'm going to have to get off my lazy butt and check out this mod.

Joe
 
anonymous4401 - My BB of approx 10-10.5 was before Moritz launched his third campaign against the Ottomans. At that point, from memory, my BB went up to 11-12 or a bit more. I have edited my post to reflect this.

Ubik - Re the enemy spies, they are certainly making life very difficult for me but perhaps this is as it should be given Saxony's recent actions. Isca mentioned that some people believe the AI's spy missions are overpowered. It's still early days in my game so I will have to find that out for myself. For reasons of space, I didn't mention that there have been numerous pirate raids against my coastal provinces aside from the many infilitrations on land. I'm definitely planning on taking 'Espionage' as my second NI! What effect can I expect from this in the Mod?

As for the Ottomans, in my game they have certainly been less than overpowering - partly due to my own aggression in company with powerful states such as Hungary (whose ascendancy in the game is starting to worry us), Bohemia, Tuscany, Venezia, etc. However, it was my impression that others have reported a far more powerful (even too powerful) Ottoman Empire - so perhaps their 'weakness' was simply random circumstance in this case?

Storey - I encourage you to try Magna Mundi - it is a much more challenging and interesting experience imho than the vanilla game.
 
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You will be subject of most spy actions if the other nation has a lower than X relation with you (it varies per mission). For instance, comission privateer is available for the AI to do if relations with the targer are below -25 OR there is a war between the two countries. On another example, to perfrom a spy ring infiltration everything that is needed for the other nation to order it is to have 40 gold in the treasury.

Having a state of war with other nation is a guarantee your enemy can do all missions to you (if he also passes a gold check), save for Social Chaos (where if you have the Espionage Idea you cannot suffer this spy action) and Plague (where a state of war does not enable this mission for the AI, but only extremely bad relations and a hefty purse)

There are two types of pirate raids. One is the pirate raid where a ship with the skull and bones appears in a sea area adjacent to your province. This is the result of a spy mission.
The other is an event of a pirate raid that gives penalties for the provinces for some time and for the country for a few months. This is consequence of the Pirates of the Barbary Coast. Welcome to the Mediterranean, and rest assured if you are at war with Morocco, Algeria, Tinusia, Tripolitania, Mamluks but more importantly, the Ottomans, you will suffer these raids frequently. Implement defence plans (both local and global) to avoid the raids most of the time.
 
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ubik said:
You will be subject of most spy actions if the other nation has a lower than X relation with you (it varies per mission). For instance, comission privateer is available for the AI to do if relations with the targer are below -25 OR there is a war between the two countries. On another example, to perfrom a spy ring infiltration everything that is needed for the other nation to order it is to have 40 gold in the treasury.

Having a state of war with other nation is a guarantee your enemy can do all missions to you (if he also passes a gold check), save for Social Chaos (where if you have the Espionage Idea you cannot suffer this spy action) and Plague (where a state of war does not enable this mission for the AI, but only extremely bad relations and a hefty purse)

There are two types of pirate raids. One is the pirate raid where a ship with the skull and bones appears in a sea area adjacent to your province. This is the result of a spy mission.
The other is an event of a pirate raid that gives penalties for the provinces for some time and for the country for a few months. This is consequence of the Pirates of the Barbary Coast. Welcome to the Mediterranean, and rest assured if you are at war with Morocco, Algeria, Tinusia, Tripolitania, Mamluks but more importantly, the Ottomans, you will suffer these raids frequently. Implement defence plans (both local and global) to avoid the raids most of the time.

Thanks for that info. I've now played another 15 years or so of my game in which I've focused on bringing down the ruler's BB and generally being a responsible Emperor-Elect. :) In fact, I haven't acquired any new territory to speak of. I can now conclude, based on my experience so far, that the enemy AI spy missions do not appear over-modelled.. at least not in peacetime. I still get one or two infiltration attempts from the Ottomans every year or so and I was also getting them from Munster, until I bribed them into better relations at which point they stopped. But the impact of the infiltrations only lasts for a couple of years even if the missions succeed. So I guess the lesson is don't get into a war without some reasonable espionage capacity of your own... I went with National Trade for my second NI but Espionage looks like being my third.
 
What was the purpose of your inter-HRE war? Why didn’t you just wait for a better monarch and annex Anhalt then instead of suffering a massive stability and BB drop?
 
Fulcrumvale said:
What was the purpose of your inter-HRE war? Why didn’t you just wait for a better monarch and annex Anhalt then instead of suffering a massive stability and BB drop?

Valid point. Although getting the stability back up was not too difficult. However, repairing the BB damage would actually take the better part of 20 years.

To answer your question, my rulers will make mistakes and sometimes I will let them do so, partly to see what happens in the new MM HRE environment and partly because it might lead to a more interesting narrative. As I noted in another post, this AAR is somewhat character-driven. I decided early that Moritz would be a warmonger, but one who would - a little too late - learn the lessons of his folly. Also, I'm not above making mistakes myself. And like Moritz, I was getting a bit tired of recalcitrant Anhalt. So call it my mistake in the pursuit of entertainment...... :) But keep in mind that for all that, Saxony now has its own coastal province in Friesland as a result of that little HRE war.
 
indeed a great AAR especially that you dont only play "wise" and that you also let your "monarchs" make faults, this only makes the aar twice as interesting


keep up the good work
 
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Chapter 5: Back from the Brink

Unknown reader of this secret journal, be aware that your narrator has changed again and the date is now 7 January 1516. My name is Dietrich Ziegler and I am Second Personal Secretary to Saxony’s present King and Emperor-Elect, Maximilian I. Although I am but a young man, I am told that I have an impressive grasp of both history and the current political situation within the HRE. Thus, I modestly confess to having the ear of the Emperor in many important things. But you may wonder what happened to Magnus Hamann, who had taken up the task of continuing this journal many years ago. To be blunt, he died. On 2 August 1499 to be precise. I know what you must be thinking. No, he was not assassinated by Ottoman agents. The fact is that Saxony’s valued naval advisor was nearly blind in one eye. And so, he failed to spot the horse-drawn carriage, which was turning into the street just as Magnus was about to cross. A dreadful accident which robbed Saxony of its last capable advisor at that time.

This enchiphered journal was found in Hamann’s private papers. He had given the key to decoding it to a close personal friend, Ludwig Ziegler, another royal confidant, who also happened to be my father. The journal passed to me on my father’s recent death. I now fulfill an oath to him by faithfully recording this account of Saxony’s recent history. Beyond this, I will endeavour to act as ‘historical observer’ for as long as I draw breath.

By 1499, Saxony was on the verge of social chaos. The campaigns against the Ottomans under Moritz had drained the country of ducats and mutterings were heard within the HRE. Constant subversion by enemy agents persisted in wreaking havoc at all levels of Saxon government and commerce. Two senior advisors had been brutally assassinated. Revolts, even in homeland provinces, were increasingly common. Saxon prestige abroad had declined and the Empeor-Elect’s reputation was ‘rather bad’.

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Moritz was stunned at the domestic reverberations of his military adventuring. To his credit, he turned to others for advice. The King instigated a review of all foreign and domestic policy. Discreetly supported by influential nobles from neighbouring states who relied on Saxon stability for their own security, the review committee made a number of far-reaching proposals:

 An end to military adventures and annexation of other states until Saxony’s domestic harmony, reputation and economic fortunes could be restored;

 A bribery campaign to repair tense relations with Munster, which persisted in sending spies against us;

 A policy of maximum religious tolerance towards Orthodox Christianity in the Balkans to alleviate the risk of revolts there and increased tolerance of the Muslim faith in provinces bordering the Ottoman Empire;

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 Saxony’s standing army of 30,000 men would be maintained on lesser pay to save ducats and we would work assiduously to improve relations with other HRE states (particularly, the Electors) and with the Pope in Rome.

 And finally, a renewed emphasis on developing trade as Saxony’s best source of future prosperity, as advocated by the great Luca Pitti in 1453.

These were the policies that were to guide Saxony over the next decade and beyond. Slowly, they nursed the country back from the brink.

One of the first things that Moritz did was to renew support for the flagging Hanseatic League. This had a beneficial effect on our relations within the HRE although local dissent ensued which took some time to appease. By 1501, our reputation had improved although foreign nobles still described it as ‘tarnished.’

Enemy spy activity diminshed gradually. Munster was appeased by our gifts and no longer sent spies against us. But the Ottomans persisted, albeit much less often. In any case, they had other things on their minds. They were under almost constant attack by up to three European coalitions comprising such states as Hungary, Austria, Bohemia, the Knights, Venezia and several others. We looked on enviously but did not take part.

During this turbulent period, conflicts also erupted frequently in other parts of Europe. France, for example, was locked in a bitter conflict with Castille, as was Portugal, assisted by her ally England. The French preoccupation with Hispania would have other longer-term implications, giving Burgundy free rein to consider its own territorial ambitions. Disturbingly, these lay much closer to Saxony’s borders. More on this later.

To our east, a confederation of states, led by Poland, sought to eviscerate Muscowy, which was forced in 1501 to cede three provinces, while renouncing claims on a fourth. There would also be considerable strife between other nearby HRE states which would force Saxony, as Emperor-Elect, to make some difficult choices.

The outbreak of the Peasants War in March of 1501 greatly complicated the task of domestic reform. Riots over food, over working conditions, over religion and over an influx of immigrants from our newly acquired Balkan provinces were a regular occurrence. The country’s stability was again under threat.

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In May 1503, King Moritz succumbed to a chest infection and died. He had reigned, not always wisely but with undeniable military success, for 24 years. His successor, who was crowned Severinus I, was second cousin to the late king. He was immediately given the additonal title of Emperor-Elect, as Saxony had managed to repair its relations with key electors by this time.

Severinus had no discernable talent at anything. He cared little about efficient administration, was barely civil to foreign diplomats and knew nothing about soldiering. He was crass, ignorant and a notorious rake, caring more for pleasures of the flesh than Saxony’s welfare. The country more or less ran itself under his ‘leadership’ as there were no court advisors to guide him.

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Fortunately, the heads of several government departments formed an unofficial committee, which essentially administered Saxony during the reign of Severinus.

By early 1504, Saxony started to receive better tidings. Boundary disputes in several Balkan provinces such as Serbia gave us claims on them, which were gleefully pressed. This would help allay public opposition in the event of future military steps against the Ottomans.

In April, the end of the Peasants War also helped restore comparative calm to the country. During this period also, Carmelite monks were welcomed in both Leipzig and Friesland. Meanwhile, Saxony had endorsed a new policy of National Trade, designed to complement its Shrewd Commerce practices.

By 1507, the Renaissance was spreading throughout Saxony, bringing with it increased research and trade. It also brought with it a tradition of secular humanism, which greatly disturbed the Church in Rome. In an effort to win favour with the Papal States, Saxony spurned the doctrine of secular humanism in favour of rigid theological doctrine. This resulted in a huge improvement in our relations with the Papal States.

The significance of this was immediately demonstrated. A courier from Rome arrived with a sealed letter from the Pope. Severinus I, Emperor-Elect, was invited to prostrate himself before the Pontiff and be declared True Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire! This had been the dream of Friedrich August and of Moritz I. It was an invitation now sent to an undeserving fool.

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Ironically, the Emperor-Elect was forced to refuse this vast honour as the offer carried with it a sting in the tail. Saxony would have to hand over a huge number of ducats as a precursor to Severinus being named King of the Romans. Doing so would almost certainly result in a series of inevitable loans, which in time would bankrupt Saxony’s struggling treasury. Severinus, livid with frustration, was forced to declare to the Pope that ‘he would not kneel.’

By 1509, conflicts within the HRE had greatly intensified. A number of wars had erupted, with states such as The Palatinate, Baden and Hesse attacking Nuremburg and Mainz. Austria and Wurttemburg were also intermittently at war with Mainz, Frankfurt and Nuremburg. These were just two examples. There were many others. Severinus, as Emperor-Elect, was asked to intercede on several occasions. In most cases, however, the required actions would have cost Saxony far too many ducats so Severinus had no choice but to do nothing. It was something that sat well with his personality anyway.

In 1510, a trade specialist named Karl Kranke arrived at court and offered his services to the Emperor-Elect. As trade was to be the central plank of our country’s long-term strategy, he was granted a senior Cabinet post immediately.

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In September of the following year, the King of Saxony and Emperor-Elect, Severinus I, collapsed while at dinner and was dead within minutes. Doctors indicated that he had choked on a haunch of venison. There was naturally a public show of grief but in reality, there was collective relief. He had been the poorest of rulers. His successor, Maximilian I, was hardly brilliant but he did have some talent for diplomacy. And after the reign of Severinus, that was good enough for most. The HRE electors wasted little time in announcing the new Emperor-Elect to the world.

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One of Maximilian’s first actions was to reject repeated - and absurd - offers of alliance from faraway Novgorod. He also redoubled Saxony’s efforts to place merchants at key Centres of Trade. By 1515, our country would have 5 merchants entrenched in each of four key COT’s: Vlaanderen, Lubeck, Venezia and Andalusia.

Saxony’s poor reputation abroad was still threadbare, but had improved since the days of Moritz and was now only viewed as ‘tarnished’ (Bboy of 4.44/22 by 1515).

Maximilian looked abroad and across the Balkans, saw Ottoman power greatly checked. He had no immediate worries on that front, although the Turks now appeared to be expanding to the east.

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But much, much closer to home, Burgundy was on the move. Its navy was known to be huge.

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In 1513, Burgundy had tested the mettle of the new King by sending Saxony a diplomatic insult. Maximilian had taken advice and shot back a message that the insult would not be forgotten. Then, in 1514, Burgundy invaded Utrecht and vasselised it. It followed up with an attack on Trier and was ceded the province. This was too much for the King and Emperor-Elect. To safeguard against further Burgundian expansion to the east, he issued an edict guaranteeing the integrity of The Palatinate and Hesse, the next provinces facing a likely threat. He also despatched a formal warning to Burgundy, making it clear that any further aggression would not be tolerated.

As 1515 drew to a close, astute observers sensed the rumbles of new conflicts approaching, complicated perhaps by growing religious ferment……….
 
Ooh…the reformation events… :D
 
Well at least nothing bad happened during the relatively short reign of incompetent Severinus. Though you'd think being the Emperor-Elect, you could scrounge up some more competent advisors. And it'll be exciting to watch the Reformation in Magna Mundi as I have no idea what happens there!
 
anonymous4401 said:
Well at least nothing bad happened during the relatively short reign of incompetent Severinus. Though you'd think being the Emperor-Elect, you could scrounge up some more competent advisors. And it'll be exciting to watch the Reformation in Magna Mundi as I have no idea what happens there!

You might also check out Isca's MM Bohemia AAR as he has some interesting things occurring as a result of the Reformation... ;)
 
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Chapter Six: Reformation, War and the Greed of Kings

Central Europe by 1517 was frayed dangerously at the seams. The early reverberations of the Reformation were starting to shake the roof. Religious dissent had intensified. Violence was common. Within the coming years, the heretical Evangelical faith would take root in a number of provinces and gain acceptance on Saxony’s own borders. The province of Brandenburg – Saxony’s loyal vassal - would be just one example among many. So far, the contagion had not reached Saxony itself, but most viewed it as only a matter of time.

Maximilian, an ambitious Emperor among a multitude of equally ambitious European rulers, looked out upon a landscape of brutal territorial competition and outright war. Religious differences added fuel to the fire, often serving as a thinly-veiled pretext for one European state to invade another. The real aim, of course, had little to do with restoring the True Faith and everything to do with territorial acquisition. In this respect, Maximilian himself would be far from innocent.

It was Burgundy’s apparent plans for regional hegemony to its east and north that were the stuff of the Emperor’s nightmares. In 1516, the Burgundians had declared war on Munster and the Imperial city of Nuremburg. Munster fell by December and was vassalised but Nuremburg escaped under truce with a small payment of ducats. Other nearby conflicts abounded. Hesse and The Palatinate were allied against poor, battered Mainz, which was to become the target for a series of European coalitions, finally to be annexed by Baden. Wurzburg was an unwilling vassal to Austria. The story was the same throughout Europe as national boundaries shifted, then shifted again. But for Maximilian, it was Burgundy with its experienced infantry and powerful navy that remained the pressing threat. There would be no safety in passivity. So he acted.

The Emperor-Elect began by guaranteeing the independence of Saxony’s own vassals such as Anhalt, Brandenburg and Lubeck. To these, for good measure, he added guarantees for Cologne and Denmark. Maximilian also wanted a buffer state to protect Saxony’s vulnerable south-eastern flank, a likely line of attack from Burgundy. His eye fell on Nuremburg. It was wealthy, vulnerable and without allies, having recently escaped vassalisation from Burgundy by the skin of its teeth. Surely, it would soon be gobbled up by a predator. Maximilian thought it far better if that predator were to be Saxony rather than Burgundy, Austria or even Denmark.

Saxony’s reputation was now ‘respectable’ so the King felt it was fairly safe to act. After delivering a diplomatic insult which drew little response, Saxony declared war on Nuremburg in February 1517. More than 7,000 Saxon troops poured over the border, inflicting a bloody defeat on 1,800 brave defenders, who were led in vain by Gottsschalk von Harrlach. Several fierce battles were fought, some on Bavarian soil, but the end result was never in doubt. By October, Nuremburg’s garrison had surrendered and the Imperial City hastily agreed to Saxony’s terms:

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Maximilian quickly issued another proclamation guaranteeing Nuremburg’s independence, then nervously surveyed the HRE Electors to see how Saxony’s unprovoked aggression had been received. He was relieved to find that his reputation had only suffered a moderate bruising. By January of the next year, Nuremburg had joined the ranks of Saxony’s allies.

A look to the east around this time would show Poland leading an alliance comprising Sweden, Lithuania and Mazovia methodically dismembering Muscowy, with Crimea, the Golden Horde, Kazan and Karaman getting in on the act from the other end. The Ottomans’ expansion into Europe was still held in check by Hungary, Bohemia and Saxony’s own acquisitions in the Balkans.

But Maximilian’s attention suddenly turned to more domestic concerns when 8,000 rebels seized control of Friesland in a protest over food shortages and corruption within the Catholic Church. The rebels inflicted an embarrassing defeat on Saxon garrison forces before troops brought in from other parts of the realm suppressed the uprising.

In November 1520, Bohemia – joined by Austria and Bavaria – declared war on Poland and its allies, Lithuania, Sweden and Mazovia. Saxony, lacking an ally of military substance with the possible exception of Brandenburg, looked on enviously, wishing that it could take some of the spoils. But in March 1521, an easier opportunity presented itself, thanks to the Reformation. The rich Imperial City of Hamburg converted to the Evangelical faith. Its Catholic friends, as a result, had vanished. For Maximilian, who like all Saxon rulers coveted the trade-rich coastal provinces to the north, it was an opportunity too good to pass up. Besides, he told himself, as Emperor-Elect he had a duty to protect the Catholic faith and expunge heresy.

What he didn’t expect was the staunch resistance of Hamburg’s highly experienced army, which inflicted a humiliating defeat on the invading Saxon troops. The initial Saxon forces were all but annihilated. In one of our country’s worst debacles, the Battle of Luneburg, a technical victory, saw nearly 4,500 Saxon troops perish at the hands of a greatly outnumbered Hamburg force.

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Maximilian, seething with anger and shame, was forced to call in troops from as far away as the Balkans to overcome the enemy. In the end, he had to scrape together nearly his entire homeland force. Eventually, however, numbers won out and Hamburg was put under siege. But as the siege dragged on, Saxony found itself dragged into a war of succession over the throne of Hungary.

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Thus, Saxony and its allies were pitted against the Polish coalition, which included Sweden, Lithuania and Mazovia. With Hamburg safely under siege, Saxony was able to redirect thousands of troops east. Bohemia and Hungary were already engaged in hostilities against the Poles. In April 1523, Saxon troops redeemed themselves for their disgraceful showing against Hamburg, by wiping out a Polish-Lithuanian force in the Battle of Lausitz.

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Saxony and her allies also won crushing victories in Poznan, Lublin, Breslau and Krakow. By April 1524, Mazovia and Lithuania had sued for a White Peace and Poland had its back to the wall. Its fortresses had fallen, its troops were beaten men. Saxony imposed generous terms and the Poles eagerly accepted.

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Poznan was ceded to Brandenburg which had occupied it. Saxony claimed the wool-producing province of Lublin. It was a reasonable outcome.

While all this was occurring, the fortress in Hamburg had fallen and the Imperial City ceded the province. But not to Saxony! Instead, it went to Gelre which apparently had preceded Saxony’s attack with its own. Bitter disappointment for Maximilian but he consoled himself with Lublin, his new Polish acquisition.

By 1525, Burgundy was again causing trouble, annexing Frankfurt. Maximilian was livid. With just the scent of hypocrisy, the Emperor-Elect issued an edict demanding the return to their original owners of all HRE states taken in aggression. Otherwise, the aggressor would face ‘isolation’. This had a number of effects. The edict cost Saxony dearly to enforce (50 ducats), resulting in an automatic loan at interest. Repaying it would set back Saxony’s economic and technological progress significantly over the next five years. Meanwhile, as a result of the ultimatum, Gelre grudgingly returned Hamburg, which now sneered at Saxony from its position of great economic strength. But Maximilian had forgotten that his edict would also force Brandenburg to return its own hard-won Polish province of Poznan. Relations with Brandenburg took many months and many bribes to repair. As for Burgundy, it showed not the slightest sign of returning Frankfurt.

In August 1525, Saxony’s monarch started acting strangely. It is thought that the pressures of Emperorship combined with a growing obssession with the evil designs of Burgundy contributed to his mental lapses. He would break off in mid-sentence and gaze vacantly for several seconds, sometimes breaking into a soft song, interspersed with laughter. This behaviour lasted for several weeks. It then seemed to pass with no ill effect, although our physicians kept a careful watch upon him.

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In 1526, Burgundy diplo-annexed its vassal, Utrecht. This resulted an immediate demand from the Emperor for Utrecht to be returned as an independent state. For reasons still not fully understood, Burgundy surprised everyone by complying with the demand the following year. Maximilian wasted no time in guaranteeing Utrecht’s independence.

In 1527, Saxony instituted a major change in its government structure, choosing to switch to an administrative monarchy to better leverage its poor production capacity.

But the country continued to reel from a steadily increasing stream of foreign spies, mainly from the Ottoman Empire and the province of Munster. Saxony’s public administration and commercial centres were regularly being infiltrated (I’m beginning to think that this may be a little over-modelled in MM). The most savage blow came when a vast sum of money (150 ducats in game terms) was stolen from our Treasury just months before our loan was due. Saxony needed cash and it needed it fast. The answer was a quick, dirty war.

Conveniently, Saxony’s truce with Mazovia had just expired. Saxon troops, led by General Joachim Bieber, invaded Mazovia and clashed with its defenders, led by King Trojden IV. The battle was a rout for the Mazovians. With just 800 defenders left in the fortress, Bieber’s troops carried out a successul assault through a breach in the walls. As cash was the goal, Maximilian chose not to annex Mazovia but took the province as a vassal along with 50 ducats. By minting for a short period, Saxony was just able to pay off its loan when it came due. Moreover, it gained another buffer state to the east, which would soon become an ally.

In 1531, another stroke of good fortune. The formation of a monopoly company gave a huge boost to Saxony’s growing commerce, increasing trade efficiency by 50% for the next five years or so. In terms of trade, the world was our oyster. Saxony had five merchants each in six of Europe’s most profitable COT’s.

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But as the year drew to a close, there was a most unpleasant surprise. Burgundy, supported by its vassals, Hesse and Lorraine, attacked The Palatinate in defiance of the Emperor-Elect’s guarantee of that country’s independence. Saxony now had no real choice. Backed by its allies, Saxony declared war on Burgundy on 25 January 1532. The clash of battle was again upon us.