A Year's Education - Russia Megacampaign, pt. I

[Deamon]

Make that six ^^

[bowl of soup]

You might think six aren't that many readers but we'll lynch you if you don't continue Keep it going!

[Elias Tarfarius]

Make it seven...

Now update!

Seriously no rush. I can't be hard on anyone as I havent updated my Iraqi aar in awhile.


ET

[Fnuco]

to go with the centrifugal tendencies of all the princes throughout the Empire, i suspect it will be a Greek to be elected Emperor, and the descendants of Vsevold have to retire north. I mean, it should happen sooner or later. My bet is now.

[Drozh]

Make it 8...one question - does the modern Greece have Tsargrad?

[RGB]

Drozh I shan't tell you, sorry. Not just yet.

Fnuco At the very least they will try to make that happen. Will they succeed? Stay tuned!

Elias Tarfarius Thanks for reading. Well, the next update is relatively soon.

bowl of soup Ok ok. I'll keep on writing.

Deamon Thanks for the vote of confidence.

[RGB]

The Barbarian Empire

Jerusalem Delivered

“Having marched through uninhabited land, through terrain without water and full of ravines, the commanders said to the troops: “It is enough for us to have waged war as far as Persis and to have subjugated Darius. Why then do we laboriously march against Indians, into the haunts of wild beasts, of no concern for Greeks? If Alexander is a man of war and wants to subjugate nations of barbarians, why do we follow? Let him march and fight wars on his own!”

The Alexander Romance, Pseudo-Callisthenes

“Suppose, for one moment, that he wasn’t a calculating monster.”

We are eating pastries and drinking the third coffee cup on the outside a small café overlooking the sea. Demetre seems amused. He was making polite conversation, asked about my studies and the history class, and I told him about the Professor’s forceful condemnation of Basil Long-Arms. Now he seems genuinely engaged in the topic and I - I’m listening. Demetre likes to talk, no matter the subject. May as well let him.

“It requires a definite attitude from the outset to come up with that kind of assessment. But let’s examine what actually happened. If I were to have a positive view of the Avtokrator, couldn’t I use the same events to prove my case?”

“Sure. You can try. I’ll be Professor Howard, you be the Imperialist Russian Historiography” I say, and make a face at him which I hope looks serious and skeptical. Demetre giggles like a girl at that. I’ll never tell him he giggles like a girl.

“I may well be. After all, they pay me. So, for example, he said that the Tsardoms were set up because he wanted to remove potential rival clans from contention. Why would he do that? It was costly. It lost him territory, and probably prestige. Do you think he’s have not gotten rid of the Bagrationids, if he wanted to? Seeing what he’d done to the Church? He could have, but he didn’t. Why? Well, he was Emperor of the Romans, Bulgars and Rus. By the end of his reign those were the last major nations he ruled over. Georgians, Lithuanians, Croats, Alans – they’re not Russian or Greek. So he gave them their kingdoms back. He even set up native dynasties on the throne. Right? He could have been doing it because he thought he had no mandate over any of them.”

I nodded. He continued.

“As for the warmongering: he only seems to have personally started offensive wars against the Italian Muslims, and against Poland. The rest of the time, he came to the aid of his allies. Was it his fault that Germany and Hungary fought? They would have fought with or without him. Backing one against the other allowed him to secure Italy – too bad the Sanseverinos weren’t smart enough to see that - and recover Russian and Bulgarian lands in Hungarian possession. But even so he didn’t demand beyond what he thought was his right as Emperor! And he could have, because his victories were stunning. Pagan Lithuania – he backed Novgorod against them. Qarakhanids – backing the Georgians. Sjaelland – backing Novgorod’s ambitions again. Norway – defending the Lithuanian state against the Vikings. What’s left? I don’t know. But mostly he seems to have his justifications. And those conquests – they left a strong state for Vsevolod III. So strong it could then survive the toughest war in its history and finally liberate the Holy Land.”

“What about the Church and the Bogomils?” I asked.

“Well, could it be that he was simply a man much more tolerant of other faiths than most in his time?”

“But he persecuted Muslims!”

“Really?”. He paused to think.

“Oh, you mean Nikopolis. In 1155? Did your Prof. tell you that the Muslims there rose in rebellion the year prior, and killed the provincial Catepan, and the bishop? I think it was an anti-rebellion reprisal, nothing more. If anything, he appointed Muslims to several important court possessions. After what’s-his-name Philanthropenos became a Duke in Lithuania, Vsevolod had Salah Mansoor become the Megas Strategos, despite protests from all sides. I mean, sure, he probably only did it to get Salah away from that poofter son of his, but…”

He trailed off. He must have seen my face drop. The silence was awkward. I started gathering things into my bag.

“I’m so sorry” he finally said. “I should really watch what I’m saying. I don’t mean it.”

We drank coffee for a little while in silence. Then I decided to forgive him.

“Well, see that you do next time. Now what was it about Salah?”

“I’ve got to start from the beginning, then. Vsevolod II realized quite early his oldest son was a bit fey. I dunno. Maybe he did, that’s what they use as justification for sending him to Trebizond nowadays. He sent him to train to be a warrior, under Iordanes and Theodore Ariminicos, the Gothian generals from the Great Seljuk War. It just so happened that Vsevolod III – although his baptismal name was Alexander and he preferred it too - was the greatest general in our medieval history. Of course, so soon he was very much in charge of his own army and his own princedom. But at the same time Trebizond acquired a reputation for you know, gay warlords."

"If anything it’s a pretty traditional thing to see Alexander, Nikephoros his brother and Salah Mansoor as some sort of warrior – trinity; but they were all rumored to be…well, you know. So they’re definitely saints in the homosexual pantheon. You should maybe ask your brother what he thinks of them”

I glared at him. He looked contrite again.

“Look, I’m sorry. I know it’s personal for you. Um. I’ll try not to say things like that again, but that wasn’t even really offensive.”

“Go on” I said “keep talking, but don’t say too much”

“Ekaterina of Tripoli is credited with that one. You’ll learn about her later. So, because Vsevolod II recalled Salah from Trebizond it was widely believed he was Alexander’s lover and the Emperor wanted to keep the two apart. Or maybe he wanted a competent general, and one that couldn’t claim personal fiefs (Salah never converted and died a Muslim). Alexander was, however, better than anyone, better than Long-Arms himself, better than Salah, better than the entire court of Philanthropenoi generals put together. He was 16 when he beat the German Emperor at Steirmark in 1166. He did the same to Karoly Arpad at Varna, Severin and Tirgoviste eleven years later. And he, in ten years of careful campaigning, attacked the rebellious vassals of the Seljuks one by one, regaining all Anatolia for the Empire by the time his father died.”

“So, it was 1187 and old Long-Arms was dead and everyone was racing towards the capital. Although Theodore Elegemites was still in Cyprus, his brothers Ioannes and Phillipos were in Caria – closer to Constantinople than Trebizond. However, the Philanthropenoi – not major landholders, and rather loyal to the Monomachoi – still ran the administration and the patriarchy. That Alexander was married to the daughter of the Demestikos Ioannes Philanthropenos certainly helped, although it was rumoured he rarely visited her. The Philanthropenoi bribed some pirates to harass the Elegemites fleet as it sailed from harbour. This delayed the crossing long enough for Alexander to make it first from his seat in Trebizond. The Ariminicoi supported Vsevolod III, as did Nikephoros, his youngest brother. Ingvar of Tmutarakan was already 101 by then and decided not to rock the boat. Only Vladimir Choniates of Epirus tried to sail for the capital, but was blocked by another fleet of the Elegemitoi from doing so.

The young Kaisar’s deservedly fearsome reputation had a distinct effect; he only landed with a modest force but the captains of the much more numerous city garrison at once backed him. The people were less cooperative; they were of divided opinion about the father, and they didn’t know the son at all. The Patriarch Lukas spent a lot of effort extolling them to support Alexander, but died mysteriously soon afterwards, with many of the city’s districts still unconvinced. What he didn’t manage in life, he did in death. The mob at once decided that the Elegemitoi secretly killed the Patriarch and backed the Monomach. When the Elegemitoi finally landed in Thrace, the Emperor met them outside the gates, with a sizeable army at his back. Again, his reputation was sufficient. Phillip and Ioannes backed down without a fight, and by the time Theodore Elegemites arrived from Cyprus all was already decided. Alexander was Emperor, backed by the demos, the nobles, the court, and most of the standing army. They did not protest the inevitable, but the Elegemitoi – and most Greeks – hid a grudge against the Monomachs. I think many wanted to see a pure Greek on the throne.”

“The loss of Patriarch Lukas was a bigger blow to his power than the Emperor originally thought. He didn’t have his father’s knack at negotiating the Church. The new Patriarch was elected without interference from the court, and he was from the Berenguer Rurikoviches of Dorylaion, bearing the ancient resentment of a cadet branch towards the ruling family. Alexander didn’t hide his, um, proclivities all that well. That made him subject to blackmail and manipulation. While the Patriarch couldn’t push the warlike man too far – the streets could have run red with blood, after all – he could gradually influence him through guilt and persuasion. It wasn’t something you could be too openly back then, even as the Avtokrator; I hope you understand. It isn’t even now, in most places.”

“Yes, of course. Look, the cafe is closing. Let’s go to the seashore. You can finish there, provided you want to.”

“Hey, anything to do you a favour.”

We paid and left. At the beach we found a big stone, and sat down. He began skipping pebbles across the water, while continuing with his vision of the days long gone. He definitely has the storytelling gift in him.

“I wonder how your Prof. will deal with it, actually” he said “he can’t exactly say outright that two of our national heroes, and both saints of the Orthodox church to boot, did the naughty with guys. All the men in the class will complain and maybe even get the newspapers to know about it. Then his fellow historians will come in, denying everything, and the national church will have a word or two to say, and then they’ll fire him.”

“Maybe it’s for the better. Then I don’t have to hear him diss our history”

“Now, now. Think of it as an opportunity to balance your worldview. Plus he seems to have really interesting theories. I never heard any guest speakers at the Cultural Centre talk about the Tsardoms as a way to eliminate rival clans in a bloodless way. He may be on to something”

“On something, you mean”

“Speaking of that, you smoke?”

“No”

“Alright then, I won’t as well. So, where were we? The church. Antonios Berenguer finally goaded the Emperor into reversing the policies of his father. In 1189, the great persecution of the Bogomils began. It was bloody, no two ways about it. But the church got what it wanted. Half of the Bulgarian possessions and all of Wallachia were also given to prince-bishops. That probably contributed to his future sainthood. But it’s the Jerusalem campaigns that really made him the legend that he is now. I mean, he fought other wars and made other decisions, but first of all I don’t remember, and second, your Prof. will tell you, or your book. Anyway.

What’s the first thing anyone will tell you about those years? The Greeks conquered the Holy Land. It began with the weakness of the Fatimids. The Egyptian state was the primary target for most early crusades; despite their failures, the Fatimids did buckle and splinter . Add to that a suxcession of meek rulers and you can see why certain rebellious vassals would break away and stay independent – not for long, of course, as Alexander saw finally his chance to regain command of the Empire. Although his own men worshiped him, he was not popular with the majot Dukes of the Empire, many of whom still begrudged him the manipulated election. Many of them refused to march when he wanted to continue the campaigns in Provence. Except Sokal al-Halwas, the prince-bishop of Nice, who knew that this was his only chance. So despite the Dukes' stubornnness, the Byzantines were successful, and finally took over all Muslim states in the area except those subject to the Seljuks. But still the armies of the vassals refused to move. This was the disadvantage of the feudal system of the Monomachs. Finally, after a long tense period, in 1189, the realm was no longer on the brink of civil war – so Alexander embarked on a foreign one. The weak states of the levant fell one by one, quickly, to Salah and to Alexander. The Sheikdom of Tiberias, Jerusalem’s controller, was erased from the map by the end of the year. The Christian states in the region offered to become vassals. The Fatimids were not pleased. In 1194 they declared war. Alexander’s son Rostislav, along with Salah, with 11,000 and 6,000 troops respectively beat the Fatimids in mere months. When Cairo itself was threatened, the Fatimids agreed to the demands. Shortly afterwards, all smaller states were occupied in a short campaign by the Emperor himself.

In 1199 the Seljuks decided it was time to stop the encroachment. War was declared, and the armies started moving. The Empire had better-quality troops and excellent generals, but suffered from having impossibly long marches to make before concentrating forces; and they were always numerically inferior. The opening moves, nonetheless, were a big success for the Greeks in Syria. In Armenia, things didn’t go as well, because that’s where the bulk of Seljuk forces was. However, it looked like the Seljuks were losing badly – until the bishops of Anatolia declared the Emperor unworthy of leading them. Several rebellions elsewhere in the Empire followed. Vsevolod III signed a truce with the Seljuk Sultan and spent the remainder of the year beating up rebels. The Seljuks waited until the armies were gone, gathered more troops, and stabbed the Emperor in the back. They took back the cities they lost, and more. The situation was getting very serious, and the newly acquired Jerusalem was nearly lost, except for the clever stalling actions by Maegas Strategos Mansoor. Finally, the armies of the Empire arrived.

To be perfectly honest, they should have won, and quickly. But the Seljuks were incredibly tough and determined enemies, raising regiment after regiment, breaking sieges, outmaneuvering large troop concentrations and defeating small ones. In 1201 Salah died; Alexander swore to bury his body in Baalbek. The ancient fortress was one of the few cities that didn’t change hands very often, and was the single most important city in this war. Before its gates six – or seven, depending if you count the small one in 1199 – battles took place. Three of them were fought by the Emperor himself; twice he won, but had to retreat due to massive amounts of enemy troops coming in, rebellions at home, or high casualties. Three times he sailed back to Constantinople, to lead fresh men, from all over the Empire, to the slaughter. He stretched the will and the strength of the country to the very edge of disaster.

The seventh battle of Baalbek had 45,000 Seljuk troops – surrounded on all sides and exhausted, but still defiant, face 19,000 men from the Empire. Those were the last reserves of strength. No more mercenaries could be hired in the Steppe, Bulgaria or the streets of Novgorod. Whoever could have been, was already dead or fighting at Baalbek. Kiev, Vidin, Tmutarakan, Adrianople – their streets emptied. Despite the strategic and tactical brilliance of its generals, the Empire, even having its enemy cornered was still on the brink. Alexander won that battle, finally. Abdul-Hassan got no reinforcements. There was peace at last, after five years of war. Both of the sides were bled dry, but the Empire won. All of Syria, Armenia, Anatolia, Palestine and Provence – and all the holy cities of Christian heritage – Jerusalem, Antioch, Damascus, Tyre, Palmyra, Beirut, Tripoli, Sidon, Baalbek – the Emperor delivered it all from the Turk. Across the continent, Emir Abdullah’s banner fluttered over the walls of Paris, and acrid smoke rose from the ruin of Genoa. But throughout the Empire, bells rang from church towers for days and days. When the Emperor faced the people of Constantinople on the first day of 1205, saying his address, the mass cheering wouldn’t stop for hours. There was no doubt, even in his lifetime, that this man would become a saint, no doubt he’d be a legend. Everything else he did in life would be forgiven him.

This man had liberated Jerusalem. This man had taken on the full strength of the East, and won. I bet you even your professor will have little ill to say of him. He wouldn’t dare, not in Greece.”

The sun sank into the sea.

“I get carried away sometimes” he said, sheepishly.

We both laughed.

[thrashing mad]

Whada heck??? Gays You are using some mod isn`t?

Anyway, I like dialogue style, very light and interesting. Alexander was indeed great general ( martial 19 ). Good idea that you create all those tsardoms, it`s very historical-like move, and will make interesting situation in future. After all Emperor with power of kingmaking increased his prestige even further. Looking on maps, war with Seljuks was indeed hard.

Great work, looking for more

[JimboIX]

I really liked that update, excellent dialogue and the parallel of Alexander to his predecessor Alexander is interesting, particularly in the context of the historians you have examining him. Also exciting to see the Empire take on the Seljuks. With them tamed for now, the next test will be the Horde- if you've another Alexander that might make for an even greater battle. When I can, I head them off as soon as they show up with my entire army- only works when I've conquered enough territory close enough to them that I can defeat the army and take their 1-2 provinces before they spread like the plague, and almost always bankrupts me.

[RGB]

Whada heck??? Gays You are using some mod isn`t?

Yes. It's a funny story.

Once upon a time, long long ago, like last year, Drachefire (I think) and Mezzo were talking about making "gay" a trait. Well, so Mezzo wrote a mini-mod, gay replaces "clubfooted" I think. So it's generally a bad thing. You lose prestige and piety, and it lowers fertility quite a bit. Then he also wrote an event that doesn't really work that checks for the trait developing every year until 30 or so, but the chances of it firing are tiny.

So I thought that was neat (lots of historical monarchs were certainly that, or at least suspected - ask someone English, they've got at least 4 I think - but Paradox seems to have missed it) and installed it. Well, like copy-pasted the files. I can't even find the thread where it was anymore. Then I forgot all about it and kept playing. Then like, bam, three at once, all in Trebizond, all army types. And never again after that.

I thought that was a bit too humorous and too neat to pass up. So no, there is no full mod but there is an event and a trait/icon modification, and the storyline that flows out of it is fascinating. And I'm not exactly even done with it yet.

[VILenin]

Funny, your version of Richard the Lionheart except more successful with his war in the holy land.

[bowl of soup]

You're getting huge! great idea btw about those bufferstates and the way you implement them in your story. And your getting better at the story telling part (not it wasn't good in the first place!) keep it up! Those pesky greeks might see their oppurtunity for secession when the mongols arrive. looking forward to what you make of that.

[CrackdToothGrin]

I hate yellow. I think it's an ugly color.

For that reason alone (and certainly not their propensity to make inner-Europe Sheikdoms ) I like war with them.

Buen Trabajo!

[RGB]

TM

I like dialogue style

JimboIX

excellent dialogue

Soup Bowl

your getting better at the story telling

Oh wow. I may be on to something. But yes, I liked the last two updates much better than anything previous, as well. I think I'm finally wrapping my head around what i want to say with this AAR.

TM

war with Seljuks was indeed hard

Reading the AAR should confirm it. It was true. My vast empire was stripped of men, I have about 20,000 remaining in one group under the Emperor, and maybe 7000 in small detachments all over the Levant.

If I lost Baalbek VII, it would have been the end. They'd have broken out and then I'd have nothing to stop them with. But seventh time's the charm, or so they say.

Jimbo

the parallel of Alexander to his predecessor Alexander is interesting

I don't know WHAT you're talking about....

*whistles innocently*

Vladimir Ilyich

your version of Richard the Lionheart except more successful

I don't know WHAT you're talking about....

*whistles innocently*

BoS

You're getting huge!

Indeed I am!

*Flexes*

Those pesky greeks might see their oppurtunity for secession when the mongols arrive. looking forward to what you make of that.

They will! And in fact sooner than that. Fnuco will finally get what he wants.

CTG

I hate yellow. I think it's an ugly color.

Me too! Me too! I hates it. But it's too tough for me to completely destroy. Also, Abdul Haleem was Martial 4 (+12 from Marshall) to Vsevolod's Martial 19 (plus 14 from Salah/16 from Nikephoros). The next Seljuk king has Martial 20.

-----

Nest update is postponed until I get at least 8 readers (5 so far) to stroke my ego. This was a better update than the last one, the readership ought to be better

Failing that, there will be one on Monday night/Tuesday.

[JimboIX]

Stroke. How do the Seljuks always end up with kings with freakish martial stats- I know their base is high, but it just never seems to diminish.

[Tskb18]

Bastards.
And i mean that literally: there is an event that gives huge bonuses to stats to a ruler’s motherless sons.
So high, that they can still be better than anybody else.
Even after getting hit by that annoying “debilitating illness” event!
This is what i gather from my 1337-1419 campaign as the Ottomans.
Probably applies to the Seljuks as well.

Which is to say shouldn’t there be an update now/soon?

[thrashing mad]

Hey Tskb18, give RGB time to spent on girls and parties, he got lot of paperwork recently, and deserve entertainment

BTW. Have you finally decided to which Europa Universlis convert your game?

[Tskb18]

To quote myself: Do be studious and finish all your paper-stuff. It goes without saying that wine, women and song also take precedence over an AAR.
But since an update around this time was mentioned by the authAAR, i mentioned it too.
Felt obligated for some reason, what with the posting in an AAR thread and all.


As to EU2 conversions, i tried out the 1337-1419 Ottoman out for a bit. The mighty il-Khanate ruthlessly dominated half of Europe in CK.
Transformed into EU2... the -3 stability Timurid basketcase had 18 nations declare independence soon afterwards.
So i think i will try out an EU2 run as the Turks. Even if the rulers will be historical instead of mega-competent bastards.
Speaking of which... where is the update?!

[thrashing mad]

Well i was actually asking RGB for conversion, sorry for confusion Tskb18
But such converted long games are so interesting - why don`t you write AAR about your Turk-game?

[RGB]

The Barbarian Empire


A Kingdom of Grace

“one way is Rome and the other way is Mecca
on either side
on either side of our motorbike
one way is home and the other way is papa
on either side
on either side, prepared to strike”

Greek Song, by Rufus Wainwright

“You have to be careful of the sources” I remind the students.

“We have to keep in mind that our major sources for the period are Andronikos Philanthropenos, a stridently pro-Monomach partisan, and what remains of the official Imperial chronicles. However, the latter are as problematic as the Lithuanian Chronicle, because – as well all know and is still the case – certain people will bend history to serve their needs, and if the last is impossible, outright lie and destroy evidence to the contrary. Sophisticated scholarship should account for multiple sources and weigh the ones without clear bias more. For example, your textbook relies heavily upon Byzantine correspondence with Western powers, as well as several Western chronicles, which are of course less infatuated with the Monomachs than the domestic ones.”

“They are sometimes surprisingly useful; despite it seeming so far away and of moderate importance with everything else occurring in Europe, there’s a Welsh copy of a Neapolitan chronicle – remember their dynasties were related - that tells us of the massive peasant rebellions taking place in the early years of Vsevolod III’s reign, all over Greece and Macedon, as well as parts of Anatolia. The main complaint was the sheer disparity between the freedom and security enjoyed by the people of the Imperial cities and the ones subject to feudal lords of the Empire. While Constantinople and Kiev’s populace elected their own officials to regulate the minutiae of their lives – it could have never worked otherwise, given the Empire’s vast size and poor communications, especially in Russia and Syria – some of other lands were heavily oppressed by the feudal lords; this is important especially when considering that the Greek lords of Thrace, Macedon and Thessaly were largely replaced by Russian and Slavic dynasties, who did not understand their subjects. Likewise, Bulgaria was at the time ruled, largely through Vsevolod’s agency, by Greek Prince-bishops, who oppressed the Bogomil population ruthlessly and with full support of the Imperial government.”

“Combine it with the drain on the manpower that the Seljuk expansion placed on the Empire, one can say that Vsevolod’s legacy is equivocal. On one hand, the Eastern sources call the period of his and his brother’s rule the Kingdom of Grace. He restored the Empire to the centre of Europe, on the other hand he stretched its resources too thin in acquiring the status. It’s an understatement to say that at the time, his legacy was rarely questioned. After centuries of defeats and diminishment, the Empire was once again great beyond any other state. At the very end of his successor Nikephoros’ life, Vsevolod was canonized, for liberating the Holy Land, and for squashing the Bogomil heresy that the official Church was losing ground to over the previous decades. “

“On the other hand, he oppressed the peasants, the Empire’s economic base, and drained manpower in expensive wars. The newly-acquisitioned territories were dealt out to members of his clan and a few allies, which did nothing to alleviate the adverse economic conditions in Greece, nor please the Greek clans. Moreover, his was a forceful personality, much like his father’s if in an opposite direction. Under his rule the Emperor acted autocratically, and many things that he did on a whim were not opposed by his advisors in fear of reprisal. His arbitrary decision to exclude his son from the succession, and instead set up his brother Nikephoros for the throne was the most important of such.”

A voice, questioning.

“But why did the Emperor not pass the throne to his son? Was there at least a possible reason?”

It’s that girl Xenia again. She always questions.

“Well, it is almost certain that it was a personality conflict, first and foremost. Rostislav was also a stubborn man, and also very devout to the point of fanaticism. Alexander, although his relations with the church were overall excellent, was less so. Alexander may have felt that Rostislav was a poor manager - and the puppet of the same kind of hard-line bishops that tried to condemn Sophia Vsevolodovna, the Empire’s Logothetissa and mother of the future Tzar Demetrios of Lithuania, for witchcraft. Rostislav meanwhile was dissatisfied with his father’s opinion of him. They had a falling-out during the princely congress in 1198, and Rostislav was held under house arrest until the end of the Seljuk war. You can read about it in the primary sources I mentioned earlier in detail.”

What I really wanted to say was of course that Alexander preferred people like himself to be in positions of power, and his brother was always his staunchest ally and likewise the second biggest backside raider in the Empire. Rostislav had the temerity to say that his father’s affections were misplaced and perhaps it would be better for everyone to know where they lie. A foolish thing to say to someone like Alexander. Of course, I was warned against “propagating controversial and outlandish theories about national heroes and saints of the church.” So I won’t. Anyone who cares can read it in the primary texts, it’s barely disguised there.

“Thank you” she says. She always does that after she disrupts my train of thought.

“I encourage everyone to look at the sources, actually, especially since I will be handing out the take-home midterm today. Because it’s take-home and you have a week to complete it, the marking will be a little stricter than usual”

They grumble. They are probably unused to the format.

“Now, I gave you three handouts. Please take a look at the first one. You can see the dynasty from Theodore the Great to the time of Troubles following the death of Nikephoros. Everything after this already falls outside the classical period of the Barbarian Empire. Nikephoros is usually considered the last of the great medieval Emperors, although I’d say he was the start of the visible decline, and structural decline set in even earlier. However, the course requirements are such that I’m going to continue to 1385, when the Tzar of Bulgaria captures Constantinople. This is usually the end of the middle ages in Greek historiography, while the Russians prefer 1393, the death of Vsevolod IV. In any case, after the Monomachs lose the grip on the Empire we’ll continue with the Greek side of the story.”

“Nikephoros, if you notice, was very Greek in his upbringing, since his mother had a much greater role in it when Vsevolod II was old and preoccupied with revolts and faraway expeditions. His line, by all accounts, looked secure with two talented sons. His fame as successful Strategos was far-reaching. He was the one who fought Alexander’s wars in the West – against the Bishops of Karnten, and the North – against the rebellious Novgorodians. Alexander made him Sebastokrator and Kaisar of the Empire. All in all, he seemed set to succeed. However, his personal holdings were very small, consisting of several isolated counties in Syria, and the very important northern city of Novgorod-Severskiy. His son Petros in fact was a bigger landowner. This would later prove crucial in the failing of the Monomachs to secure their dynasty’s continued dominance in the Empire. The combination of feudal rights and an elective system set up by Theodore in the end proved too difficult to control and subvert even for the northern Emperors.”

“Nikephoros faced several major revolts by the nobles during his reign, with his feudal army refusing to march to help the beleaguered Georgians, for example. His revocation of some titles to hand out to his son Heraklios – who had none – cause widespread discontent, something he never again attempted. He had to stave off an attempt by Rostislav of Jerusalem to regain the Imperial throne; his nephew was truly a man unfortunate in his ambitions, having been outclassed and utterly thwarted by both the elder Monomachs. However, the threat even from his own dynasty meant Nikephoros could not re-fashion the Empire in a way he wanted. Nonetheless, just like his brother he had excellent relations with the church, affirming Greek supremacy in ecclesiastical matters over all other states in the Empire, and exempting bishops from raising troops – one of the major causes of the devastating Bishops’ Rebellion in Anatolia that nearly sabotaged Alexander’s war effort in 1201. Popularly he was also known as a kind ruler, but once again, much of it was semblance. His real battle was not to win the affection of the people or the clerics, but to gain control of his nobles, a battle he ultimately lost.”

“Rostislav’s branch in Jerusalem prospered, however, and with a strict Primogeniture survived intact for many generations. Would Rostislav have made a better king? Perhaps. But he seemed to have suffered from the same problem – lack of titles and lands, all-important in the elective feudal state. It is of course squarely on Alexander’s shoulder that this situation developed. However, this is not the whole story. The other reason for the reversal of fortune must be the decline of their allies, the Philanthropenoi. They were long a clan of bureaucrats who lacked power outside the court. However as kings of Lithuania they acquired a new calling and, with Sophia’s harrowing witchcraft trial over, the majority of the clan departed for Polotsk to their uncle Andronikos. Other Philanthropenoi were given titles by Alexander and Nikephoros also; but they lost the control of the court in the process. This is not to say that the Emperors did not realize it. They instead raised another clan long allied with them, the Petzikopouloi, to former Philanthropenos positions”

“At the same time – turn to handout two, the map of Europe - the Empire reached heights undreamt of just a few short generations ago, nor even at the start of Alexander’s reign. The people of the large cities were largely content. The tensions with the nobles never developed into major wars, except in the case of the civil war in Novgorod (where the son of late Prince Sudislav lead a rebellion against the newly elected administration). Between the defeat of the Seljuks in 1205 and the death of Nikephoros there was only the war to defend Georgia that Nikephoros quickly abandoned since his nobles refused to march. The Empire was at peace, while all around them was Chaos. Its rule extended from Provence to Armenia and from Sinai to Denmark. Technology in poorer areas of the Empire was catching up to that of the Greeks, trade was growing, the merchants unmolested on the great waterways of Rus, cities were recovering from the wars, Syria and Palestine were being converted to the True Faith. The dynasty that lead the Empire thus far showed a weakness, sure, and made a few mistakes – but surely they were deserving of another chance to improve? The subsequent turbulence can be attributed as much to human greed and ambition as mistakes. Greed, ambition, infighting – these bring down mighty Empires all the time, from the Macedonians and the Romans to the British and the Russians in our own time.”

“So, once again, to situate ourselves in the dynamics and the politics of the time…One thing that stands out particularly is the fall of France, Seville and Hammadid replacing it. This allowed later expansion by the Burgundians (von Franken), Germans (von Babenberg), and the English (de Beaumont), culminating, ultimately in the 100 years’ war between the Burgundians and the English over the corpse of France. The Scottish (de Blois) recovered from English occupation and were busy restoring their country. Ireland was once again unified after a round of civil wars by the O’Neills. The Welsh ap Seisylls have reached the peak of their powers, together with their ap Seisyll cousins in Naples occupying much of Italy and campaigning in Brittany. Besides these, the last major Christian state was the d’Appiano Barcelona. English Marches in Spain were relatively static for a few decades, both the ibn-Ziyads of Seville and the Beaumonts of England too afraid to go to war with each other.”

“This was a high point of Muslim expansion. The Sevillians seemed unstoppable, and Germany and Burgundy were losing their war; fortunately for them Seville would hit dynastic collapse in less than thirty years. The Hammadids, emirs of Cyrene, the Murrabtids and the kings of Zenata round out the major Muslim states in the region. The rest of Northern Africa was divided between tiny Muslim sheikdoms and equally small Magyaro-Polish crusader states of Carthage, which, just like Hungary itself were in a fierce civil war between the Csaks, Arpads and Berscenyis. Poland and Bohemia remained largely unchanged, with the Piasts and Prmyslids retaining their ancient seats; however, Poland was aggressively expanding against both Bohemia and Hungary, a trend that would intermittently continue for several hundred years. Burgundy absorbed the Karneten lands after the latter were smashed by Megas Strategos and future Emperor Nikephoros.”

“Byzantines retained Denmark, despite a dynasty change (von Franken for Nakonid). Norway’s Ynglings and Sweden’s de Lusignans went to war with each other once again, with Sweden dominant this time. However, Norway was far from finished, and the back-and-forth would not come to any conclusion at any point in history. Other Byzantine client states – Georgia (Baghratuni), Cilicia (Rubenid), Alan (Knytling Rurikovich), Croatia (Choniates-Trpmirovic), Lithuania (Philanthropenos) and Jerusalem (Monomach) all looked strong and energetic. However, only a few years later the picture would look quite different. The Seljuks were busy licking their wounds and planning revenge, and revenge they would have. The Fatimids only survived as a small state around Mecca and Medina on Seljuk sufferance. The Roman Pope was once again kicked out of Rome by a Gnostic movement who set up their own religious republic (Brotherhood of Rome). The Pontiff retreated to Salzburg. Alright, now turn to the last handout. That one is straightforward; it is the the religious makeup of Europe around that time. This should give you the idea about how the situation was like when Nikephoros took power.”

I looked at the clock.

“Sorry to have kept you, it appears we’re out of time. Please pick up the midterm on the way out.”