grayghost: Keep in mind, however, that the government has essentially been military since Stalin was overthrown. There's virtually no one left in positions of high power that haven't been filled by replacement generals or officers. Uritskiy is one notable exception, but he's filling in a spot mostly designed for a glorified thug.
GeneralHannibal: How so?
VILenin: Such seditious talk is highly frowned upon!
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It is common and, unfortunately, trendy amongst current historical circles to cite the fall of Spain or India as the moment that Premier Alexei Stukov became discontent with what power he already had. To claim such is not only to trivialize several months' actions prior to either event, but also to attribute an undeserved trait of spontaneity to Stukov's actions.
Starting in April, the year 1943 was a series of ever-increasing windfalls for Stukov's regime. The American and Allied armies had been repeatedly crushed in open battle, the British Isles conquered with ridiculous ease, and the technological gap ever widening to its fateful climax. An uncertain premiership of questionably legitimacy was replaced by a stupendously popular administration guiding a nation to unprecedented military triumph. The masses were placated, the generals dazzled by the prospect of more glory and fame ahead. It was this blindness that allowed Stukov to innocently snatch the administration of conquered Europe out of the Red Army's control. In a speech on 20 November, Stukov announced that administration of Europe - not just the conquered lands - would be incorporated into the "Soviet empire" with the introduction of a civil bureaucracy. Ever the realist, Stukov was sure to emphasize the particular hands-off nature of this administration. Local "colloquialism," as he referred to laws, customs, and languages, would be respected so long as they were compatible with a "standardized system of mutual comparison," which in virtually every case they were.
The generals did not complain. They were too busy on the fronts earning their enormous popularity with the masses, and few were politically skilled enough - the need having faded along with the specter of Stalinist purges - to realize they were signing away any potential bases of support in opposition to the premier in the Kremlin. Thus, in one speech, Stukov had managed a diplomatic master-stroke; another little victory to add to his tally. The system itself was remarkable in how little Stukov seemed concerned with imposing Soviet society, or even introducing communist ideology. Empire in principle was more important than empire in practice
Certainly, it was this feeling of euphoric triumph that persuaded the Premier to initiate the "long overdue" invasion of Iberia. Stukov justified the invasion, composing approximately 30 divisions under the command of star-general Rokossovsky, as a response to the republican Spain's refusal to allow Soviet troops to march through the country in order to take Gibraltar and Portugal, which along with the Italian fascists still bottled up in Sicily constituted the last remnants of Hitler's once-vaunted Axis Powers. Relations had cooled considerably between Spain and the Soviet Union since Soviet military aid had saved it from the reactionary response of General Francisco Franco. It is curious Stukov would bother with such justifications, as there was virtually no neutral party of concern left to justify this action to, and the Soviet people would have little need to be placated. It is possible that the Premier sincerely thought the invasion was the proper reaction, but highly unlikely. Much like Napoleon before him, this invasion was nothing more than another imperialist ambition.
The invasion could have been timed better. The November weather along the Pyrennes slowed the Soviet advance to a crawl, and Stukov had seriously underestimated both the size and capability of Spain's armies. Barcelona and Bilbao did fall, but by late December, the offensive had bogged down along the Ebro River and forced Stukov to redeploy another eighteen divisions from Rotterdam - ones that had originally been intended for the fierce battle for Britain that never materialized - for a renewed offensive later in '44.
But balancing out the disappointment of the Spanish campaign came astonishing news from the sea. Long plagued by constant American and Allied raids on Soviet supply convoys to Britain, Stukov ordered Grand Admiral Panteliev to take the repaired Atlantic Fleet out of port at Antwerp and Rotterdam to sweep the Channel clear of enemy ships. Almost immediately, Panteliev encountered a large American fleet formation. Before significant damage could be inflicted to the American carriers or battleships, they retreated in the night-time gloom. Grossly misjudging the American flotilla's intention, Panteliev sailed west into the English Channel - while the American fleet sailed into the North Sea - which the fleet quickly cleared of several Dutch and Canadian squadrons, sinking several Dutch destroyer screens and the cruiser Java.
At this point, Panteliev radioed back to Rotterdam, ordering the transport fleet to rendezvous with the Atlantic battlegroup off Cornwall. Viktorov had ordered Panteliev to facilitate a crossing of the Irish Sea by Konev's armoured corps in order to seize Northern Ireland, thereby making Gibraltar the nearest British port. The two fleets combined and immediately sailed toward Liverpool
It was while on route that Panteliev encountered the long-lost Royal Navy on the afternoon of December 19. The Grand Admiral hesitated, nervous to risk the Soviet Union's only fleet, before engaging full-force. His decision proved correct. Soviet aircraft pounded the British fleet from a distance, while the enemy battleships made futile attempts to close the gap and engage under air cover. The battle raged for almost a full day, with the Soviet transport squadrons slipping into Liverpool under the fleet's defensive screen, before the British broke off. When the proverbial dust had settled, Britain's reputation as a naval power was obliterated. The battleships Malaya, Queen Elizabeth, Warspite, and Revenge, carrier Courageous, and cruiser York were all sunk, and the cruiser Exeter heavily damaged, whereas only Novorossiysk had taken light damage. But trapped in Belfast, and with Konev's army on the way, the British would not have a chance to lick their wounds. With no organized army resistance to stop them, Konev's tanks captured the entirety of Northern Ireland by Christmas Eve. The British heroically sallied forth, the battleship Valiant living up to its name as it sacrificed itself to allow the rest of the fleet to escape north.
All at once, the threat of an Allied counter-invasion of Britain had been shattered, and established the Soviet Union as not just a dangerously potent land power, but naval force as well. But more importantly, combined with the invasion of Spain - which would inevitably result in Soviet victory - Christmas Eve, 1943 marked a watershed point in history. For the first time since the fall of the Western Roman Empire, Europe was under the subjugation of a single power. Certainly, Napoleon had come close, but there had always been some lingering threat from Austria, Russia, or England. This was not the case in 1943. Certainly, the Swiss, and Scandinavian and Baltic countries remained independent, but even combined their forces were inconsiderable in comparison. Only the United States or Japan's East-Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere could hope to match the Soviet Union's military might and free the continent, and that was not an imminent prospect in either case.
December 24, 1943 is then rightfully to be remembered as the birth of a truly continental empire with undisputed hegemony. Combined with Stukov's resurgent ambitions and the successful implementation of the infant imperial policy in Europe and Asia, this would prove to be a lethal combination in years to come.
---From Stukov: The Man, the Myth, and the Monster---