BritishImperial: I'd rather not get wasted. And the service in British airports usually isn't that bad, except for maybe Heathrow. I've never had any problems at Manchester before 
Second comment day!
Second comment day!
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34 kilometers east of Stanislawow
April 11, 1942
Purkaev had last seen action during the 1936 invasion of Romania during which he had broadly overseen the activities of two Fronts as a major general. By the time war had broken out with Germany, he was a full Colonel General and in command of just one Front, the 2nd Ukrainian. Its defensive line stretched from Stanislawow to Mogilevi Podolski. Its front with the Anglo-German forces was guarded by the Prut River, affording a modicum of protection from assault. It was also under attack. Purkaev stood and watched impassively as Red Army soldiers streamed back from the front, as masses and masses of men began a general but broken withdrawal from Stanislawow toward Vinnitsa. Purkaev grimaced; the Anglo-German attack was not a surprise. What was a surprise, however, was the sheer scale of it. He knew that Timoshenko was dealing with five corps of mobile units—armored and motorized infantry divisions—in the north, around Suwalki. He also knew, however, that in the south he was facing a much more serious threat.
Knowing that STAVKA required as full a report as possible, so as to correctly assess the threat the major southern Anglo-German operation posed in the south to the Soviet Union’s own strategy, Purkaev went over the facts of the past several days in detail. The British assault had begun just after dusk on the 9th, their soldiers rushing headlong in assault boats across the Prut River. Their equipment was better than the Soviets’, but their doctrine was greatly lacking and Purkaev had been relatively confident that he could hold the awkward British assault. The mud, of course, also slowed down the British offensive operations. Despite the relatively fresh nature of the Soviet corps commanders, the British likely actually had even weaker commanders, and were led by Colonel General Kirke, a man who was brilliant at taking fortresses but not much else, and quite set in his ways. His headquarters could also only control a third of the troops he was actually commanding. Other than their more advanced equipment, the only advantage the British had was their sheer numbers—they were throwing twenty-five divisions against the nine Purkaev had stationed around Stanislawow. At the same time, however, he knew that the Germans were moving thirty-six divisions, apparently mostly if not entirely infantry, from Iasi to Beltsy.
The British assault on Stanislawow, the British only barely having an advantage due to their numbers.
At some point after that—Purkaev was not entirely sure when—the situation changed dramatically. He only noticed early in the morning on the 11th, but the British attack had suddenly become a lot more powerful despite the losses the Soviets had inflicted upon them in the past day, which had thrown their assaulting force into a fair bit of chaos. In fact, their attack had more than doubled in size, from twenty-five to fifty-five divisions! Purkaev had been shocked and confused by this, as the German forces detected around Iasi still had not left that locality. However, apparently thirty fresh German division under the overall command of Field Marshal Knochenhauer, a man skilled in both armored and urban warfare though considered to be amongst the Wehrmacht’s old guard, had arrived to join the battle! These were mobile units—armored and motorized divisions. The front around Stanislawow had immediately begun to reflect the added pressure.
The Germans joined in at Stanislawow with thirty armored and motorized infantry divisions.
It had only been a handful of hours after that Purkaev had, with Vasilevskij’s approval, signaled that all units were to disengage and withdraw toward Vinnitsa. The Germans had engineered a victory that was already changing the situation in the Ukraine. Tolbulkin had begun withdrawing half of his 1st Ukrainian Front, from Lvov to Tarnopol, to keep the front coherent and prevent a German encirclement of his units. At the same time, Vasilevskij had ordered Zhukov’s 2nd Tank Army forward toward Vinnitsa to attempt to drive the Germans backward, out of Ukraine.
Purkaev had in his hand the latest intelligence estimates from Stryj, where the British and Germans were attacking from. It seemed that the number of divisions had risen yet again—the first time had been from twenty-five to fifty-five, now it had increased from fifty-five to seventy-three! This was worrisome news, and signaled that the Germans had some serious designs in the southern theater. Purkaev had to send his report off as quickly as possible.
Adjustments being made to the southern fronts as the Anglo-German forces begin pushing forward.
Purkaev bit his lip, as worried as he was about the massive Anglo-German push from Stryj, he could not help but feel that the worst was yet to come despite what had already occurred. Already the Ukrainian Fronts’ air support had largely been shot out of the sky, burning as they fell like pieces of the sun. Already the British and Germans were contorting the Soviet front in the Ukraine. Already a segment of the second echelon was being sent into the war zone. Purkaev knew that it all added up disaster. It seemed like the war would quickly turn into a hot summer’s tragedy.
April 11, 1942
Purkaev had last seen action during the 1936 invasion of Romania during which he had broadly overseen the activities of two Fronts as a major general. By the time war had broken out with Germany, he was a full Colonel General and in command of just one Front, the 2nd Ukrainian. Its defensive line stretched from Stanislawow to Mogilevi Podolski. Its front with the Anglo-German forces was guarded by the Prut River, affording a modicum of protection from assault. It was also under attack. Purkaev stood and watched impassively as Red Army soldiers streamed back from the front, as masses and masses of men began a general but broken withdrawal from Stanislawow toward Vinnitsa. Purkaev grimaced; the Anglo-German attack was not a surprise. What was a surprise, however, was the sheer scale of it. He knew that Timoshenko was dealing with five corps of mobile units—armored and motorized infantry divisions—in the north, around Suwalki. He also knew, however, that in the south he was facing a much more serious threat.
Knowing that STAVKA required as full a report as possible, so as to correctly assess the threat the major southern Anglo-German operation posed in the south to the Soviet Union’s own strategy, Purkaev went over the facts of the past several days in detail. The British assault had begun just after dusk on the 9th, their soldiers rushing headlong in assault boats across the Prut River. Their equipment was better than the Soviets’, but their doctrine was greatly lacking and Purkaev had been relatively confident that he could hold the awkward British assault. The mud, of course, also slowed down the British offensive operations. Despite the relatively fresh nature of the Soviet corps commanders, the British likely actually had even weaker commanders, and were led by Colonel General Kirke, a man who was brilliant at taking fortresses but not much else, and quite set in his ways. His headquarters could also only control a third of the troops he was actually commanding. Other than their more advanced equipment, the only advantage the British had was their sheer numbers—they were throwing twenty-five divisions against the nine Purkaev had stationed around Stanislawow. At the same time, however, he knew that the Germans were moving thirty-six divisions, apparently mostly if not entirely infantry, from Iasi to Beltsy.
The British assault on Stanislawow, the British only barely having an advantage due to their numbers.
At some point after that—Purkaev was not entirely sure when—the situation changed dramatically. He only noticed early in the morning on the 11th, but the British attack had suddenly become a lot more powerful despite the losses the Soviets had inflicted upon them in the past day, which had thrown their assaulting force into a fair bit of chaos. In fact, their attack had more than doubled in size, from twenty-five to fifty-five divisions! Purkaev had been shocked and confused by this, as the German forces detected around Iasi still had not left that locality. However, apparently thirty fresh German division under the overall command of Field Marshal Knochenhauer, a man skilled in both armored and urban warfare though considered to be amongst the Wehrmacht’s old guard, had arrived to join the battle! These were mobile units—armored and motorized divisions. The front around Stanislawow had immediately begun to reflect the added pressure.
The Germans joined in at Stanislawow with thirty armored and motorized infantry divisions.
It had only been a handful of hours after that Purkaev had, with Vasilevskij’s approval, signaled that all units were to disengage and withdraw toward Vinnitsa. The Germans had engineered a victory that was already changing the situation in the Ukraine. Tolbulkin had begun withdrawing half of his 1st Ukrainian Front, from Lvov to Tarnopol, to keep the front coherent and prevent a German encirclement of his units. At the same time, Vasilevskij had ordered Zhukov’s 2nd Tank Army forward toward Vinnitsa to attempt to drive the Germans backward, out of Ukraine.
Purkaev had in his hand the latest intelligence estimates from Stryj, where the British and Germans were attacking from. It seemed that the number of divisions had risen yet again—the first time had been from twenty-five to fifty-five, now it had increased from fifty-five to seventy-three! This was worrisome news, and signaled that the Germans had some serious designs in the southern theater. Purkaev had to send his report off as quickly as possible.
Adjustments being made to the southern fronts as the Anglo-German forces begin pushing forward.
Purkaev bit his lip, as worried as he was about the massive Anglo-German push from Stryj, he could not help but feel that the worst was yet to come despite what had already occurred. Already the Ukrainian Fronts’ air support had largely been shot out of the sky, burning as they fell like pieces of the sun. Already the British and Germans were contorting the Soviet front in the Ukraine. Already a segment of the second echelon was being sent into the war zone. Purkaev knew that it all added up disaster. It seemed like the war would quickly turn into a hot summer’s tragedy.
Well at least you are doing better in the north Myth. But that major stack sure seems a bit worrying, perhaps you need to remove some forces from the north front to stabilize the south?
sounds like a situation i'd have shouted out loud 'you cheating f**k' and then calmed down and retreated. you must be a better person than me
Erkki1: Nope, it doesn't look like it's a good situation down there at all
General Jac: But that might be just what Discomb wants me to do. In the south I still have Zhukov's 2nd Tank Army, moving forward, the Guards Airborne Army, a shock army, an NKVD district and the Black Sea Front in the area
BritishImperial: How'd that be cheating? No general, armchair or otherwise, should forget what Clausewitz said: war is a contest between two wills. IE, there's not just what you want to do to defeat your enemy, there's what your enemy wants to do to defeat you. It is something many people forget, including the professionals
First comment day!
General Jac: But that might be just what Discomb wants me to do. In the south I still have Zhukov's 2nd Tank Army, moving forward, the Guards Airborne Army, a shock army, an NKVD district and the Black Sea Front in the area
BritishImperial: How'd that be cheating?
No general, armchair or otherwise, should forget what Clausewitz said: war is a contest between two wills. IE, there's not just what you want to do to defeat your enemy, there's what your enemy wants to do to defeat you. It is something many people forget, including the professionals First comment day!
i wasnt saying he was cheating, just that when the ai suddenly turns up with a huge stack that drives me back i shout that they are cheats. except the ai actually does cheat sometimes.
Sure, the AI cheats but as far as I know it can't just create units out of thin air. It creates them exactly the same way the human player does, unless you're playing a mod that gives free units. If any AI seems to suddenly have a massive stack where they didn't before, that's probably because of strategic redeployment
Second comment day!
Second comment day!
sorry to go on but i call it cheating when retreating units stop retreating, having regained org, and then stop your attack.
but i call it cheating when retreating units stop retreating, having regained org, and then stop your attack.
9 kilometers west of Orsha
April 13, 1942
Vasilevskij sat at the table holding his head in his hands, his fingers grappling with his hair. Combat and operational reports were flowing into his headquarters very quickly, more quickly than he imagined. It probably had something to do with the strategy the Red Army had adopted, of fighting the Germans not in the vast strategic depth of Russia as during Napoleon’s invasion of 1812 but in the lands that once belonged to eastern Poland. This naturally created crises and other sorts of emergencies much quicker than a mobile defense over many hundred square kilometers of territory. Vasilevskij, however, was confident that this was the appropriate strategy and smiled wolfishly. The great war between Germany and the Soviet Union had come at last and he was, as chief of the Soviet general staff, presiding over the entirety of it.
On this day, reports had arrived from every single front the Soviet Union had with its enemies—the far north, the north and the south or, to place them geographically, Finland, Lithuania and the Ukraine. With a determination borne of thirst for victory and glory, Vasilevskij pored over these reports to streamline them and then forward them to Stalin himself. The first report actually dated from the 11th of April, though there was a follow-up to it from earlier in the day. Vasilevskij resolved to examine both together. The 11th April report indicated that S.I. Belov’s 13th Mechanized Rifle Corps had begun pushing toward Konigsberg, a weak point in Germany’s East Prussian defense system. His corps had come into contact with an infantry corps under the command of Lieutenant General Feige, who was a superior tactician to Belov, but whose troops were tired and whose divisions were already showing the strain of replacing casualties. In other words, the Germans were already under strength. Despite the mud, Belov had had a fairly easy time defeating this blocking force and sent it tumbling back toward Torun.
The first battle for Konigsberg, together with the situation in Lithuania.
Earlier on the 13th, however, he had run into a reinforcing German corps under the command of Colonel General von Kuchler, who had no doubt withdrawn from Siauliau. His fresh troops seemed poised to successfully block Belov’s advance, but Vasilevskij was not sure. He resolved to allow the battle to carry on.
In the south on the 12th, meanwhile, the southern half of Purkaev’s 2nd Ukrainian Front had come under massive attack like its northern counterpart. Vasilevskij breathed outward heavily, the south seemed to be crumbling fairly quickly; a whole Front was already being displaced. Field Marshal Ulex was commanding what appeared to be ten corps of armor and motorized infantry and driving out of Beltsy across the Prut River to smash the three corps of infantry that Purkaev had placed around Mogilevi Podolski. Though the mud aided the Soviets more than it did the Germans, Vasilevskij knew that it was a lost cause. Purkaev’s defenders were simply far too outnumbered and, unlike the first battle in the south—around Stanislawow during the opening phase—the Soviets were fighting German armored divisions rather than untrained British units. Vasilevskij shook his head slightly, the south did not look good at all.
The battle for Mogilevi Podolski, and the holistic situation in the south.
Finally, events turned to Finland, where the British had begun attacking earlier in the day. They had attacked in two locations—at Petsamo and at Tornio. At Petsamo, the British general, Christie-Miller, attacked despite the driving rain. The British could barely use their superior weapons due to a lack of training, however, and Gorodovikov had guaranteed Vasilevskij personally over the telephone that not only would the British fail to make any sort of headway into Finland but that he would quickly take the war into Norway and Sweden and sweep the British from the area. This would, he had added, allow the Soviets to put pressure on Germany through Denmark, though Vasilevskij personally doubted that the Germans had left Copenhagen undefended.
The battle for Petsamo in which the skilled winter defender Colonel General Frolov, was confidently handling the British, and the overall situation in the far north.
Finally, at Tornio the British attacked with a single corps, as at Petsamo, under the command of a Lieutenant General Gordon-Finlayson. Though a tricky tactician, he was past his prime and attacking into the teeth of three Soviet corps—nine divisions. It was no contest, and soon Gordon-Finlayson’s men were not only halted but actually being driven back by a simultaneous Soviet attack into Sweden. Vasilevskij had to smile, Gorodovikov had his own aggressive spirit and had planned the attack before he knew or even cared about what the British were going to do.
The battle for Tornio.
Vasilevskij rolled his shoulders and massaged the back of his neck with one hand. Though he was confident about the Scandinavian operations and fairly sanguine about operations in Lithuania, East Prussia and Poland, the situation in the south worried him. He knew that Zhukov’s 2nd Tank Army was arriving to bolster the defenses but he did not know where the Germans would strike once they had penetrated the border regions—would they drive toward Kiev? Toward Sevastopol? Would they dash directly eastward and force a bridgehead over the Dnepr River? What would they do? What could they do that would truly unhinge the Soviet defenses in the Ukraine? Vasilevskij saw only too many possibilities, but not enough probabilities.
April 13, 1942
Vasilevskij sat at the table holding his head in his hands, his fingers grappling with his hair. Combat and operational reports were flowing into his headquarters very quickly, more quickly than he imagined. It probably had something to do with the strategy the Red Army had adopted, of fighting the Germans not in the vast strategic depth of Russia as during Napoleon’s invasion of 1812 but in the lands that once belonged to eastern Poland. This naturally created crises and other sorts of emergencies much quicker than a mobile defense over many hundred square kilometers of territory. Vasilevskij, however, was confident that this was the appropriate strategy and smiled wolfishly. The great war between Germany and the Soviet Union had come at last and he was, as chief of the Soviet general staff, presiding over the entirety of it.
On this day, reports had arrived from every single front the Soviet Union had with its enemies—the far north, the north and the south or, to place them geographically, Finland, Lithuania and the Ukraine. With a determination borne of thirst for victory and glory, Vasilevskij pored over these reports to streamline them and then forward them to Stalin himself. The first report actually dated from the 11th of April, though there was a follow-up to it from earlier in the day. Vasilevskij resolved to examine both together. The 11th April report indicated that S.I. Belov’s 13th Mechanized Rifle Corps had begun pushing toward Konigsberg, a weak point in Germany’s East Prussian defense system. His corps had come into contact with an infantry corps under the command of Lieutenant General Feige, who was a superior tactician to Belov, but whose troops were tired and whose divisions were already showing the strain of replacing casualties. In other words, the Germans were already under strength. Despite the mud, Belov had had a fairly easy time defeating this blocking force and sent it tumbling back toward Torun.
The first battle for Konigsberg, together with the situation in Lithuania.
Earlier on the 13th, however, he had run into a reinforcing German corps under the command of Colonel General von Kuchler, who had no doubt withdrawn from Siauliau. His fresh troops seemed poised to successfully block Belov’s advance, but Vasilevskij was not sure. He resolved to allow the battle to carry on.
In the south on the 12th, meanwhile, the southern half of Purkaev’s 2nd Ukrainian Front had come under massive attack like its northern counterpart. Vasilevskij breathed outward heavily, the south seemed to be crumbling fairly quickly; a whole Front was already being displaced. Field Marshal Ulex was commanding what appeared to be ten corps of armor and motorized infantry and driving out of Beltsy across the Prut River to smash the three corps of infantry that Purkaev had placed around Mogilevi Podolski. Though the mud aided the Soviets more than it did the Germans, Vasilevskij knew that it was a lost cause. Purkaev’s defenders were simply far too outnumbered and, unlike the first battle in the south—around Stanislawow during the opening phase—the Soviets were fighting German armored divisions rather than untrained British units. Vasilevskij shook his head slightly, the south did not look good at all.
The battle for Mogilevi Podolski, and the holistic situation in the south.
Finally, events turned to Finland, where the British had begun attacking earlier in the day. They had attacked in two locations—at Petsamo and at Tornio. At Petsamo, the British general, Christie-Miller, attacked despite the driving rain. The British could barely use their superior weapons due to a lack of training, however, and Gorodovikov had guaranteed Vasilevskij personally over the telephone that not only would the British fail to make any sort of headway into Finland but that he would quickly take the war into Norway and Sweden and sweep the British from the area. This would, he had added, allow the Soviets to put pressure on Germany through Denmark, though Vasilevskij personally doubted that the Germans had left Copenhagen undefended.
The battle for Petsamo in which the skilled winter defender Colonel General Frolov, was confidently handling the British, and the overall situation in the far north.
Finally, at Tornio the British attacked with a single corps, as at Petsamo, under the command of a Lieutenant General Gordon-Finlayson. Though a tricky tactician, he was past his prime and attacking into the teeth of three Soviet corps—nine divisions. It was no contest, and soon Gordon-Finlayson’s men were not only halted but actually being driven back by a simultaneous Soviet attack into Sweden. Vasilevskij had to smile, Gorodovikov had his own aggressive spirit and had planned the attack before he knew or even cared about what the British were going to do.
The battle for Tornio.
Vasilevskij rolled his shoulders and massaged the back of his neck with one hand. Though he was confident about the Scandinavian operations and fairly sanguine about operations in Lithuania, East Prussia and Poland, the situation in the south worried him. He knew that Zhukov’s 2nd Tank Army was arriving to bolster the defenses but he did not know where the Germans would strike once they had penetrated the border regions—would they drive toward Kiev? Toward Sevastopol? Would they dash directly eastward and force a bridgehead over the Dnepr River? What would they do? What could they do that would truly unhinge the Soviet defenses in the Ukraine? Vasilevskij saw only too many possibilities, but not enough probabilities.
Ouch, seems like the south front is crumbling. But on the other hand the North front doesn't seem to be going that well for the axis forces and the same applies for the border region between Finland and Norway. If I were the british player I would withdraw my forces into the Swedish/Norwegian border region and hope for the best.
General Jac: Yeah, but the only thing the British player is capable of doing is making a mess of the situation
First comment day!
First comment day!
The Kremlin
April 18, 1942
Vasilevskij paced up and down in front of the massive wall map of the front, waiting for Stalin to arrive. He had been summoned earlier that day to the Kremlin to fill in for Stalin the details of the war thus far, with emphasis on the past several days, for which he was to make a full report. Vasilevskij was nervous. This was the first time he was seeing Stalin in person since the beginning of the war and he was sure that Stalin would cross-examine him on everything. It could make or break Vasilevskij’s further career, not to mention the war itself. Taking out a piece of cloth from his pocket, Vasilevskij mopped at the sweat forming on his brow before neatly folding it and hastily stuffing it back into his pocket as Stalin entered the room. He saw Stalin’s eyes shift from Vasilevskij to the massive wall map and back almost immediately, and then Stalin calmly sat down behind his desk.
With a nod, Stalin indicated that Vasilevskij should speak. With a brief tightening of his lips, Vasilevskij began. “Before turning to the past few days of operations, I will provide a very brief outline of past operations. Since the beginning of the war on April 1, we have routed the majority of Anglo-German forces out of Lithuania and have now occupied half the country. We have even made attempts to force our way into East Prussia despite the presence of a major German armored concentration of approximately fifteen divisions. In the Ukraine, however, a massive infantry and a large armored concentration have ruptured the lines covered by the 2nd Ukrainian Front, which has serious implications for future operations in the area. I have sent Zhukov’s 2nd Tank Army to reinforce the area. In Scandinavia, we have routed the British attempts at offensive and have begun taking the war to them. I foresee no difficulties there.”
Stalin frowned but said nothing, allowing Vasilevskij to continue. “Now I will touch upon the events of the past five days, since my last report on the 13th. On the 14th, Fedorenko’s 2nd Belorussian Front began a coordinated attack on Konigsberg, from Suwalki, with elements of Berzarin’s 1st Baltic Front. The majority of the 1st Baltic is, however, still moving forward from Jelgava toward Memel and was not present for the first phase of this new battle for the city. Fedorenko, with an aggregate of twenty-one divisions under his command, faced only two British infantry corps—six divisions—under Lieutenant General Gort. Intelligence reports show that he is an aggressive general, but only moderately skilled. Mud inhibited the fullest extent of our operations but the British could not last long regardless; their weaknesses are well documented. Just after sunrise on the next day, they were in full retreat.”
Fighting in Konigsberg continued on the 14th and 15th of April between Soviet and British troops.
“I also authorized an offensive action to be mounted on the 16th, into Romania, from Odessa toward Chisinev. This is being undertaken by the 3rd Ukrainian Front under Colonel General Vlassov despite the appalling rain that has swollen the Prut River. His nine divisions are opposed by only three German divisions under an inferior commander, a Lieutenant General von Greiff. The German troops were fresh and fought hard, but I am pleased to report that this very morning their defensive line was finally broken and they began a withdrawal deeper into Bessarabia. My aim is to establish a firm bridgehead across the Prut River to distract the enemy and force him to commit units that might otherwise strengthen their Stanislawow-Mogilevi Podolski offensives.”
Vlassov’s assault across the Prut River toward Chisinev.
“The day after the Chisinev offensive started, on the 17th, my attention was drawn once more toward Konigsberg. By this time the rest of Berzarin’s 1st Baltic Front reached Memel and took part in the fighting. The Germans seem unwilling to give that city up, and had thrown four infantry corps—a full dozen divisions—into the breach. They were commanded by Colonel General Schniewindt, a skillful general whose single greatest trait is his ability to easily encircle enemy units. He did not, fortunately, have the chance at Konigsberg, though he did affect a tactical withdrawal in the early hours of the 18th. As you may notice, his units were in variable states of disarray. Many were not at all, though as you can see there is one division that has already been decimated to just over brigade strength, having lost nearly two thirds of its men in casualties. This signifies just how difficult the fighting has been already, even in Germany’s peripheral territories. This battle for Konigsberg ended just before the fighting for Chinisev did, also this morning. I am pleased to report that the past several days have been an uninterrupted string of victories.”
Further attritional warfare in and around Konigsberg, where already one German divisions has been drastically ground down.
“I must, however, end on a more somber note as the British have entered the area around Chisinev in minor strength—a single infantry corps. They do not seem inclined to give up any territory they had taken from us. Chisinev will likely become another focal point in this great conflict.”
Stalin continued frowned, as he had been during the entire presentation, but stayed quiet and simply stroked his moustache. His silence caused Vasilevskij to mentall squirm, unsure what Stalin’s reaction would be. After what seemed like ages, but was more likely less than a minute, Stalin finally grunted in what seemed to be approval. After a few more moments, Stalin allowed himself a grim, but genuine, smile. Vasilevskij smiled in return, and Stalin nodded. Vasilevskij’s stewardship of the war, his strategy and his career, remained endorsed by Stalin.
April 18, 1942
Vasilevskij paced up and down in front of the massive wall map of the front, waiting for Stalin to arrive. He had been summoned earlier that day to the Kremlin to fill in for Stalin the details of the war thus far, with emphasis on the past several days, for which he was to make a full report. Vasilevskij was nervous. This was the first time he was seeing Stalin in person since the beginning of the war and he was sure that Stalin would cross-examine him on everything. It could make or break Vasilevskij’s further career, not to mention the war itself. Taking out a piece of cloth from his pocket, Vasilevskij mopped at the sweat forming on his brow before neatly folding it and hastily stuffing it back into his pocket as Stalin entered the room. He saw Stalin’s eyes shift from Vasilevskij to the massive wall map and back almost immediately, and then Stalin calmly sat down behind his desk.
With a nod, Stalin indicated that Vasilevskij should speak. With a brief tightening of his lips, Vasilevskij began. “Before turning to the past few days of operations, I will provide a very brief outline of past operations. Since the beginning of the war on April 1, we have routed the majority of Anglo-German forces out of Lithuania and have now occupied half the country. We have even made attempts to force our way into East Prussia despite the presence of a major German armored concentration of approximately fifteen divisions. In the Ukraine, however, a massive infantry and a large armored concentration have ruptured the lines covered by the 2nd Ukrainian Front, which has serious implications for future operations in the area. I have sent Zhukov’s 2nd Tank Army to reinforce the area. In Scandinavia, we have routed the British attempts at offensive and have begun taking the war to them. I foresee no difficulties there.”
Stalin frowned but said nothing, allowing Vasilevskij to continue. “Now I will touch upon the events of the past five days, since my last report on the 13th. On the 14th, Fedorenko’s 2nd Belorussian Front began a coordinated attack on Konigsberg, from Suwalki, with elements of Berzarin’s 1st Baltic Front. The majority of the 1st Baltic is, however, still moving forward from Jelgava toward Memel and was not present for the first phase of this new battle for the city. Fedorenko, with an aggregate of twenty-one divisions under his command, faced only two British infantry corps—six divisions—under Lieutenant General Gort. Intelligence reports show that he is an aggressive general, but only moderately skilled. Mud inhibited the fullest extent of our operations but the British could not last long regardless; their weaknesses are well documented. Just after sunrise on the next day, they were in full retreat.”
Fighting in Konigsberg continued on the 14th and 15th of April between Soviet and British troops.
“I also authorized an offensive action to be mounted on the 16th, into Romania, from Odessa toward Chisinev. This is being undertaken by the 3rd Ukrainian Front under Colonel General Vlassov despite the appalling rain that has swollen the Prut River. His nine divisions are opposed by only three German divisions under an inferior commander, a Lieutenant General von Greiff. The German troops were fresh and fought hard, but I am pleased to report that this very morning their defensive line was finally broken and they began a withdrawal deeper into Bessarabia. My aim is to establish a firm bridgehead across the Prut River to distract the enemy and force him to commit units that might otherwise strengthen their Stanislawow-Mogilevi Podolski offensives.”
Vlassov’s assault across the Prut River toward Chisinev.
“The day after the Chisinev offensive started, on the 17th, my attention was drawn once more toward Konigsberg. By this time the rest of Berzarin’s 1st Baltic Front reached Memel and took part in the fighting. The Germans seem unwilling to give that city up, and had thrown four infantry corps—a full dozen divisions—into the breach. They were commanded by Colonel General Schniewindt, a skillful general whose single greatest trait is his ability to easily encircle enemy units. He did not, fortunately, have the chance at Konigsberg, though he did affect a tactical withdrawal in the early hours of the 18th. As you may notice, his units were in variable states of disarray. Many were not at all, though as you can see there is one division that has already been decimated to just over brigade strength, having lost nearly two thirds of its men in casualties. This signifies just how difficult the fighting has been already, even in Germany’s peripheral territories. This battle for Konigsberg ended just before the fighting for Chinisev did, also this morning. I am pleased to report that the past several days have been an uninterrupted string of victories.”
Further attritional warfare in and around Konigsberg, where already one German divisions has been drastically ground down.
“I must, however, end on a more somber note as the British have entered the area around Chisinev in minor strength—a single infantry corps. They do not seem inclined to give up any territory they had taken from us. Chisinev will likely become another focal point in this great conflict.”
Stalin continued frowned, as he had been during the entire presentation, but stayed quiet and simply stroked his moustache. His silence caused Vasilevskij to mentall squirm, unsure what Stalin’s reaction would be. After what seemed like ages, but was more likely less than a minute, Stalin finally grunted in what seemed to be approval. After a few more moments, Stalin allowed himself a grim, but genuine, smile. Vasilevskij smiled in return, and Stalin nodded. Vasilevskij’s stewardship of the war, his strategy and his career, remained endorsed by Stalin.
Even with British help, Konigsberg can't last forever. But there are twenty-one more divisions coming north from Thorn. If they arrive in time, they could seriously hinder the offensive.
Seems like the offensive in the North is going well, but will you be able to close the gap before the 15 German divisions escape?
rcduggan: Yep, hindering the offensive is what Discomb wants to do right now
General Jac: Nope. Actually, those twelve divisions in the second battle of Konigsberg mentioned in this update (its probably the third or fourth or sixth or something holistically) came from Alytus
Discomb: That taunt is worse than those made up by Red Mage
First comment day!
General Jac: Nope. Actually, those twelve divisions in the second battle of Konigsberg mentioned in this update (its probably the third or fourth or sixth or something holistically
) came from Alytus Discomb: That taunt is worse than those made up by Red Mage
First comment day!
Damn! I missed the start of the war. Fortunately I see that you're still in the early stages. Seems like the Red Army could really use a big win in the north to ease the pressure along the whole front. Otherwise the situation in the Ukraine looks like it could get very messy.
Fortunately I see that you're still in the early stages. Seems like the Red Army could really use a big win in the north to ease the pressure along the whole front. Otherwise the situation in the Ukraine looks like it could get very messy.
i assume you have written far ahead and have a plan, but id like to see one of your more personal-focused updates soon a battle from someone's perspective would be very good. for me anyway.
a battle from someone's perspective would be very good. for me anyway.