Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[Cloud Strife]

((To the Cabinet and the his Most Christian Majesty, the King. @99KingHigh and all members of the Cabinet.))

To your Most Christian Majesty and your Cabinet,

We have completed preliminary investigation into the incident that took place in Lyon. We have found upon review of the evidence that the both the number and character of the rebels in question were highly exaggerated by those in command. However, it would be beyond the scope of our inquiry to judge that the actions undertaken by chosen in command as illegal, in the sense that there were insurrectionists engaged in anti-government activity that the military acted to counteract. On the face of these facts, we have determined it cannot be proven beyond a reasonable doubt that the officers in question conspired or fabricated such an insurrection. Thus our inquiry cannot corroborate the claims made by the Police Minister that there was a conspiracy by the officers in question to fake a rebellion.

However, it is also readily apparent that the size, scope, and threat of the insurrectionists were greatly exaggerated for want of rewards and honors. We believe it would be prudent to deny such honors to the officers in question to encourage honesty, integrity, and fidelity in the King's army; after all, we cannot make decisions here in Paris if our subordinates would have the nerve to lie to our faces. We recommend no punishment for be given to the rank-and-file, who did not know better, but that General Canuel and the officers under his command who aided, or caused to aid, exaggerations in the size, scope, and threat of the insurrectionists be formally reprimanded, put on half-pay, and transferred to the Army of the Northeast where they can reclaim their honor in service of the Throne.

We must not endeavor to discourage vigorous prosecution of your Majesty's enemies, yet at the same time we would lose the trust of the people if ambitious and unscrupulous men were allowed to fake reports for benefits, and cause unwanted afflictions upon your subjects in the quest for honors. We do not believe General Canuel above redemption and it is also our opinion that any further punishment or investigation will negatively impact the on-going elections, and call into question the ultimate impartiality of the Army.

Thus we also request that Ministers Saint-Aignan and Decazes cease making public statements on this matter, as we believe that no further good can come from litigating this in public.

I have enclosed the relevant documents complied by military investigators with this letter.

Always your humble and obedient servant,
M. Saint-Cyr

 

[Luftwafer]

Name: Jean-Luc Gottoliard
Party: Doctrinaire
Department: Haut-Loire

[Officer]
[No bonus]

 

[ThaHoward]

Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Deputy of the Seine​

My dear Capitaine Lécuyer,

While perusing the latest edition of the Constitutionnel (I know, quite a shock that I hold a subscription, please keep my secret buried in your heart), I was most pleased to see your support for raising the wages devoted to the lower clergy.

The hard work provided by our most esteemed and valorous priests must indeed be better rewarded if we are to ensure the vocation remains interesting to men of quality and good prospects.

I therefore count on your support, in the next Chamber, for I shall certainly petition the Government on this very issue.

Avec vous dans la Foy,

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban

Honored Bishop,

I hope this letteer find you in good health, and the best of luck in your election. Of course one need multiple sources to get a clearer picture, bur fear not I will tell no one.

Now for your petition I believe I need to see it before I can promise something. But as I have said many times I seek cooperation over confrontation. However if the petition lack a model to finance highee salaries I would need other concessions. For example not giving the peers those estates.

Now I would also propose in your petition to increase the salaries of the priests, the salaries of the Arch-Bishops and Bishops are to be lowered to compensate for the increase in expendentitures. Now that is what I can offer for now and hope you can come with a sound plan.

Waiting eager for response,

-Capitaine Lothaire Lécuyer.

 

[99KingHigh]

Voting closed. Update forthcoming.

 

[99KingHigh]

Chapter 3: Réaction à la Réaction
(April 1817 - June 1817)

​

La conspiration du 24ème was a most fantastical affair. The surreptitious assassination of Le Boucher and the trial of Saint Germain became mere elements in what Decazes declared the “Conspiration au bord de l'eau.” [1] Decazes informed the cabinet that the plot had been uncovered by the police; the plotters were said to be planning the seizure of the ministers and the imposition of a new cabinet on Louis XVIII. If the king refused their impressions, the conspirators were allegedly instructed to give him the “Paul I treatment.” The leaders were supposed to be General Canuel and General Donnadieu; and Chateaubriand and other persons in the Ultra-Royalist party were said to be involved. Despite the intense skepticism of the cabinet, Decazes exerted his energies to the dissemination of the conspiracy, and publicized it through anonymous reports in the London Times. These reports were broadened to include the participation of the King’s brother, and create further distrust of the Ultra-Royalist’s loyalties. Dhuizon’s personal distrust of Decazes and the extreme disposition of the accusations ensured that the matter never proceeded beyond minor arrests. The entire affair proved to be nothing but some wild gossip, which had been overheard by minor police agents and inflamed in the hope of making an impression on their superior officers. But the usefulness of the affair was not lost on Decazes — he had succeeded in damaging the public perception of the Ultra-Royalists and fomenting dissension between Louis XVIII and Artois. In the midst of the election, Louis issued an ordinance that stripped Artois of his powers over the national guard, whose central office was abolished by decree. Hereafter the guard was to be a purely local forces under the jurisdiction of mayors and prefects, who reorganized the force by removing elements too favourable to the Ultra-Royalists. Artois tried to intervene directly, and wrote to the King, “Sire, my brother and lord, a longer silence on my part, in present circumstances, would see to me contrary to duty” and he asked for a shake-up of the cabinet and his return to the national guard for the good of the dynasty and the country. When the regal brothers met soon thereafter, they had a stormy interview in which both brothers wept; Artois threatened to resign to Foundtainbeu, then to Spain. The king replied, “No, you will not imitated the miserable brother Louis XIII.” Finally the king drew up a long reply and defended the policies of his government point by point. He concluded the long letter with a personal premonition,”You will find then find yourself caught between two parties, one of which feels it is oppressed by me and the other of which fears it will be by you.” The plea for civility found only deaf ears.

Louis, under the table, Napoleon, in the basket, Wellington and the European Monarchs, around the table. Obviously, La conspiration du 24ème did little to help the French position in Europe.
​

The election thus began under the parameters of great suspicion and apprehension that neither ideological wing could avoid. The infamous Deputé-Capitain Lothaire Lécuyer was accused from the Right of galvanizing liberal members of the wealthy bourgeoisie to the cause of “cautious” franchise expansion, that is, the expansion of the franchise to those of friendly liberal disposition and monied means. From the other side, liberal denunciations towards Les Hommes membership grew as the Chevaliers de la Foi co-opted the organization as its institution of popularization. Even the comte d'Artois was pressed under the utmost scrutiny as the regal heir earned the derision of the newfound liberal opposition. These affairs, depicted in innumerable caricatures and bellicose articles, were not tempered by events. On May 19, 1817 Lécuyer conducted a Veterans League march through Paris and was received with general commendation by the Parisian sans-culottes. The affair was concluded with a sensational declaration that the King had given license for General Lamarque to return homeward, much to the jubilance of the crowd and the chagrin of the crème de la crème. When Louis Joseph, Prince of Condé, passed away the same week, discontented royalists lobbied the government to censure Lecuyer’s group, particularly on the grounds that the League excluded the veterans of the Armée de Condé and the other Armée des émigrés. Despite the cordial nature of the funeral, Condé’s passing channelled the anguish of the Ultra-Royalists, and many were only roused from the defamation of their characters by the reactionary entreaties of Artois, who was eager to consolidate his political domination of the Ultra-Royalists and inspire his compatriots. The duc de Saint-Aigan, emerging as one of Artois’ principal advisers, gave what one could only describe as a “Pavilion speech” at Condé’s funeral. But no matter the oratory conviction of Saint-Aigan or the personal touches of the comte d'Artois, the Ultra electors were largely discouraged by the repetitive slanders, and such dispiritedness was not aided by forthcoming events.

Veterans of the Grand Armeé (left) and the late Prince of Condé (right).
​

Decazes’ next point of business was in Lyons, where certain provincial disturbances had occurred on the eighth of June. In eleven surrounding communes, armed groups began to gather and march towards the city, flying tri tricolored flag. At the same time attacks were directed against the local authorities of Lyons, who were able to put the movement down and proceed to make numerous numerous arrests. The provost courts jumped into action and eleven participants of the rebellion were guillotined. But the prosecution charges revealed that the police had played some role in the action as provocative agents, and the charges were ceased as the measures began to seem excessive given the possible participation. Saint-Cyr decided to send Marshal Marmont to investigate the possible participation of General Canuel, who was accused by Decazes of possible entanglement in the conspiracy with the comte de Chabrol. Saint-Cyr expected Counsel to be vindicated with relative expediency, but Marmont’s hot-headed liberal Chief of Staff, Colonel Fabvier, declared that he had found evidence that the whole affair was the construction of the aforementioned twosome. Several members of the political class were swift to expect the conspiracy of Decazes and slandered him in anonymous articles, backroom cafe discourse, and even theatrical burlettinas. Saint-Aigan believed his own powers had been superseded by the Minister of War, and the Justice Minister was quick to advise the King against investigation less the royal forces become apprehensive of rebel suppression. Saint-Cyr replied to the King with his own suggestions, and was confident that the evidence presented sofar would not prove guilt beyond doubt, but urged reprimand and no further action. Fabvier, however, resolved to take action, and convinced Marmont to cease the provost courts in preparation for prosecution against Canuel. Supported by Decazes, Marmont and Fabier brought charges against General Canuel, who was known throughout Paris to be something of a rascal. But with the council now at recess, and Dhuizon retired to his estate to avoid the electoral tirades, the question of authority became a convoluted mess of interested parties. The King soon received a cascade of letters regarding the Prefect of Rhone comte Chabrol, which vouched for the upright constitution of the representatives and portrayed him of being incapable of such malice.

The accused: Comte Chabrol (left) and General Canuel (right)​

The King was so embarrassed by the matter that he decided to dismiss Chabrol and Canuel, but gave them better positions for compensation. The affair, however, did not end there; Fabvier and Mormont, likely under Decazes’ insistence, published accusations against Chabrol and Canuel in widely read pamphlets across Paris. The King would allow matters to proceed no further than general slander, but Decazes was happy to let the whole dispute unravel as the Ultra-Royalists came under suspicion for provoking uprisings in order to undermine the cabinet's policy of reconciliation and peace. The Constitutionnels were not the only faction to find advantage with the Ultra-Royalist’s misery; the Independents anticipated the réaction à la réaction and shook off the electoral abstentionism that had guided their first election. Under this name Independents were hidden all the enemies of the regime who did not dare avow their true loyalties; republicans, Bonapartists, and Orleanists. Initially this contingent had mixed their votes with the constitutional royalists, but as soon as the Ultra-Royalist situation worsened, the group formed at the extreme left of the chamber as an anti-ministerial group. Their sudden emergence of the Independents owed partially to the actions of the King, partially to that of progressive literature, and partially to the sudden vigor of the party. The first precursor to their emergence was the return of General Lamarque, and the second was that of the expiration of the “one-year” rule in which the Minister of Justice was empowered under the Ordonnance du Roi sur l'affaire de la Justice Royale to take prosecutorial action at the ministerial party’s discretion. These new gentlemen formed under the leadership of Casimir Perier, Dupont l’Eure, the banker Lafitte, La Fayette, Claude Artaud, Manuel, and (of course) Benjamin Constant. Monsieur Constant, long resistant to join the Chamber, was startled to action after reading the accounts of great inequalities in Alexandre Cazal’s Aporie and the kindling of his relationship with the liberal émigré Claude Artaud. The more important members of the group held regular meetings at one or another of their homes, constituting some sort of “executive committee” in opposition to Monsieur Pavilion and the council of the Chevaliers de la Foi. It is suspected that the Freemasons, most whom were honorary members, played a role in the new party, as they had done formerly in the organization of the “patriot party” in 1789. In any case the doctrines of the Freemasons were just the same as that of the new party; popular sovereignty, individual liberty, and hatred of the Catholic Church. Bonapartist influence in this group, which emerged in 1817, added military nationalism and vendetta against the 1815 treaties to this ideological spectrum. Sauvigny said of the new group “Constant and Artaud were the brains of the party, La Fayette its flag, and Laffittee it's moneylender.” Because its papers were always under the utmost scrutiny, they made themselves variable, with the same team of editors publishing successively a series of newspapers with different names. The best known were the Constitutionnel and the Journal du Commerce, which set the example for the forthcoming Ultra publications Conservateur, Minerve, and l'Élan Journal.

The "Independents": Claude Artaud and Benjamin Constant​

The Doctrinaires, in their own cause, were not very much united by philosophy. Left and right wings were to appear during election; the right-wing represented by Richelieu and Dhuizon, and the Left by Decazes, Durand, and Saint-Cyr. The right-wing was less distant in theory than in method from the Ultra-Royalists, while the left-wing defended a political system antithetical to Ultra principle. The entire faction was always considered more influential than their numbers should allow: one journalist remarked “there are four of them and they sometimes boast that there are only three because it seems to them impossible to have four heads to such a force, but at other times they claim there are five of them when they want to frighten their opponents by their large numbers.” The Doctrinaires had furnished a newspaper, the so-called Le Dioclétien, in order to compensate for their rather uninspiring magazine Archives philosophiques, politiques et littéraires, which acted as a partisan adhesive, although the paper itself was nowhere as widely read as the Constitutionnel or the Journal des Débats. The Ultra-Royalists, or rather, those not dissuaded by the turn of recent events, were none too lethargic on the public stage. No other faction could claim the dominance over civil society that the Ultra-Royalists exercised; the Chevaliers de la Foi, Les Hommes d'Artois, and the newly fractured Regenerated Free-Masons (Francs-Régénérés) and their associate group Ordre de Varenne. The cohesion of the party was extraordinary. Mole remarked that “It was seen to rise, sit, speak, and remain silent as one man.” The discipline was the work of the Chevaliers which agreed upon tactics in secret committee and thereafter passed the word along to nonmembers in the meetings held in the home of deputy Piet, a man said to be so unremarkable that he was said to arouse no jealousy and was frequently remarked as the antithesis to later British Prime Minister Sir Reginald Gibbons [2]. In the Chamber of Peers, where the pure royalists also endured minority, the leaders were naturally Chateaubriand, Saint-Aigan, and Polignac. These gentlemen, alongside the Bishop of Montauban (known to Richelieu and the Foreign Minister as Monsignor Deficit), conducted the affairs of the election with the utmost energy and sought to deny Decazes the victory he craved.

The Ultra-Royalist ideal; the romantic painting of the comte de La Rochejaquelein was commissioned by leaders of the Ordre de Varenne ​

The parties found themselves too embroiled in previous controversies to endure the full brunt of electioneering as it was generally believed that whoever emerged from the stench of the last Ministry “the most pristine” would emerge victorious. It had been Decazes’ plot to squeeze out the confidence of the Ultra-Royalists and depose the obstruction that impeded Dhuizon. Only the Saint-Domingue controversy, ignited by Aporie and politicized by l'Élan Journal, surpassed the ministerial fire that the scandalous conspiracies had ignited. For whatever the worth, the Ultra-Royalists were none too contented with allowing Haiti the de facto independence it enjoyed, and many of these pure royalists pressed for France’s reconquest of the island as permitted by the Treaty of Paris. At first, Dhuizon was sucked into the grandeur of the action, but nonetheless approached the issue with his stereotypical reticence and oratory shyness. The king’s favourite — now more practically in charge of the ministry and the moderate right-wing then Dhuizon (if not symbolically independent) — presented the council with four approaches with his own personal skewers. The first, invasion, was the most extreme, and was thus deliberately portrayed as such by Valence. The second and third choices, presented in the middle as the amicable “moderate options,” entertained a negotiated settlement with Haiti or the auction of French rights to the Spanish. The final option opted for the current path of no action. The cabinet Ultra-Royalists proved shyer than their legislative colleagues in the deliberation of this matter, most likely to reconcile their relations with the King Louis XVIII. The change in attitude would prove wholly irrelevant; it would be the Ultra-Royalists this time that would find their advantage lost.

We're trying out some electoral diagrams; bare with us. Thanks to @m.equitum
​

The réaction à la réaction, otherwise known as the election of the 24th of June, wiped out the Ultra-Royalist majority in the lower chamber and gave bicameral dominance to the moderates. The Independents made their own inroads, and secured more than three-dozen seats, but the day was conclusively won by the liberals. The king, in his own mind, felt greatly liberated by the conclusion of the election, and was more then happy to receive the ‘voluntary’ resignations of Saint-Aigen, Berstett, and Dubouchage. Étienne-Denis Pasquier succeeded Saint-Aigan, Louis-Mathieu Molé was given the Colonies, and Durand was appointed to the Interior. Dhuizon was not deposed, but the Prime Minister himself was fatigued by the duties that he was called to perform. The king, Decazes, and Valence, au contraire, were invigorated by the election; Louis wished to press for an electoral reform and prepared for both an ordinance and a law, Decazes sought the consolidation of his own power, and the king’s favourite continued to play the dance of political primacy above the heads of all the King’s men.

[1] An OTL conspiracy.
[2] Praised be to Christ.

-
We will now move to the new style of ad hoc "event" updates until I feel comfortable with long one-update skips. I will post a list of what OTL needed to be addressed during this Parliament so you can take hints from that. I will also be doing royal ordinances and such.

Remember that the rules for proposing legislation have changed by convention. You may now propose as you please.

You can expect the first event tomorrow or the day after, before they become more regular. Legislative proposals, ministerial orders, all that stuff you guys can start rolling in. With the new style I'll be more reactive to your ICs with events and such. It is very likely there will be more then one in a day.

 

[Sneakyflaps]

The Château d’Ecouen had come back to life, now that Condé had made it his primary residence following the passing of his father. The servants didn’t take long to have the halls filled with furniture, the kitchen cooking with food and the maids clearing the house. Not only that, now the crying of the Prince’s new infant child filled the rooms of the Château.

The birth itself had been quick and relatively painless, and the child was more than healthy, eagerly enjoying his small little life as a nurse had already been hired. The old Prince could not help but smile as he looked down, still having to decide upon a name for the young one.

To Henri Jules (Etranger – Private)
My son,

Your speech made me most happy and proud, I hope that you are doing well and have settled into the coming command which you shall receive in the army. I have no doubt that another commission in the army shall do you well, and enhance your career even further. It has always been the occupation of our family and I have no doubt that you will make me most proud.

I also saw that you had brought a younger lady with you. Have you perhaps finally decided to settle down and find yourself a wife, to a certain happiness in marriage and life, to have children?

While we are on the subject of children, I am happy to be able to inform you that Sophia gave birth to a healthy son yesterday. The birth was calm and relaxed, Sophia came through the childbirth with no issue and it was done within only a few hours. I have yet to decide upon his name, but I consider naming him in honour of your grandfather.

With love,
- Your father

To Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget, Bishop of Montauban (Eid3r – private)

Most revered Bishop,

I write to you today as my mistress, Sophia Dawes, has given birth my child, a young and healthy boy that is now in need of a baptism. As such it is my desire to ask if you would do the honour of baptizing my newborn son.

As well to allow us to speak more in private among one another.

Long live the Kingdom
- Louis Henri Joseph, Prince of Condé

 

[DensleyBlair]

Une lettre privée, adressée à M. Benjamin Constant et M. Charles Artaud:

((@99KingHigh @Qwerty7 ))​

Messieurs les Députés,


I ask primarily that you forgive, gentlemen, the intrusion of the letter. I may be known to you, I may not: allow me therefore simply to introduce myself as Alexandre Cazal, homme de lettres. I hope this letter finds you well, and send my greetings.

I congratulate you both on your recent elections to the Chamber. It is spiriting indeed to see those so-called Ultras exposed for the hollow charlatans they truly are. Nevertheless, I am exercised greatly by the lack suffered by we men of solid Liberal inclinations of a recognisable journal. If we are to take this first victory as a precursor to many more, and greater, I believe it to be necessary that we coalesce, in the main, around one single publication—through which we might coordinate our continued work against those obscurantist forces of undying loyalty aspiring only to the safety of their persons through their king.

Therefore, I write to you both to offer humbly two proposals:

The first is, I believe, simple enough: that we must institute at once a new journal for our much-revitalised movement;

The second is the guarantee of protection for such a journal by the expansion and secure codification of press freedoms.

If you find yourselves of similar mind, gentlemen, I invite you humbly to discuss the matters raised further over drinks at my residence at —.

Je reste, Messieurs, votre humble Serviteur,


Alexandre Cazal​

 

[etranger01]

To Louis Henri, Prince of Condé (Sneakyflaps - Private)

Dear Father,

I am greatly pleased at the news. Give my warmest regards to Mme. Harris. Lady Elise sends her best as well. I think that Louis Joseph would be a fine name for him, myself. I shall come to visit as soon as is practicable.

I have fortunate news of my own: Lady Elise has agreed to my proposal and her father has consented to the match. We're contemplating a spring wedding. I do hope that you will attend.

With love,
Your son,
Henri Jules

 

[Cloud Strife]

Paris, after the election.

The collapse of the Ultra majority and the Saint-Cyr's continued pretense in Cabinet cemented the direction of the War Minister. Over the past year he had agitated for the most skilled among those who served the Grand Army and among the Emigres to receive the responsibilities of command. Most were titled--either nobility of the Ancien Regime or rewarded by Bonaparte for their services on the field--and all had unimpeachable records during the Cent Jours. There were others of Saint-Cyr's generation that he thought ought to be reconciled with the new regime, for the betterment of France; his good friend Davout still had much to teach the new generation and Soult knew how to manage logistics better than any of his contemporaries. Perhaps an opportunity would arise to recall them from disgrace? For now, all Saint-Cyr could do was hope that he could redeem his battle brothers soon. The skills that were hard won on far flung fields ought not to be forgotten, for one day France would have to retake her rightful place as the hegemon of Europe and sword-arm of Western Civilization.

Taking a breather from the Lyon Affair, Saint-Cyr summoned General Nicolas Joseph Maison to the War Ministry to receive his orders. His was to be a sweeping command, the Army of the Northeast, with responsibility for defending French territory upon the withdrawal of the Allied occupation. For the moment, he would have to sit put as the Allies were still occupying large swaths of the departments assigned to his command. Maison would be encouraged to use to interim to get to know his subordinates better and to organize the administration of his command. In the meeting between the two men in Saint-Cyr's private office there would be little ceremony. Both had fought in the wild fields of Russia, in Germany against overwhelming odds, and had survived the destruction of Bonaparte's Empire. Though both differed in rank and in age but were peers, in the sense that were of that generation were bonds of brotherhood were forged in blood, smoke, and fire. Both men prayed to God that their number would be the last generation of Frenchmen to endure such misery, privation, and suffering.

"Reporting for duty, as ordered, your Excellency," said Maison with a salute.

"General Maison, good of you to come today. Have a seat, coffee or tea," beckoned Saint-Cyr.

"Tea please, Excellency. We've had enough of that other rot on campaign. I've been delving into the background of my direct subordinates and the quality is... how do I put it bluntly? Lacking, I suppose? I know that the Nord-Est is not the most prestigious of commands but how am I supposed manage a bunch of Ultra aristos?"

"We are all Frenchmen now, General. All Frenchmen. We must reconcile both Bonapartist and Royalist or this experiment of sorts is doomed to failure. Have faith in the people of France, even this tiniest of electorates has delivered a truly Liberal outcome in the Chamber. Honestly, compared to the Terror and the Legislative Corps, France has a chance to grow a wise and beneficial form of government from the ashes of the last two decades of war. Ignore the Ultras, focus on your duties. Even I am tempted to engage in politics every now and then but we must keep our agitation in the Army to matters concerning the Army."

"Excellency, I wish I could share your enthusiasm but I suppose, Excellency, I will make due with what I have on hand. But enough politics, you are as blunt as always Laurent and I wonder how still retain the King's favor. You and your mouth. No change, Republic, Empire, Kingdom, the same bluntness."

"Come now, friend. I cannot unlearn the habits of a lifetime! I will do right by God, that is my guiding principle. Anyway, to return to the topic of your command, you are to--upon the exit of Allied forces--reestablish the presence of the Royal Army in the areas under your protection and keep closely to the terms of the Treaty of Paris and not to operate in the departments designated as the 'buffer zone.' The last thing I need are angry letters from the Foreign Ministry regarding 'excessive behavior' by your command," Saint-Cyr continued. "As stated in your appointment there will be three divisions under your command.

"The Prince of Conde's division will see Nathanaël Barrande, comte de L’Isle-Jourdain, and Jean Luc Gottoliard, serving as legion commanders. Chagnon's division will have Henri Jules de Bourbon, monsieur de Bourbon, and Charles Oudinot, Lord Oudinot, as legion commanders. Finally, Bournier's division will have Alexandre Louis Desrosiers, baron de Roybon, and Charles Perrin, Lord Perrin as commanders of departmental legions.

"A weekly report while your command is located in Paris will suffice, once you have been deployed to the North, take care to make twice-weekly reports. Every month I summarize the activities of the each major command for his Majesty's consumption and I wish to to be as detailed and accurate as possible."

"Sounds straightforward, Excellency. If there is nothing else, I will make my headquarters here and summon my subordinates for council."

"Wonderful. I will call upon you in a few days for updates. If there is nothing else, old friend, you are dismissed. Best of luck and congratulations again on your command."

 

[99KingHigh]

Une lettre privée, adressée à M. Benjamin Constant et M. Charles Artaud:

((@99KingHigh @Qwerty7 ))​

Messieurs les Députés,


I ask primarily that you forgive, gentlemen, the intrusion of the letter. I may be known to you, I may not: allow me therefore simply to introduce myself as Alexandre Cazal, homme de lettres. I hope this letter finds you well, and send my greetings.

I congratulate you both on your recent elections to the Chamber. It is spiriting indeed to see those so-called Ultras exposed for the hollow charlatans they truly are. Nevertheless, I am exercised greatly by the lack suffered by we men of solid Liberal inclinations of a recognisable journal. If we are to take this first victory as a precursor to many more, and greater, I believe it to be necessary that we coalesce, in the main, around one single publication—through which we might coordinate our continued work against those obscurantist forces of undying loyalty aspiring only to the safety of their persons through their king.

Therefore, I write to you both to offer humbly two proposals:

The first is, I believe, simple enough: that we must institute at once a new journal for our much-revitalised movement;

The second is the guarantee of protection for such a journal by the expansion and secure codification of press freedoms.

If you find yourselves of similar mind, gentlemen, I invite you humbly to discuss the matters raised further over drinks at my residence at —.

Je reste, Messieurs, votre humble Serviteur,


Alexandre Cazal​

Monsieur Cazal,

I could not consider a letter from your admired person any breed of instruction, so I am a very much a happy man to receive your letter. I must confess, Monsieur, that I am an admirer of your letters, and found every joy in your recent novel.

Although I surprised, if you would allow my comment, that you are yet unaware of our work in Le Constitutionnel, or perhaps as it is commonly known l'Indépendant. I can say without fear of reprimand that the publication shall be the mouthpiece of our movement, even if we must, with frequency, revise its parameters to stay afloat in the present mood of censorship. Or perhaps, good Monsieur, you suggest a journal; I can then only direct your attention to the Journal du Commerce, which is also known to our movement as friendly to the opinions of critique and ever open to radical submission.

Je reste, Monsieur, votre humble Serviteur,

 

[DensleyBlair]

Monsieur Cazal,

I could not consider a letter from your admired person any breed of instruction, so I am a very much a happy man to receive your letter. I must confess, Monsieur, that I am an admirer of your letters, and found every joy in your recent novel.

Although I surprised, if you would allow my comment, that you are yet unaware of our work in Le Constitutionnel, or perhaps as it is commonly known l'Indépendant. I can say without fear of reprimand that the publication shall be the mouthpiece of our movement, even if we must, with frequency, revise its parameters to stay afloat in the present mood of censorship. Or perhaps, good Monsieur, you suggest a journal; I can then only direct your attention to the Journal du Commerce, which is also known to our movement as friendly to the opinions of critique and ever open to radical submission.

Je reste, Monsieur, votre humble Serviteur,

Monsieur Constant,


I thank you for your swift response. As for your words, Monsieur, they are surely too kind. I am, I must confess, cheered greatly by the news that you received my book well. It is my hope that it might inspire something of a reevaluation of certain realities faced by this country.

Forgive the lack of clarity in my previous letter: if I gave the impression that I was unaware of the vital work of Le Constitutionnel, please alulow me to reassure you that quite the inverse is the case. Indeed, perhaps I should lament not the lack of a publication sympathetic to our movement—indubitably, they are legion—but instead lament their changeability?

If you have faith in the good work of Le Constitutionnel, I shall of course submit myself to your wiser counsel. I remain convinced, however, that if we wish to see our ideas better promoted in the realm of public discourse—and this goes perhaps without saying—we must work to ensure that the publication is assured of certain securities that would prevent any further need to dissolve and reform anew every time the government grows wary.

I shall make enquiries forthwith of our friends at Le Constitutionnel, in anticipation that I may be of service. Meanwhile, I trust the cause of freedom of the presses will not go unsupported.

Je reste, Monsieur, votre humble serviteur,


Cazal​

 

[Eid3r]

((Private @Sneakyflaps ))

Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to his Highness the Prince of Condé​

Votre Altesse,

En toute amitié, I must admit that I was quite shocked and surprised by your most recent letter, in which you announced to me the birth of a child out of wedlock. I was quite certainly taken aback by the casual tone which struck me from reading your words, which I will most gladly attribute to the joyful occasion of welcoming such a gift from God into your esteemed family.

I would be the most despicable guardian of the Faith and a most dreadful purveyor of good moral if I did not remind you of your obligation to be faithful to your loyal wife. The vows of marriage are taken before God and should not be taken lightly, for he shall stand as the judge of our sins at the time of our death.

I shall certainly recommend to your Highness the reading of Hebrews 13:4, which reminds us that "Marriage should be honored by all, and the marriage bed kept pure, for God will judge the adulterer and the sexually immoral". However, shall your Highness deeply regret his sin, you shall find the greatest solace and comfort in the words of John 1:9, which most adequately educate us about God by saying that: "If we confess our sins, he is faithful and just and will forgive us our sins and purify us from all unrighteousness."

But to touch more in depth the most important issue raised by your letter, let me, as a friend, extend to you my congratulations on the most joyous occasion that is the birth of your son. I sincerely hope that it will provide your Highness with the renewed joy of fatherhood and illuminate your quotidien.

It will therefore be my great pleasure to welcome your son in the community of the Faith through the ceremony of the Baptism, which I assume, will take place at the chapel of your own estate. Unless instructed otherwise, I shall head for the Château d'Ecouen with all haste.

If your Highness will indulge in a simple request on my behalf, I would be most grateful not witness the presence of the adulteress while I stay on your domain. It would morally be improper and would be a grievous offence to your wife.

Avec vous dans la Foy,

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban

 

[MadMartigan]

((Private - Doctrinaires))

A pamphlet detailing the different areas of prominent political activity and the leading ideological proponents throughout France is circulated in Doctrinaire circles, funded by M. Duval of Marseilles.

((Edit: Altered to include non-Independent Party independents like Marquis de Valence))

 

[TJDS]

Letter to the Revered Deputy of Gers, the Bishop of Montauban
Private - @Eid3r ​

My revered colleague Monseigneur du Bourget,

I can but only thank you for your positive commentary on my proposals regarding the many sectors of the economy. As I have been unexpectedly honoured with the position of Minister of the Interior, I can assure you that I will make work of my proposals in this new position and bring them to the ears of the King and the Council of Ministers. However, although we are not ideological allies, your support for my proposals in the upcoming session of the Chambre des Députés could only be described as invaluable.

I, therefore, propose, after the Council of Ministers has approved my proposal, that you shall receive a copy of the proposal, before it is to be introduced in the Chambre, to allow you to express either your support or doubts for the proposal or various components of it and allow it to be passed without much unneeded opposition in Parliament.

In eager wait of reply, I believe we could also discuss the practicalities of this matter in the corridors of the Chambre.

Please deign to accept, Sir, this expression of my most humble sentiments,

Victor Henri Marie Louis Durand,
Ministère de l'Intérieur et Député du Nord​

 

[99KingHigh]

A Matter of Princes and Bankers
(September 1817)

It was a matter of HONOR. For himself and for the king.

First to the HOUSES OF HOPE. Later to BARING. The terms were are disgraceful; but the French economy is in shambles.

The installments; 55 million million francs every four months. The creditors are no gentler. He must borrow 384 million francs in order to obtain as money in hand a real capital of 187 million francs, on the annual interest of 17 million.

HOPE and BARING would realize a profit of a hundred per cent on the capital loaned if the state bonds went back up to par, and until then, they would receive an interest of nine-and-a-half percent.

But another INDEMNITY looms above France; the payment of the debts contracted by previous French governments towards individuals in the French-occupied countries.

RICHELIEU estimated this cost at PARIS no more then 200 million francs. But now the CLAIMS have been assessed, and the sum EXCEEDS 1,600 million francs.

The OLDEST and MOST absurd debts are claimed; the Duke of Anhalt-Bernburg CLAIMS the settlement of a contract for furnishing mercenary troops by one of his ancestors to HENRY IV!

VALENCE must reach settlement; but who will answer the call? Who else but the TSAR, who holds influence over WELLINGTON, can reach arbitration. But WHO else but VALENCE does the TSAR hate more?

--
This is a typical event. Often events will be many in a day and particular at characters. You can resolve them through IC and orders (if you wish).

 

[etranger01]

((Private - @Fingon888))

To Jean-Marie Chagnon, général de division, Armée du Nord-Est

Dear Sir,

It is with surpassing pleasure that I am informed of my assignment to your command. I recall with great fondness our discussions in London's emigré quarters and my late grandfather's many favorable references to your service under his command. It is my sincere hope that I can be as indispensable to you as you were to the Grand Condé. I have begun assembling a departmental staff and will be happy to present them for your review at your earliest convenience.

I have taken the liberty of renting a modest building in Paris suitable to accommodate the divisional command, given the somewhat cramped nature of the army headquarters at present, and would be happy to present you with its keys should it meet with your approval. I hope that it will prove sufficient to act as our temporary headquarters until such time as our command area is available.

Please do not hesitate to call upon me if I may be of service in any fashion.

Your humble servant,
Henri Jules de Bourbon

 

[MastahCheef117]

A letter from the comte de Dhuizon to Minister Victor Durant
regarding the possibility of electoral reform.
(( @TJDS ))
​

Good and honorable Sir:

Known to both your person and myself is His Majesty's wish to provide for an expansion of the franchise, or at the very least a reform to the system of electing legislative Deputies. Your feelings on this matter I am most well acquainted with -- or perhaps I would like to think I am -- and you are likewise aware of my beliefs regarding an expansion of constitutional Government, particularly in a downward fashion.

Personal misgivings aside, the King's will must naturally be obeyed at all times. As President of the Council I hereby instruct you to begin devising plans for the best possible way to enact this reform so as to please the King while also maintaining the general character that this Government currently possesses -- that is, a general rejection of republican-esque mob politics promoted by the Bonapartists as well as by the cult of Robespierre. I understand your expectation that law and order remain upheld at all times -- and onto your shoulders I place my expectation of the same. Electoral reform aside, that is always the most important rule.

Should anything plague you in your tackling of this issue, I insist it be directed to my person in all cases.

I remain, as always, your humble servant &c.,

Comte AUGUSTE PHILIPPE de Dhuizon
President of the Council of State

​

 

[ThaHoward]

Paris, after the election.

Lothaire stood on a balcony in a fashionable Hotel overlooking Paris. It was an election Banquet for the upper midlle class in Paris. They were all reveling in their victory and as such the champagne factor were high. They were all laughing, singing and boasting and parading around as if they had just won all of France. One could wonder if all them got the results to the top of their heads or if it was the champagne bubbles. Lothaire retired to the balcony for a moment with is wife and looked over Paris as the sun set. He told her that it was beautiful. He were filled with emotion (or champagne) and would shed some tears as he saw a bright future in the end. "As the sun sets, the darkness of reaction sets too and tommorow liberty rise as the sun rise" he would proclaim to his wife and add that their new child would be born in an age of freedom. Lothaire and his wife would soon retire in to the banquet again and talk with several friends and toast several glasses of champagne. He would then approach the toastmaster, a man of utmost dignity and were so proper in all ways he seemed stiffer than a newly ironed pants among the royal guards. Lothaire would then cling his glass stand up on a table (as most manners had gone out as the champagne went in) and speak up with his full voice.

"Monsiuers and Madames! Citizens of France and Paris! Lovers of the coin or liberty. I am honored to stand here, I am honored that I once more have gotten your confidence to represent your interests in the Chamber of Deputies. I feel honored and a great responsibility and I will do my very best, nay I will do more, to honor this chance you have given me.

There are many men and women of all creeds here. Catholics, protestants, liberals, conservatives, reformists and constiutionalists. And we all have differing opinions. Just because one are a so called Doctrinaire it do not mean that we agree on everything, and the same with the so called Independents. I guess many doctrinaires have more in common with the so called Ultras, and many have more in common with the Liberals.

However I say we have been given a golden ticket. The last Ultra government were detached from reality and more concerned about looking in the mirror to steer the carriage forward. Of course that is impossible, one can't look in the mirror backward to get a view a on how to get forward! And that were proven in the election too, they were stubborn on their last cases, stubborn to brand all who opposed them as Republican or Bonapartists. But we saw the answer, we saw that the King are indeed much more liberal than the ultras think and grew tired of them. As many of us have said the Ultras are more royalist than the king! But now we need to move forward, let us not do the same mistake. Let us not look in the mirror for guidance on how to progress. Do not let us get stuck in the past. Let us look to the horizon! Take up your telescope and examine the horizon, what lies ahead! That is where are to go!

And that is why I will urge that we all come together. Doctrinaire or Liberal or Republican. That we come together and put labels aside. That we sieze the oppurtunity that lie ahead! I'm sure you're all tired of my military phrases and saying "I who am a retired officer bla bla". But I will do so again. My dearest lesson during the wars were that one need to take a moment when it present itself. Take the momentum and go forward! And that is what I ask of you, voters, Peers, Deupties and writers. Let us find what we have in common! Do not let infighting and conflict divide us, do not let our differences tear us apart. If we do so, if we do the mistakes of the Ultras we will soon lose the confidence of our King and the voters. Let us take our small majority and move forward. To steer France and it's people to it's future! If you are a Republican and want a Republic, do not waste your time by abstaining in all votes! Take your chance to for example cooperate with the Doctrinaires to guard the freedom of the press and expand the electorate! And the same I say to the liberals. And for conservative Doctrinaires, come together you too with us. Let us find common ground, both sides need to give some, but will get plenty more in return! Let us think longterm. Let us not waste this moment, let us not fight for 5 years to only let the Ultras come back and revert us back to the dark ages!

So let us cooperate, and let us keep our majority and our momentum. As only then we will gain more liberties, we will revive the economy. And also as I promised I will try to get rid of the wine taxes and the tobaccoo taxes. And here we have several bottles of the finest wine form Bordeaux and Champagne. Let us drink today, let us celebrate for tommorow. For a brighter future. And the next time we meet, when the taxes are gone we can meet again with even more and cheaper wine!

À votre santé!"

Lothaire stepped down to wild applaus and laughter among the participants who got more and more laughter out as the bobbles came in. He would engage in the festivities all night along and truly hoped for a better future.

 

[Eid3r]

((Private @ThaHoward ))

Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Deputy for the Seine​

Dear Captain,

Let me first congratulate you on your electoral success and wish you the best for the momentous task ahead of the great gentlemen of your ideology who know find themselves in control of all levers of power under the King. The responsibility to heal the wounds of the Kingdom now befalls on your colleague and I certainly hope that the next few years will prove beneficial to the realm.

For myself, having been re-elected by the good people of the Gers, I shall certainly continue to carry their voice and concerns in the Chamber, and I look forward to collaborate with the Government on many issues of importance, such as a proper recognition of the work done by the clergy.

On the matter of the wages to be paid to the clergy, I am adamant to the belief that the benefits will outweigh the costs, for the brave clergymen of France are skillful and perform many tasks, from educating the younger minds to tending to the sick and destitute.

I hear your proposal to lower the wages of the Bishops and Archbishops, which could only be construed as the desire for a public gesture of humility. However, I find little fiscal merit in it, on behalf of the simple facts that follows.

First, it is necessary to remember that the number of sees in the Kingdom have been thoroughly reduced, from 136 under His Majesty King Louis XVI, to 60 as stipulated by the Articles organiques attached to the Concordat of 1801. Every bishop and archbishops therefore must tend to the needs of the faithful on a territory which is more than double the historical mean.

Moreover, should we, for the sake of exploring the argument, reduce the wages of the prelates by a ludicrous amount, let us say 50%, the impact on the wages of the 36,000 clergymen would amount to a meagre 13 francs per year.

It is, of course, without counting the fact the many of the prelates actually donate a large amount of their wages to charitable causes, parishioners in need and someone to the purchase of food for the hungry. The proposed diminution would reduce the net amount divested to those noble purposes in an equivalent manner.

Therefore, you will certainly convene with me that a reduction in the wages of the épiscopat can be construed as a gesture, but not be counted upon to affect the fiscal situation of this whole issue in any significant way.

Over the course of the present legislature, I shall certainly have the pleasure to formulate more elaborate thoughts on the matter. I shall without a doubt confide in you and discuss the minutia of my proposals to seek a common ground which shall please a frank majority of the Chamber.

Avec vous dans la Foy,

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban

 

[ThaHoward]

The day after.

((Private letter to @99KingHigh ))

Dear Monsiuer Constant,

You might not know, but I'm a great admirer of you and your work. Your political science book were also of a great inspiration for me as I wrote my degrer. I write to you not to give you - deserved - praise, but to reach out a hand. I am eager to reform our society and our electorate system. I would thus ask you what you have in mind for such reforms and if it could be of interest to cooperate to get it through the chamber.

-Capitaine e Deputee Lothair Lécuyer.

((Private lettee to @TJDS ))

Your excellency,

Congratulations on your minustry! A man such as you are most capable for this task. Now since I got no reply I wonder if you got my last letter? If you're negative please say so. But I once more ask that we can exchange ideas on a common economical reform. I belive it is benefical that doctrinaires find common ground and propose a common plattform at start instead of fall due to lack of direction and unity. We need to take advantage of the cuerrent majority.

Best wishes,
Capitaine Lothair Lécuyer.