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Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

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M. Asbury,

It appears as if the Government has returned to sound management, and that events are moving ahead in a manner much needed once more. Confidence seems to slowly be growing, and as I remain too pre-occupied still, with the matters of the Assembly, and ensuring that the Constitution comes to pass, I need you, as you so often do, to act on my behalf as my agent here in Paris.

The former banks which were taken over by the Bank of France, are to be sold once again, to private interests and the general public. As we both know, banking and the money which was earned off it proved a way for high society to cash in on many new forms of wealth during my Uncle’s monarchy. I have little doubt that this shall remain true, if not all the more so in the decades to come. As you have so often advised me following the sale of our rail shares in 1848, and the diminishing returns of our investment in metallurgy near the border, it is time to once again attempt to diversify our assets. The bank shares, now being sold to the general public, I believe shall provide us with an excellent opportunity.

As such I want you to get a hold of my lawyers, as well as the financial advisers who has so, in previous time, given us such sound advice and aid in negotiations. I want to ensure that they focus on our matter solely, so that they review the assets of the banks, their prospective worth and what a fair price for such generous ownership as the Treasury shall no doubt provide. As you also have connections to other economic men of wisdom, then if seek them out as well. I am willing to pay more than generous for their troubles, and an extra fee for their time should they be otherwise occupied with other matters, so that we shall be best prepared for this coming eventuality.

I want them to be with us, doing whatever negotiations may come, so that they may advise us. For this purpose, I expect from them an early plan mid next week, so that we may begin preparations. I shall speak to them, and to you jointly at Lassay. I look forward to our joint meetings.

Philippe Henri de la Marche​
 
Domadeaux addresses the Assembly

My fellow representatives, I strongly urge you to adopt the proposed Constitution. It was a long and sometimes exhausting labor but ultimately my fellow committee members and I produced a document that incorporates the political beliefs of each faction and creates a stable government that will nurture the new Republic and allow it to grow in harmony. The constitution creates a strong executive that is necessary to provide order and leadership to the state but also creates a strong parliament and judicial system that will protect the rights of citizens and serve as a harmonious partner to the presidency. There are areas that each faction will find fault with but a good compromise always leaves someone a little bit unsatisfied and that is preferable to domination by one faction that leaves the majority alienated.
 
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Nemours pens a letter to his cousin, M. Dentend;

Dear Cousin,

The mail packets traveling from Toulon and arriving at Palermo have revealed to me the extent the genuine forces of stability have begun to aright the ship of state. The proposed Constitution has more sensible aspects than questionable and gives me the highest of hopes that the French people, with all their wisdom and courage, can make the best use of this epoch of history to reconcile past sentiments with future ambitions. You ought to encourage our supporters to move swift passage for the constitution and the whole of the government's legislative agenda. The sooner we can move forward from such tasks, the sooner we can steel ourselves for the true test to come; that election which hangs like a dark cloud on the horizon.

It serves the interests of all Frenchmen that we maintain a united front with those of similar values and mores. Even deprived of their natural leaders by the exclusion clause, the people flocked to men of propriety and virtue.There is no doubt in my mind that this period of Republic will see the best and worst of humanity put on open display; without gentle moderation to restrain such vices, false prophets and charlatans will rise to lure the people to follow them over the cliff. Though, as it follows that disorder begs to be made tidy, the effort to clean up the senseless and petty policies of certain revolutionaries necessitates that we place ourselves at the behest of the public good. The sensible middle path is the best route for France and this minor detour shall be corrected in due time.

Perhaps we have not moved quite to the Anglo-American propensity for orderly faction and party but such efficient organization grew out of informal cooperation. We do not claim a monopoly on truth but rather can offer our expertise, wisdom, and tested guidance for the betterment of the civic condition. While sentiment unites the supporters of the comte de Chambord and theory unites the Radicals, we are united behind practical application of power in a necessarily restrained fashion to both moderate the evil in man and to the enhance the good in him. In such a way it should be our hope that even the most fervent disciple of falsehoods and zealous obscurantism can be redeemed in the fullest manner as a Frenchmen of the modern era, shorn of false pieties and slavish devotion to social theories which restrain freedom and fight against the natural currents of human organization both economic and social.

Fighting against such natural currents has created this sad situation with our friends in finance. It is a shame the government makes the bankers buy back what they own. The feckless policies of the former provisional regime have created a deficit where there once was plenty. Two decades of sensible governance and fiscal restraint have been wiped away in a matter of months. We have not much to do about it besides making sure our finances remain solvent. To that end we are moving our assets from Credit Madrid to a new consortium managed in part by the Pastor brothers, on the advice of abogados in Spain, to ensure our immediate funds are not touched by any problems arising from potential issues related to certain emergency legislation. In regards to our French assets, for the moment it might be necessary to seek out alternative bankers or to buy up a bank of our own in France in order to focus our deposits there.

Lastly, as I have already outlined our plans for the biens de la Maison d'Orléans, I need not repeat prior correspondence here, but we have decided as an addition to your guidance as our steward, that my brother or I will move swiftly upon the abolition of the Property Commission to sort out our father's legacy per his instructions.

There is much work to attend to and I have every faith that each and everyone of us shall do their utmost. Once my business here in the Two Sicilies has ended I am back to Spain to deal with the usual matters.

Cordialement,
Nemours
 
Joachim rosd up and adressed the Assembly while he spoke on behalf of his faction.

"President, messieurs

"It is with great pride and humility the Constitution of the French Republic are presented. The Committee convened not just to present a Constitution, but united under a vision to present the foundation of the State and Government of France that aim to represent not just one side of the Assembly, but to unite and represent the ideological and philosophical pluralism of France.

"Many hours and heated debates was put behind this Constitution yet in the end the varios members, representing the diverse opinions of this Assembly and in turn France, united under the vision of unity and representation. We accept the proposition and we put our faith in this Assembly. That they will accept this Constitution void of radicalism to either side, but founded in moderatism striving toward a common direction.

"To adress the proposals of the government, we can't do anything but commend the first moderate steps of the elected government. The wrongs will be made up for. Peace shall be established, and we put our trust in the current government for their solid course toward moderatism and democracy.

"Let us hope the proposed Constitution and laws will be passed. So that France may again enjoy good governance steered away from the extremes and toward the middle and so the rights to property, order and liberty will be restored where it is needed and safeguarded in the future.

"Merci".
 
Alexandre spends the next few days preparing to buy back shares in his family bank. He goes to various financiers and attempts to secure loans and considers taking loans from nobles who are willing to finance such endevours. He also utilizes his own personal finances and assets he has in Spain to help finance his buyback. All the while grumbling to himself about how the right and left have left him in terrible financial straits in this Republic.
 
”Good members of this Assembly,

We have now presented our proposed Constitution, and while none of us can claim to be singularly happy at the result, or claim that there aren’t anything with which we personally would not see different had we stood alone in this writing. Then the final writing is one which each of us endorses and stands together in proposing to this Assembly. It is a work of compromise, which has sought the ideas, hopes and desires of all political leanings, and peoples, in France, and I fully endorse our end result and hope to see it pass. While it is in the full right of any member of this Assembly, to offer amendments to our proposal, then I believe that no greater compromise can be reached by such desires. Instead, I hope that we may all unite behind this Constitution, for the betterment of France, and as one so that France may finally find rest once more.”
 
"Messieurs,

"While it is true this Constitution provides much more of an executive than we had argued for, I believe it shall serve as the most effective way to put together such a system of government. Under the Constitution, both Parliament and the President shall be empowered, with neither side overtly dominant in matters of governance. Furthermore, it serves to enshrine the most fundamental liberties and virtues of Republicanism while also promoting the best interests of the common man. The Constitution which we propose provides for the betterment of France and the perseverance of our Republic through times of difficulty.

"As for the proposals of the interim government, I must admit that I feel them to be overreaching, especially when we are not far away from a Constitutional government. It is also a clear fact that none of the efforts go to address the crises which face France at the present moment. It seems as if the interim government is more interested in undoing the major efforts of the Provisional Council, rather than improving upon them. To put it lightly, I am afraid that this caretaker government might destroy the social programs established in the wake of the February Revolution. Let us not allow France to be taken backwards by reactionarism couched in reform.

"Merci."

HENRI DEFLANDRE
Delegate for Ourthe
 
CONFISCATION OF THE ASSEMBLY (I)​

Events in Rouen foreshadowed trouble in Paris. The gathering of the Assembly was supposed to conclude the provisionality of the Republic and the government, and happily give France her constitution. This was a view that united monarchists and republicans of all liberal persuasions. Other republicans, particularly those mourning the loss of Nadeau, wished for the opposite. They saw their Republic at the mercy of a conservative Assembly. The enormous Parisian clubs showed no inclination to concede their popular legitimacy; the new Assembly proved an opportunity for mass expression, as well as a threat to their existence. Club organizers in Paris predicted a window of opportunity to reestablish their predominance when the controversial commission into the National Workshops was formed, and as pro-bank and pro-royalty measures were proposed. Polish demonstrations were held on August 11 and August 13, both times blocked from the legislature by the National Guard at the Pont de la Revolution.

-------

AT the PLACE de la BASTILLE, the MARCH begins. The LEADERS try and PREVENT the BRANDISHING of ARMS. Most are UNARMED.

The NATIONAL GUARD is caught SLEEPING! The MARCH is UNEXPECTED!

They number FORTY-THOUSAND and EASILY take the BRIDGE.

The ASSEMBLY is in SESSION! It is STORMED! EVERYWHERE there is the MOB; they demand the LEFT REPRESENTATIVES take the ROSTRUM and demand WAR for the POLES, the BILLION FRANC tax on the RICH, the EXPULSION of TROOPS from PARIS! TRAITORS to THOSE who REFUSE!

WHO WILL SPEAK?

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Mémoires d'un royaliste

GHhI8iS.jpg
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I found myself by the side of M. de Heeckeren, the representative of Alscace, and nearby we saw an old man, certainly not a member of the Assembly, exhorting his turbulent comrades to peace, while they replied by threats. M. de Heeckeren rushed towards the invaders, roughly turned them out, while some representatives applauded this energetic action. M. de Heeckeren then quietly resumed his place, saying, "if they had come from my country they would not have waited for me!" Even closer by were two street Arabian teenagers, and they laughed at the President while he rang his bell in despair.
 
Just when one thought Paris couldn’t stink any more, only to be proven wrong once again as Philippe tried to make it to the Rostrum, or at least a decent position to which to speak from. “People of Paris!” He called first, trying to make sure no one next to him carried a rifle, “People of Paris!” He called out once more, “People of Paris, lend me your ears and let me speak.” He said a third time as he stopped, “Mere months ago, you brought about a revolution, and you showed not only the Government, the Monarchy but France itself your will, your plights and your dissatisfaction and France listened. France abided and France accepted this turn of events, taking part in the new elections which has seen this very Assembly be filled.” Philippe paused for a moment. “Yet this is an Assembly for all of France, not that of Paris, and this Assembly cannot be held hostage or be subject to the will of Paris, no matter how grand it may be. I promise you, that I will labour to ensure that the workshops remain, for I for one cannot send men or their families into poverty. But you must likewise go home, to your families, to your places of work, so that we may continue in the duty which God and France has given us.

You showed us your will before, and now you have marched again, and we once again have listened. But be careful that by your very actions here, that you do not reject or force us, for we are the representatives of France. To do so would be to force France into tyranny, or reject the nation, and in such a case it may very well reject you, and your plights, in return. We respected your plights in February, and we have listened now, but now you must go home. Do not seek to use force or chaos to gain your will, for such a gain will ever only hurt the very soul of our country. Instead vote come next election, for the President, the National Assembly and the Senate, and let your voice be heard, but now go home for you have gained the Republic. Be merry in what you have achieved, for it is grand, but seek not the unreasonable, and do not hold France against its will, for that shall only bring misery to all and make us all weep when we see what damage it may have caused. So return to your families, and all shall once more be well and good for this very Republic, and all of its people, be they in Paris, Rouen, Dijon or the villages that one sees when travelling this good Republic.”
 
Having been cruelly snatched from slumber in his 5th Arrondissement apartment by the sound of tens of thousands of marchers, the Baron Duval had followed them to the outskirts of Assemblée Nationale before being turned away by the sheer anarchy of it all. Proceeding along Rue de l'Universite in a veritable haze, the former prime minister of the Kingdom of France found himself outside Les Invalides. Stumbling around those grounds, where the original Bastille liberators had garnered their arms, filled him with a sense of grim irony. His taste for revolutions had gone sour. He did not think he liked this one very much.

Only an executive empowered with all the powers of the state in the name of the people could save the nation from repeating this cycle of revolution and reaction over and over again.

Down the avenue, the one named after Admiral La Motte-Picquet, was the École Militaire, less than a mile away. There he would awaken the instructors, use whatever aura of command and rhetorical skills he still possessed, and do his best to convince them of the necessity of military intervention. The cadets and officers were not an army, not one capable of stopping thousands anyway, but they would perhaps be enough to arrest those negligent men responsible for all this. Waiting for the right moment, poised to strike, a small group of armed and dedicated men could disrupt the state in a single stroke.

He had to try.
 
((Adrien Dubois got up to speak to the crowd from the "rostrum"))

I Citizens, I hear your shouts, I hear your pleads and I understand you demand simply liberty, the liberty that comes from equality and fraternity.

Liberty for the poles, who are currently being trampled under tyrannical feet foreign and hostile to them!

You demand liberty from the chilling effect of garrisons, which intimidate your security of person and your willingness to express your ideals.

You demand liberty from the threat of destitution, that you justly worry could come about with an abolition of the National Workshops.

You demand liberty from the threat of an existence that see's such heavy emphasis on not how finance can serve France, but on how France can serve finance. As such you understandbly desire an increase in the rate of taxation on the rich, those financiers included to ensure their service to the people of France.

Though you might not express it directly, you are well aware, that the afformentioned issues are l deeply Interwoven. France is under pressure, France has been contained.

For all the complaints of the financiers about our regulations, they are well aware that in continental Europe, there is not a nation of our size and stature, that invites the type of granular oppertunity for investment, than France does. The weight of all of thid economic liberty, as the bankers call it, lies on our shoulders, as ancient aristocratic privilege suffocates it in the rest of Europe.

This leaves out people victim to every desire of financial speculation one can imagine at the expense of the common man in France. The foreign tyranny in other nations, invites the rich to not cede an inch of ground to the social question in France, hence the attack on national workshop.

The arms of the nation glorious at heart but denied externally, has seen little action except against it's fellows. The Bedouin of Algeria are not exactly the fountain of Glory. The brotherhood between the arms and the people, would be well served by asserting it's power not to contain the people, but to empower France in Europe.

Lastly, there is a irreconcilable conflict between our turning away from supporting the liberty of the Polish people and our expression of ourselves as free people. It is a conflict I fear, that can only result in our foreign policy aligning with who we are domestically. If we are to be guradians of liberty at home, we must be friends of liberty abroad. If we are to blind ourselves to tyranny abroad, it is only a matter of time before the infection claims our soul domestically.

The burden of liberty, can not, for all the people's immense strength, be carried by the French alone. We must share this weight with the people of Europe as they are ready to carry it. To that end, I support the people of France and the expression vigor from the people of Paris!
 
Sneakyflaps said:
Just when one thought Paris couldn’t stink any more, only to be proven wrong once again as Philippe tried to make it to the Rostrum, or at least a decent position to which /to speak from. “People of Paris!” He called first, trying to make sure no one next to him carried a rifle, “People of Paris!” He called out once more, “People of Paris, lend me your ears and let me speak.” He said a third time as he stopped, “Mere months ago, you brought about a revolution, and you showed not only the Government, the Monarchy but France itself your will, your plights and your dissatisfaction and France listened. France abided and France accepted this turn of events, taking part in the new elections which has seen this very Assembly be filled.” Philippe paused for a moment. “Yet this is an Assembly for all of France, not that of Paris, and this Assembly cannot be held hostage or be subject to the will of Paris, no matter how grand it may be. I promise you, that I will labour to ensure that the workshops remain, for I for one cannot send men or their families into poverty. But you must likewise go home, to your families, to your places of work, so that we may continue in the duty which God and France has given us.

You showed us your will before, and now you have marched again, and we once again have listened. But be careful that by your very actions here, that you do not reject or force us, for we are the representatives of France. To do so would be to force France into tyranny, or reject the nation, and in such a case it may very well reject you, and your plights, in return. We respected your plights in February, and we have listened now, but now you must go home. Do not seek to use force or chaos to gain your will, for such a gain will ever only hurt the very soul of our country. Instead vote come next election, for the President, the National Assembly and the Senate, and let your voice be heard, but now go home for you have gained the Republic. Be merry in what you have achieved, for it is grand, but seek not the unreasonable, and do not hold France against its will, for that shall only bring misery to all and make us all weep when we see what damage it may have caused. So return to your families, and all shall once more be well and good for this very Republic, and all of its people, be they in Paris, Rouen, Dijon or the villages that one sees when travelling this good Republic.”
Click to expand...

Bioiron said:
((Adrien Dubois got up to speak))

I Citizens, I hear your shouts, I here your pleads and I understand you demand simply liberty.

Liberty for the poles, whi are currently being trampled under imperial feet foreign and hostile to them!

You demand liberty from the chilling effect of garrisons, which intimidate your security of person and your willingness to express your ideals.

You demand liberty from the threat of destitution, that you justly worry could come about with an abolition of the National Workshops.

You demand liberty from the threat of an existence that see's such heavy emphasis on not how finance can serve France, but on how France can serve finance. As such you understandbly desire an increase in the rate of taxation on the rich, those financiers included to ensure their service to the people of France.

Though you might not express it directly, you are well aware, that the afformentioned issues are l deeply Interwoven. France is under pressure, France has been contained.

For all the complaints of the financiers about our regulations, they are well aware that in continental Europe, there is not a nation of our size and stature, that invites the type of granular oppertunity for investment, than France does. The weight of all of thid economic liberty, as the bankers call it, lies on our shoulders, as ancient aristocratic privilege suffocates it in the rest of Europe.

This leaves out people victim to every desire of financial speculation one can imagine at the expense of the common man in France. The foreign tyranny in other nations, invites the rich to not cede an inch of ground to the social question in France, hence the attack on national workshop.

The arms of the nation glorious at heart but denied externally, has seen little action except against it's fellows. The Bedouin of Algeria are not exactly the fountain of Glory. The brotherhood between the arms and the people, would be well served by asserting it's power not to contain the people, but to empower France in Europe.

Lastly, there is a irreconcilable conflict between our turning away from supporting the liberty of the Polish people and our expression of ourselves as free people. It is a conflict I fear, that can only result in our foreign policy aligning with who we are domestically. If we are to be guradians of liberty at home, we must be friends of liberty abroad. If we are to blind ourselves to tyranny abroad, it is only a matter of time before the infection claims our soul domestically.

The burden of liberty, can not, for all the people's immense strength, be carried by the French alone. We must share this weight with the people of Europe as they are ready to carry it. To that end, I support the people of France and the expression vigor from the people of Paris!
Click to expand...

CONFISCATION OF THE ASSEMBLY (II)
​
Representatives TRY and SPEAK, but the ANARCHY is THUNDEROUS, and SPEECHES are DROWNED in the confusion.

Dubois is hoisted on the shoulders; he proclaims his support for their new revolution!

WHAT IS TO BE DONE?

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Les Hommes d'Artois
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The Jacobins saw their chance. Their voice was not enough to take the Grandmastership, and their houses were losing their prominence as a result. The memory of Nadeau shall not be forgotten! Grabbing what they brought out only a few months ago once more, they moved to the Assembly. Further, they moved to seize the Grandmaster. He may be a moderate, but he will not abandon Nadeau now in this time of need.
 
"M. Remusat; depart quickly from the Chamber, and find the 2nd Legion of the National Guard. Take quick word to General Courtais, and the 14th Legion; and I will take speech against the crowd!"
 
Philippe looked at the other conservatives near him as he began to drum on the floor, creating noise and trying to get those near to join him to noise out this crowd in anger, either with their boots or their cain, rather than support, to drum out the people.
 
"Citoyens!

"This is not a new revolution, but a continuance of the Revolution which gave birth to this Republic! Let your presence here today make matters clear to the reactionary opponents of the Republic -- the people of France will not settle for the violation of their God-given rights by a temporary government. The people of France will not stand for a government ignorant to their wants. The people of France will not live beneath the boot of a wasteful and destructive government. It was the popular intention of the formation of the Republic in its Declaration that we endeavor to provide for the Common Man, and by joining us here today, you have made your voices known!

"Let this be a warning to the conservatives who seek to regress France to a prior condition -- if you do not listen to the outcries of the French people, they will make you listen. I demand that the conservatives close the Commission on the National Workshops and turn back all of their attempts to institute a dictatorship under Monsieur Barrot! Furthermore, once this Assembly returns to regular order, I will co-sponsor a declaration of support for the Polish revolutionaries, alongside Monsieur Dubois. You have made your voices heard, my friends, now let France listen!

"The Constitution of the Republic will guarantee the strength and stability of your voices against the wash of opposition peddled by the reactionaries waiting in the wings. Let the Republic survive with your strength and nobility of spirit. Let us end today with a warning for the conservatives. The Revolution was not fought for the Republic to die a young death, and whether or not the interim government acts as it should, the people of France will make clear their dedication to the fundamental precepts of our society.

"Vive la France!"

HENRI DEFLANDRE
Delegate for Ourthe
 
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CONFISCATION OF THE ASSEMBLY (III)


​
THE BEATING OF THE NATIONAL GUARDSMEN IS HEARD; THE TROOPS APPROACH! THROUGHOUT THE ASSEMBLY THERE IS MUCH TERROR.

​
 
Adrien Dubois told the told the crowd to carry him up to a high level in the room opposite to the entrance of the assembly, he made sure to tell those around him to ensure he wouldn't be interuppted, so he could give the speech he tried to do before, with an extra bit tagged in to the end.

As for the national workshops.

To the extent of there being a threat from any of these proceedings, it exists primarly in the form of the proposal of a committee to review the national workshops, one that lacks the power to change them regardless of what they claim to find."

I myself have a proposal to officialize the national workshops, an instiution am sure will thrive and be defended. I have a letter, infact regarding glowing support for this proposal, ((I show the most recent letter from @Andre Messena to those near me)) signed by a member of the constitutional committee, Domadeaux, who is leading figure in the Coalition Napoléonienne, showing that support for this system is rather broad based.


Lastly I say, I am a fair man and I have seen the constitution proposal. It is not a perfect document by any means, primarily due to the lack of our social agenda

"However I will say, as a testament to the power of the people of France, despite the composition of the committee that wrote it, there is nothing that stands in stark opposition to our agenda, either."

"Indeed, the extent of there being a threat from any of these proceedings, it exists primarly in the form of the proposal of a committee to review the national workshops, one that lacks the power to change them regardless of what they claim to find."

Citizens, be ever vigilant, but we have reason to believe, that despite what the established powers might want in their hearts, we are heard, we are heeded.
 
The noise inside the chamber grew wilder, as Lièvremont found himself in parlance with a peculiar invité of the chamber in that day, Msgr. Auteuil. His face was red, and his hands trembled. The monsignor was exceptionally calm, considering the situation. However, even in the middle of the chaos, some of the neighboring people noticed the words which made the monsignor stare wide-eyed at his notable friend:

"The rivers of blood call, Your Eminency. Today we stop the madness. Can I confess the sins I've yet to commit?..."

And Lièvremont dashed closer to the side of the Palace, from where the prayers of all good men of France had been answered by the sweet sound of boots on the ground.
 
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