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Barante, speaking of his dismissal at the Hôtel de Lassy.

I am quite convinced that the cataclysmic is imminent; it may not come today, it may not come tomorrow, but I dread the mistakes of the past. We shall not escape them.
 
With a growing audience brewing in Paris, and the financial success of his Maritime company, M. Disney made the step to print his own magazine, within which was prominently featured his own editorial section. Seeing opportunity, M. Disney distributed his first issue for a pittance among Parisians.

___________________________________________________________________________________________

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THE GRAVEST MARK ON SOCIETY
by F.R. Disney
FIRST - Taking that Man is a being with base requirements: those being divided into the Sensory, the Soul, and the Distributive to take the terms of Fourier's passions.

SECOND - Taking that deprivation of those requirements leads to a breakdown of said Man. He starves and thirsts, whether of the flesh, the spirit, or the mind.

THIRD - Taking that this breakdown runs counter to the health of a Harmonious Society. A Man falls, and Men fall, and Society falls in turn.

Then it can be said that the desire of a Harmonious Society, one wherein there is prosperity and stability, should ultimately be the fulfillment of base requirements. And the antithesis of such a state would therein be the gravest mark on society, an indication of its decline and destruction.

Thus, poverty is above all that evil.

The abolition of poverty has been and must be the function of civilization. Above all is Labour, the concept of the cooperative work of Men. It was manifest in the first farms and served to maximize the yield of the crop to fulfill sensory hunger; it was manifest in the first stories, passed down through generations of early artists to fulfill the soul's desire for substance; it was manifest in the first inventors, who sought novel solutions to fulfill the distributive desire for variety.

So then it must be that we look at our modern society and ask if it stands as a Harmonious Society, if it has fulfilled its function to move further towards the abolition of poverty. The changes of industry, the technological wonder of machinery, has opened for Man the doors to much change, but I say that society has not fully utilized it towards our primary function.

The worker who receives little in pay does not fulfill his senses; who is neglected by his community and his peers does not fulfill his soul; who is confined to a single task does not fulfill his distributive needs.

It can be said then that the progress of poverty has advanced at a speed surpassing the progress of society to combat it. The worker's deprivation is not inherent, for it can be satisfied if just given the needed input. Those who seek to step further towards the Harmonious Society, to further the positive agenda of civilization, must then set themselves forward with the desire to evaluate what inputs then are needed.

Let me say this:

A worker labors in the system of capital, gaining compensation to acquire food to fulfill his needs. But, his pay is little and the cost of necessities high. So it is that we must envision the means to rectify this - is it so simple as to guarantee the worker higher wages? Or should it be that the cost of bread must be guaranteed lower? Or should it be that the system of capital must be reformed so that the worker receives the appropriate return from his work so that his work guarantees his needs?

I do not say that these solutions are simple, nor our problems so blatant - yet I do say that the means in which we pursue the betterment of society, the lenses through which we view our priorities is simple. Poverty is the gravest mark on society, and so in turn its abolition is the greatest mark on society.

So say I then that we must abolish poverty.
 
Event: May Days
In the desperation of the economic deterioration, the March Days were plastered over the front pages of every paper in Europe. Vienna complained that the King's de facto dismissal of Barante had given the mob the initiative; the Tsar publicly admonished the June Monarchy for its severance from legitimacy; Lord Wellington at Apsley House warned that Paris' disturbances was emblematic of popular concessions; and the Comte de Chambord received a thunderous reception at Frohsdorf.

The ministerialists disposed of their typical vacillations and lined behind the forces of order. A provocative speech from the radical deputy, Gillet, aroused the ministry to action. The King convoked the Chamber for an extraordinary adresse from the throne, and gave a forceful speech against anarchy. His stalwart defense of constitutional procedures earned him a round applause from the Right, but the gauche dynastique found no compromise from the ministry in the King's speech. They had hoped the new ministry might adapt the situation to their desires, but finding that the causes of resistance had triumphed, the rest of the gauche dynastique joined with Malvasia.

The ministry had indeed disappointed the progressives, but it had earned temporary life-support from the ministerialists. Gagnon, determined to not hesitate, dressed his guardsmen best, and marched out the National Guards. It was to the convenience of the ministry that the May Days featured the undercarriage of society in greatest numbers, and that socialism frightened the shopkeepers. The National Guards fanned out across Paris, albeit in worringly reduced numbers, and dispersed the crowds in good order, as the crowds had never assumed a violent disposition.

But the opposition now took the rhetoric of force, and skirted around recitations of violence. Malvasia formed the Le Comité des libertés françaises to urge popular resistance and demand government quiescence which never came. Les Hommes rabble-roused in the streets and often dared the dissatisfied National Guardsmen to parlay with firearms. Once the situation in Paris had calmed, the ministry marched out to strike those who had most provoked the disturbances. They decided to make Gillet their sacrifice, but found Articles 43 and 44 of the Charter of 1830 inhibiting their prosecution.

The Left newspapers fanned out in the summer to the political martyrdom of Gillet. The mood in Paris was pitched and tense; disturbances repeated every day met the escalating force of the ministry. Cries that once exclaimed "Vive le Maréchal" now shouted "A bas le ministère! and "Vive le Gilet!" The Right comforted itself on its stolidity, but prosecution against the Left became confused by the chaotic position in the capital, and the juries everywhere were harassed and persuaded by the mob. The case against Gillet could not be sustained, and he slipped out of Paris to evade the prosecutions of the after-session.

By the time of the August recess, the ministry was confident that Paris could be subdued. Violent demonstrations had receded by the force of the martial forces, but the city was also now hostile to the ministry, and indeed, to the King. In the Hôtel de Lassy, Barante confided to the Princess: I am quite convinced that the cataclysmic is imminent; it may not come today, it may not come tomorrow, but I dread the mistakes of the past. We shall not escape them.


-
I hear something.

Make sure you vote by the 24 hr deadline.
 
Law on the Renovation of Parisian Streets: No
Law on the Loan of Three-Hundred and Fifty Million: Abst.
Law on the Creation of a Commission Concerning Railways: Oui
Law on the Capital-Allocation: Oui
Amendment to the Law on the Cens Électoral: Oui
Law on the Modernisation of France: Oui
Law on National Workshops: Oui

[None]
[Radical]
[Saint-Lo]
 
Law on the Renovation of Parisian Streets: No
Law on the Loan of Three-Hundred and Fifty Million: No
Law on the Creation of a Commission Concerning Railways: No
Law on the Capital-Allocation: Oui
Amendment to the Law on the Cens Électoral: Oui
Law on the Modernisation of France: Oui
Law on National Workshops: Oui

[None]
[Radical]
[Seine Maritime]
 
Law on the Renovation of Parisian Streets: No
Law on the Loan of Three-Hundred and Fifty Million: Abst.
Law on the Creation of a Commission Concerning Railways: Abst.
Law on the Capital-Allocation: Abst.
Amendment to the Law on the Cens Électoral: Oui
Law on the Modernisation of France: Oui
Law on National Workshops: Oui

[Scion of 1830: +1 PP]
[Gauche dynastique - Idealist]
[Marseilles]
 
Law on the Renovation of Parisian Streets: Oui
Law on the Loan of Three-Hundred and Fifty Million: Oui
Law on the Creation of a Commission Concerning Railways: Oui
Law on the Capital-Allocation: No
Amendment to the Law on the Cens Électoral: No
Law on the Modernisation of France: No
Law on National Workshops: No

[+2 PP]
[Politique-Ministerialists]

- Barante
 
Law on the Renovation of Parisian Streets: No
Law on the Loan of Three-Hundred and Fifty Million: No
Law on the Creation of a Commission Concerning Railways: Oui
Law on the Capital-Allocation: Oui
Amendment to the Law on the Cens Électoral: Oui
Law on the Modernisation of France: Abst.
Law on National Workshops: Oui

[New To Town (0)]
[Radicals]
[Siene]

- Jean-Baptiste Tholomyes
 
Excerpt from the King's Daily Diary, August 1849

We continue to stumble forward, somehow avoiding a full rupture here in Paris, yet with every movement edging us closer and closer. I have had the great fortune during the course of my reign to have the services of excellent ministers, who in their time, charted the course of France with minimal input from my person on matters I consider procedural to the exercise of government. Alas, the latest crisis has drawn me more and more into consultations with my ministers and what has been done to pacify the angst of France, now and surely in the past, in my name has given me at times, pause.

Now when I look into my mirror I do not see my jovial, old self but that of my dear cousin; a man whose friendship and loyalty I once held dearly. Perhaps he was right about one thing regarding my repeated professions of the liberal and honest nature of humanity in our discussions; humans forget and especially forget those memories contradictory to their beliefs. Hardly a soul remembers 1789 or the Ancien Regime, how sweet those times were. In the cafes they talk of the virtues of Democracy, of America--though most have never stepped on those shores to witness in their own eyes the reality of it--and of 'Reform.' I have even lived long enough to have the indignity of being called a prisoner in my home, a "senile man in need of rescue." What rubbish. It seems more and more clear to me that the children have not heeded the lessons of their fathers and the old falsehoods are again being fashioned anew to persuade the seeker and to seduce the forgetful.

In dwelling upon all these thoughts I have pondered if a change in Head of State would quiet the situation before us. Yet, my sons and my wife have convinced me that I must endure for my grandson. I expected my wife, Joinville, and Aumale to be articulate in their arguments but what surprised me was the decisiveness of my son Nemours. Louis-Charles has always been a boy not inclined to the use of rhetoric, indeed, he is the opposite of my much missed eldest. In many ways the late Dauphin cast a shadow on Louis-Charles and it pained me to watch the ways he chose to escape that self-perceived cage. In truth, Ferdinand-Philippe was always in awe of Nemours' self-assured nature combined with a coolness in times of crisis; talents he regularly displayed in Algeria. Therefore, I should have expected Nemours to argue strongly for the rights of the Dauphin, my grandson, to enjoy childhood without the burdens of state falling upon him that swayed me thus. Such a line of thinking has given me strength to call upon in these days.

Indeed, I ought to take inspiration from my childhood days. Penniless and friendless, I had to fend for myself as the Revolution began to swallow up everything in its path. It is true I enjoyed all the benefits of an aristo that a member of the high born could be had in the Ancien Regime but unlike much of the elite--now and today--I have gone hungry, I have known living on a salary, I have seen the New World, and had the privilege to fulfill my family's ancient ambition, to rule France. As much as I ran away from the traditional intrigues when the time came to land the final blow, I did so with a smile on my face. And much like the intellectuals and academics who now proffer advice on the streets, I thought that my combination of education and life experience could be uniquely employed for the glory of France. There would be no man better suited for the task than I.

How wrong was I in such thoughts. There are no indispensable men.

Those now who desire this bit of velvet, wood, and gilt that I sit upon are making the same mistake which I made all those years ago. And with a smile on their face.
 
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Legislative Session 1849


Law on the Renovation of Parisian Streets: Oui
Law on the Loan of Three-Hundred and Fifty Million: Je m'abstiens

Law on the Creation of a Commission Concerning Railways: Oui
Law on the Capital-Allocation: Oui
Amendment to the Law on the Cens Électoral: Oui
Law on the Modernisation of France: Je m'abstiens
Law on National Workshops: Je m'abstiens


[-1PP, In Exile]
[Haute-Loire]


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To the Baron Descombes
(@naxhi24)


MONSIEUR -- I have been given to understand that a proposal, titled the Law for the Modernisation of France, is being advanced in the Chamber of Deputies, and that such a proposal calls for extensive government intervention in the construction of railway lines across the country.

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There is no doubt that rail links are a vital component of modernization and that, of late, firms involved in rail construction have come under immense financial pressure, some becoming insolvent in recent years. I am convinced that the intent of the measure is to bring a degree of stability to the rail construction sector, to provide gainful employment to many hardworking Frenchmen and, in broad terms, to aid in the industrialization of France.

Nonetheless, I am concerned, should the proposed projet de loi enter into force, that those private firms which yet remain -- some clinging to profitability by razor thin margins -- will be placed in direct competition with the state for the limited resources required in railway construction, and that the state will, by means of preferential procurement, secure for itself favourable terms for the purchasing of these resources.

The prospective impact on private investment in railway construction is perhaps most pronounced when one considers the scale of the state investment being proposed, with railway construction contemplated in departments throughout the country.


dj8UzH9.png

Departments implicated in proposed Railway Construction

As the projet de loi being advanced would require the release of funds from the State Treasury, I am directing this letter to you, in your capacity as Minister of Finance, seeking clarification with respect to the intent of this proposed law and any complementary measures being considered to address the potential displacement of private investment in railway construction. Je vous prie d’agréer, Monsieur, mes salutations distinguées.




VhwirFs.png
 
Law on the Renovation of Parisian Streets: Oui
Law on the Loan of Three-Hundred and Fifty Million: Oui
Law on the Creation of a Commission Concerning Railways: Oui
Law on the Capital-Allocation: No
Amendment to the Law on the Cens Électoral: No
Law on the Modernisation of France: No
Law on National Workshops: No

[Je ne me l’ai rappelé encore: +N PP]
[Légitimistes Ralliés]
[Calvados]
 
Excerpt from the personal diary of the Princesse of Armentières
Paris, 1849

The days are gray and dull. Most of the great society has left for the safety of their country estates. The capital remains calm, but none is fooled, there is a storm brewing on the horizon.

How terrible these days must be for my royal uncle, a man entirely devoted to the Kingdom, who never neglected his duties and who sacrificed his best years in the service of the ungrateful population who now are clamoring for more. It is always more, with the people, they are never satisfied. Can’t they enjoy their pittance and raise their children calmly and quietly like we do?

I find personal distaste in the actions of many politicians, guided by hubris and ambition. I remember grandfather explaining me that to be of good service of the nation, one had to possess solid moral principles, a taste for order and pious religion. I fear that such men are in short supplies in the times we live in.

I fear there will be a reckoning. The malcontents will find a pretext to agitate the people of Paris. I have not been sitting idle, like the beautiful bird in her golden cage. For the past weeks, I have recalled good men from my estates, sure hands, whom I now employ as a tentative security forces. They will officially renovate the east wing of the Hôtel. Who is to know that work is not progressing at all?

They yell that we are children of privilege, yet, they lift their nose at my proposal for young girls education. I have certainly not chosen the circumstances of my birth, I made due with what was given to me. It is sad that we have come to live in a world where honest privilege must be defended. But defended it shall be.
 
That what he feared had happened. The inability of the Right to concede to meaningful reforms was the fuel that was needed to light up Paris. The city and country that he loved and had bled for in Algeria was torn apart by radicals who led the uneducated plebians astray. Joachim had seen insurrections in Algeria before and it frightened him it was about to come in his beloved Paris. War and death - needless bloodshed - was again on the horizon.

In a rare occurence Joachim left the confinements of the Palaise Royal and the salons of France. In a theatrical display he rode out on a white horse flanked by the plain tricolour on his right side and the tricolour with the coat of arms on the left. Joachim decided in these dire times action was needed. To meet the needs and cries of the people head on instead of hiding in the Bourse, palais bourbon or some salons. He did not like it, but in order to prevent the usurpation of the Idealists and Radicals the Parti du Mouvement needed to take a significant step to the left whilst remaining a supporter of the June Monarchy and opposed to insurrection. The Duke of Lécuyer came to the crowds and made his speech.

"Paris hear me today! I come before you as my father did 19 years ago. When he was proclaimed martyr of the Three Glorious Days, as he charged across the bridge when the Bourbons had the upperhand. His death and sacrifice along with countless others, let then be artisans or National Guardsmen, led to the fall of a tyrant and a liberal monarchy.

"Paris I come here today to defend liberalism and a society based on Liberty. Just as my father before and just as I did in Algeria. I come here in defense of the true legacy, the true vision and the true Ideals of 1830. Like my father before me, and like the House of Lécuyer ever since. Let me state that the Left as a whole are united in Parliament. United in our desire for electoral reform and united in our desire for economic reform.

"Paris never before have the Mouvement included the Radicals in the Parliament for the development of economic reforms. Never before have universal suffrage been brought up in legislation. But it is today. Broad parts of the Mouvement, Anversois and even radicals have come to an agreement on an economic law. The issue of universal suffrage is debated for the first time as we speak. Yet there are those who misuse your pligth for their own needs. Don't let their agitization ruin your one true chance of peaceful reforms.

"Return home. Return to your wives, children and your homes. Don't let illiberal elements usher us into terror. To let illiberal movements ruin our chance for economic and parliamentary reform. Let the King do what he desire the most; liberal reforms.

"Let us unite behind our King. Behind the true Ideals of 1830 and not the perversion of 1830 as some advocate. All here who return home now are guaranteed compensation from the Lécuyer Foundation and Front Lécuyer.

"Let us not forget the King made the last government out of touch with reality resign. That he had enough with their submission to reaction and the Emperor of Austria. Instead he chose a war hero to lead us. The hero who subjucated Algeria for the glory of France! Our true enemy is reaction led on by certain countries in central Europe. Our enemies are not our brothers and sisters; the French. Our true enemies wish to divide us and conquer. Who else are better to lead us against them than a Marshal?

"Let the Deputies pass the reforms. Return home to your loved ones and follow the true Ideals of 1830 and not extremists. In the next election the Mouvement will gain the majority and pass further reforms. Only then can we achieve true self-governance".

Joachim turned around and was shaking. He had feared his own demise and did not wish to provoke the wrath of the lower classes. He remembered their fury as a child. His worst fear came true, and he cursed the Resistance. Their dogmatic desire for no change might bring about the greatest change in France.
 
Courrier français

There's a People outside Paris
By Adrien Dubois
The ministry's response to the current crisis, is overwhelming Paris focused. They seem to be operating under assumption that if they can successfully supressing the Parisian people, they can dodge the nessicity of reform. This has guided their rethoric and force deployment. It has even gone as far as guiding their infrastructure designs on renovating paris, to make it harder for people to attack the government through the door the June monarchy came in. But what the ministry and much of the opposition seems to forget, is that for all the multitudes of shop keepers, urban workers and artisans they disenfranchise, or allow to remain unemployed in Paris, they do the same for many multitudes more outside of Paris. For all the anger and frustration seen inside of Paris, multitudes more feel the same outside of Paris.

Nevermind the cities alone, many a farmer had been hit hard by the famine and where they have started to recover they only have just begun. Not to mention those who live in rural France often didn't have much in the way of prosperity to start with. Then to fall further still and what do they turn to see in Paris? A government mostly concerned with stamping down the fire in this one house, not carring to rectify the cause of the fire, nevermind the blazing inferno in the surrounding neighborhood.

There is a people outside Paris and the ministry, will inevitably have to learn this one way or another.
 
Make sure all your votes are in by 4 PM EST. Make sure to include your party affiliation in your ballot if you want your vote counted in the election.

Edit: For stupid people, I'm not asking you to vote again. I'm asking you to include your party affiliation in your legislative slate ballot.
 
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A pamphlet is snuck into Paris and printed in mass to be distributed and read to crowds on the streets of Paris and in bars and cafés.
La Nécessité de L'Action
Écrit par Reynaud Gillet

The government has shown itself to be powerless in the face of popular opposition. Yes, my friends, they have dispersed the crowds that gathered to protest the present deplorable conditions without our country. By doing so they have turned the whole of Paris against themselves. Even now I have heard of defections from within the National Guard from men sick and tired of the government’s ignorance of the needs of the working man. France is ripe for change.
Even now I am still being hunted down by government forces, no doubt wishing to make an example of me for flagrantly violating their laws meant to silence the clamoring voices of the teeming masses. Do not despair, my friends, for even if they find me we have begun the next stage in the fight for liberté within France and it shall not fall because of the capture of one man. You are the forces of liberté who will bring this government down and usher in true réforme démocratique. You are the suffering masses who go hungry and jobless while government ministers feast on the spoils of office. They have no clue nor care about the condition you are in, they would rather tear your homes down and send France into further debt than grant you liberté or extend the franchise to all men. These creatures of the French aristocracy, so devoid of empathy and compassion, do not care but one bit for you who they are not beholden to. This is by design, for they fear what might happen if you are allowed to enter the political process and render a verdict upon their mismanagement of our great country. They are but cowards hiding behind the cloak of institutions that have been created in their favor. No more, I say! We shall remove this cloak and expose bare the reality that they have refused to accept.
Citoyens, now is the time for action. Even as you read, the government has been working to dull the edge of popular anger in order to bend the citoyens de Paris to their will. You must resist, my fellow countrymen! The government has retreated behind proclamations of martial law because they fear your might! The will of the people is greater than the power of a few cowardly men, hiding behind the titles and authority of their offices. They do not know the suffering the people have face under their failed policies! They do not know the anger at being deprived of the liberté to vote, the liberté to speak openly against their incompetence and corruption. At facing hunger, joblessness, and financial crisis and having no voice to express your rage that they have allowed this situation to persist. They say they want to protect that Charter of 1830 but this Charter means nothing for the common Frenchmen who has been silenced under it. France is spiraling out of control under their watch and they think YOU will just stand by and let it happen while they further endebten France for their misguided wars against democratie et liberté in Europe. Enough is enough!
It is time to seize the destiny of France away from those who wish to lead her astray. It is time to return government to the people, where it belongs, and not to the aristocrats and monied men who now control it. The promise of 1830 was a promise for a government of the people and that promise still has yet to be fulfilled. The Comité des libertés françaises has gathered support to fight for the French people. Others are gathering men to fight for the liberté of all Frenchmen. Mes concitoyens, it is time to join them in the fight for the future of France! We have struck fear into the heart of the government, now is the time to show them why they should be afraid of the might of les gens de Paris, the greatest fighters for liberté, egalité, et fraternité in all of France! Go forth, my brothers in arms, for the moment has come for us to deliver the final blow to this feeble and hobbled ministry of tyranny!
 
A pamphlet is circulated in the streets of Paris…

La liberté ne nourrit pas nos enfants

By Auguste de la Pléiade​

Liberté! Liberté! Liberté! These are the words used by some hopeless revolutionaries trying to hide the vacuity of their political reasoning and their inability to put forward any concrete proposals for the welfare of the nation. Do you hear them muttering in your ears? The convicted felons, the malcontents and cast-aside, those who seek power for the lust of power, with no idea what to do with it?

They preach about change, they preach about the suffrage and they preach about liberty. These new Jesuits would want you to discard a governing system on the basis of disagreeing with the current government. What they don’t tell you is that they simply wish to obtain power by other means, as they fail to convince by true words. They resort to calumny, division and lies.

Yes, it is true, the situation of the masses is dire. Families are struggling to feed their children. But can you tell me how the suffrage will change this situation? Frenchmen need employment, not the suffrage. And how is employment to be gained anew? Is it by the proposal of careful fiscal policies? Or by the wishful thinking of a minority who believes that the overthrow of our institutions, in which they did not thrive because of their own lack of leadership, would lead to brighter days even though it would mean terrible societal and economical upheavals.

Good people of Paris and of France. Do not listen to these new sycophants. While the current government might certainly be flawed, it is by far, more competent and devoted to the people that the ambitious brood trying to foment sedition for their own gain.

In this election, let us rally in good order around our King, away from the ambitious rabble-rousers.